McConnell is particularly eager to accomplish another quick judicial spree because anyone not confirmed will have to start the confirmation process all over again next year. With the holiday recess looming, there isn’t time to confirm all 18 nominees without cooperation from the Democrats — who are loath to strike a deal with the man who’s been steamrolling them on judges in the five years since he became majority leader.

But Republicans are ready to get tough: Sen. John Thune (R-S.D.), McConnell’s top deputy, says if Democrats agree to confirm the judges quickly, they’ll get their judicial picks in blue states like Connecticut, Illinois and New York, the home state of Minority Leader Chuck Schumer. But if Democrats resist, all bets are off.

“It depends on whether or not the Democrats want to play ball,” Thune said. “Their judges, we can get them all done if they’re willing to do a package. If they aren’t, we’ll kind of try to do them the old-fashioned way.” That would mean a marathon series of votes on GOP nominees with judges backed by Democrats sidelined.

Chuck Schumer’s Democrats say they have no intention of making a deal with McConnell.

“They’ve threatened this before. There won’t be a package,” said a Senate Democratic aide.

The effort to clear the judicial decks before 2020 and January’s impeachment trial is just the latest power play from a Senate majority leader hellbent on leaving an indelible stamp on the federal judiciary. The repercussions will reverberate for years regardless of the next elections, as right-leaning courts scrutinize progressive laws passed by Congress and the states.

McConnell’s moves toward record-setting confirmations of young, conservative jurists is part of a two-part strategy he’s executed: Block Obama’s picks in 2015 and 2016, then prioritize confirmations of Trump’s.

The moves have been assailed by Democrats, who describe McConnell’s Senate as a “legislative graveyard,” where amendments are rare and House-passed bills languish. Yet McConnell’s tactics have put Democrats in a steep hole that will be difficult to battle out of even if they have a sweeping win in 2020: Republicans have a conservative majority on the Supreme Court, seven of 12 appellate circuits and are now turning their sights to the District courts. Overall, Trump is confirming judges faster than any president but Jimmy Carter.

"I don't know if there are any positions that are going to be left to be filled,” said Sen. Jon Tester (D-Mont.).

McConnell is “focused, determined to leave this legacy of pushing the courts far to the right,” agreed Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), the minority whip. “And under the current rules and the current president, he’s achieved it.”

The relentless focus of using roll call votes to confirm judicial nominees is something relatively new in the modern era, birthed by Democrats filibustering President George W. Bush’s circuit court nominees and accelerated by the GOP blockade of Obama’s picks. To get around those filibusters, former Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) eventually changed the Senate rules in 2013 to gut the filibuster and boost Obama’s numbers.

But McConnell has taken the drive to a new level, particularly since Democrats captured the House. He and Judiciary Chairman Lindsey Graham also avoided seeking Democratic buy-in on Circuit Court nominees, bending those courts in a more conservative direction.

And rather than try to cut deals with Speaker Nancy Pelosi on legislation, the GOP leader has instead focused on the longer-term project of undoing Reid and Obama’s work on the lower courts. And of course, that comes after his decision to deny Obama a chance to fill a Supreme Court vacancy.

Even McConnell’s own members have grown frustrated at times with the dearth of legislating, with some now hoping the Senate shifts its focus.

“Legislation. I’m so excited. Hooray!” deadpanned Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska.). “There’s a lot we need to do legislatively. We’re ready to roll.”

Still, the judicial numbers are staggering. In three years, McConnell has confirmed two Supreme Court justices, 50 Circuit judges and 120 District judges. That last figure is roughly on pace with previous presidents, but McConnell is doing his best to outdo them.

He’s changed the rules to cut off a day of debate time for District judges and has a full calendar year to work on filling the roughly 80 vacancies as of Wednesday afternoon.

Democrats have some procedural tools at their disposal, including the ability to block those nominees in committee by withholding blue slips and delaying nominees as much as they can.

But many in the party fighting over the judiciary argue the best antidote is a big win next November.

“Take back the Senate,” advised Sen. Chris Coons (D-Del.). “I hope that voters considering which candidate and which party to support in the next election will weigh the very long-term consequences of filling our Circuit courts with young ideologues.”

Some Democrats are beginning to think a little bigger.

The size of the judiciary has been little changed since Carter expanded the lower-level courts. Progressive activists argue it’s time for an update.

Brian Fallon, executive director of Demand Justice and a former Schumer aide, said his party should begin writing a bill expanding the judiciary “that takes as its starting point the existing, nonpartisan request for scores of seats to be added across the lower courts.”

“Democrats are wrong to think the solution involves simply winning the next election so we can have our turn to nominate people again,” Fallon added. “Filling judicial vacancies that arise in the normal course will not undo the fundamental shift that is happening under Trump.”

Though some Democratic presidential candidates have been open to expanding the Supreme Court, most Democratic lawmakers aren’t there yet.

As for McConnell, he has observed that eventually, the other party may get its turn for revenge.

“Who knows,” McConnell said. “At some point they’ll have an opportunity to take advantage of the more expedited process that we now have… but that depends on future elections.”

Marianne LeVine contributed to this report.