In some places, Sanders’s revolution is kicking down an open door. Zephyr Teachout's landslide victory in New York's 19th Congressional District Democratic primary gave Sanders his first glowing headlines in weeks — "Sanders backed-candidate wins House primary," for example. There was a little less attention paid to the results in 24th District, where Social Security expert Eric Kingson lost by 17 points to Colleen Deacon, the candidate favored by the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee.

If the defeat of Lucy Flores in Nevada can be understood as a flawed candidate failing to translate the Sanders movement into votes, the New York results emphasize just how much was going on in the Democratic Party when Sanders arrived. Teachout ran for governor in 2014, winning much of New York outside the five boroughs in a primary against incumbent and dynasty Gov. Andrew Cuomo (D). Kingson had never run for office until this year, but he was competitive with Deacon in fundraising even before Sanders asked supporters to back him.

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Sanders's support brought new national attention to the races, but Sanders's issues were already defining them. Covering the final debate for the 24th District in New York, I was struck by just how little daylight there was between Deacon and Kingson. The "establishment" candidate favored a minimum wage hike and was at least listening to Kingson on how to expand Social Security.

Turnout: Still terrible. When he stumped in Syracuse, N.Y., Sanders told voters that "just 7,000 or 8,000 votes" would be enough to nominate Kingson. It sounded achievable. The 24th District is composed of Cayuga, Onondaga and Wayne counties, and part of Oswego County. And in April, Sanders won 18,057 votes in Onondaga alone.

On Tuesday, Kingson won just 3,780 votes across the entire district. Just 7,000 — or even 6,000 — would have won him the race. Most eligible voters simply didn't care enough to vote in a June primary, which would have been the second of four votes for them this year. (Seriously. There are local office primaries in September, then the presidential election in November.) Sanders is having an easier time finding harmony with Democrats on the issues than he is reminding voters than they can turn out and pick who they want to represent them.

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Gillibrand: The brand you trust. If you live on Long Island or in central New York, odds are that you voted for Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.). Democrats in tight races counted on that. Just 10 years after winning an upset in an upstate House race and starting her political career, Gillibrand starred in two spots for Democrats who faced insurgent challenges. As of this morning, one of them, Anna Throne-Holst, appeared to have edged ahead by less than 100 votes.

Deacon, the aforementioned 24th District nominee, had an easier time of it, and started her own political career as a regional representative for Gillibrand.

Most people can't name their congressman. Slightly more can name their senator. It's noteworthy when one of them has enough pull to help her party's preferred candidate navigate a primary. Gillibrand, who will only be in her 50s during the next presidential election, will be viewed as a possible candidate until and unless she decides not to be.

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Iran is not a primary issue. If the congressional campaign of Oliver Rosenberg is remembered for anything, it might be for how he quoted a riff from Lin-Manuel Miranda and attributed it to "Alexander Hamilton." But Rosenberg had a mission: He wanted voters to cast a vote against the Iran nuclear deal by opposing his opponent, Rep. Jerry Nadler (D-Ny.).

It did not work. Nadler crushed Rosenberg by 78 points in a liberal Manhattan-based district with plenty of liberal Jewish voters.

Old Dixie Down. Just three South Carolina state senators, all Republicans, voted against the legislation that removed the Confederate flag from the state capitol grounds. One of them, state Sen. Lee Bright, narrowly lost his runoff last night and won't return to Columbia. "Tomorrow is a new day," Bright said cheerfully last night, with no suggestion that he'd run again. That was a victory for Gov. Nikki Haley (R-S.C.), who'd endorsed his opponent, and the Conservation Voters of South Carolina, who saw Bright as vulnerable and poured in. And so, the state senator who called for "the church to rise up" after gay marriage was legalized was turfed.

Plenty of Republicans just as conservative as Bright will be reelected this year. Most will keep lower profiles. None are likely to make his mistake and go against the GOP's Trump-era attempts at racial reconciliation.

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Organize or die. Jon Keyser, the youthful military veteran once seen as a promising Republican candidate for Senate in Colorado, did not hold an election night party. Smart move: Keyser scored a poor fourth place after never overcoming the fact that his campaign botched its petitions and failed to get enough legitimate signatures to make the ballot. He had to fight it out in court — and worse, perhaps, he stuck robotically to his campaign's talking points when asked what happened.