LEADERS of the European Union have the euro crisis to discuss at their summit on June 28th-29th. Perhaps surprisingly, Montenegro will also be on the agenda (and not because it uses the euro despite not being in the euro zone, leading some to speculate that Greece may follow its example). Most countries favour opening membership talks with the six-year-old Balkan country of just over 600,000 people. But it may not happen. The Bulgarians say that to hold Montenegro back at this stage would be unfair, but Sweden is not alone in wanting more proof of a genuine fight against organised crime and corruption.

The country's courts have just offered some help. On June 5th a former mayor of Budva was jailed for corruption. Sent down with him was Dragan Marovic, his former deputy. By coincidence Mr Marovic's brother is a political foe of Milo Djukanovic, who has dominated Montenegrin politics for more than two decades and heads the ruling party. When Ivo Sanader, a former Croatian prime minister, was arrested in December 2010, impressed EU leaders were quick to accept Croatia as the club's 28th member next year. But it also happened to be politically convenient for Croatia's then prime minister. Mr Marovic claims that he has been sentenced in a show trial purely to impress the EU. Accusations of high-level corruption and the collusion of officials, bankers and drug barons come thick and fast in Montenegro. It is hard to separate fact from political mudslinging. Igor Luksic, the prime minister, insists that corruption “must be investigated to the end”. But Vanja Calovic, an anti-corruption crusader, suggests that Mr Luksic is prime minister “only to execute the decisions of Mr Djukanovic”—and that the fight against organised crime is a charade. Ms Calovic, whom polls show is one of the most popular people in the country, has been organising protests to demand that Mr Luksic step down. Soon after they began in January, there was excited talk of a “Montenegrin Spring”. But now the numbers of protesters have dwindled—and Mr Luksic is still in place. If Montenegro secures its membership talks (putting it ahead of Macedonia, Serbia and Bosnia), the government may call an early election. Daliborka Uljarevic, who writes a newspaper column, says that, when Mr Luksic became prime minister in 2010, there was a lot of enthusiasm for him. Now, she says, many think he has failed to live up to expectations. Yet nobody looks capable of doing a better job.

The economy is limping. GDP grew by 2.2% in 2011, but it is not expected to do better than 1% this year. The average monthly salary after tax is €491 ($646). The opposition has failed to reinvent itself since the 2006 divorce from Serbia. This may be why so many now have hopes for Ms Calovic. But she faces big hurdles. In its six years, no government in Montenegro has been tossed out at the ballot box.

Igor Milosevic, who runs a non-governmental organisation promoting civic activism, sees this as a psychological barrier. Everybody wants change, but many fear it as well. Jobs are hard to find and public-sector ones often go with party membership. Mr Luksic claims that, as far as he is concerned, Montenegrins believe his party is the only rational choice. “The opposition is not coming through,” he says.