As national pundits reveled or puzzled over Roy Moore's stunning defeat in December, the Rev. James Henderson went to work to rally the evangelical flock.

Two months later, at the Alabama Republican Party's Feb. 24 winter meeting, Henderson was pushing three resolutions that were likely to sit well with reliably red voters:

Encourage Alabama lawmakers to pass legislation banning abortions of babies diagnosed with Down Syndrome.

Express unhappiness about new U.S. Sen. Doug Jones'

Strengthen anti-illegal immigration enforcement in Alabama, and adhere to the provisions of the state's 2011 law that have not been "specifically banned by a liberal judge."

"The core of Alabama Christian voters still believes the things that Roy Moore believes in," said Henderson, executive director emeritus of the Christian Coalition of Alabama, who also served as Moore's campaign manager during his 2010 gubernatorial run.

And looking ahead to the state's 2018 elections, Henderson said, "So as far as Christians and turning out to vote, there won't be much change in what we've seen." In short, they'll vote solidly Republican, he said, and, in the June 5 party primary, they'll incline toward "the most conservative candidates in the race."

Henderson and others on the Christian right feel confident that their voters will make themselves known in 2018, and loudly so.

If that turns out to be true, Alabama could experience the opposite the "blue wave" predicted elsewhere in the U.S. In many states, this year's elections are being labeled as a referendum on the first two years of the Donald Trump administration. Political commentators are already talking of Democrats winning on many fronts, potentially taking control of Congress.

Alabama voters had a taste of that blue wave on Dec. 12, when Jones became the first Alabama Democrat elected to the U.S. Senate in a quarter-century. Heading into the 2018 campaigns, Republicans hold six of seven U.S. House seats, enjoy super-majority status in the Legislature, and occupy all of the state's executive offices.

"I see people who are angry about the election in December, and I believe more and more of the Republican Party, including Christian conservatives, will be out there on June 5 and again in November," said Rich Hobson, Moore's campaign chairman during last year's election who is now seeking the U.S. House seat held by Republican Rep. Martha Roby.

"I do think there will be a strong desire among conservatives in Alabama to make a resurgence and reclaim their sort of kingmaker place in Alabama politics," said Cal Jillson, a political science professor at Southern Methodist University in Dallas, and a longtime observer of Southern politics. "I would expect them to be energized."

'Disqualifying issue'

When it comes to Bible-believing, Alabama always stands near the top among states. Here, 86 percent of people profess to be Christians, according to surveys, and nearly half identify as evangelical Protestants. And white evangelicals have been a loyal Republican voting bloc, akin to a dominant special interest

But exactly who will these evangelicals be backing when they enter the voting booth this year? Less than three months from the GOP primary, there are no clear-cut favorites and no endorsements of any note have surfaced.

But one thing appears certain: No Democrat is getting the nod anytime soon.

"I don't think you'll see many evangelical conservatives looking at the Democratic candidates," said John Killian, director of missions with the Fayette County Baptist Association and a past president of the Alabama Baptist State Convention. "There is a negative feeling toward the Democratic Party right now. It used to be said that it was a 'conservative vs. liberal' difference, but now we are saying, 'conservative vs. Democrat.' To win the Democratic nomination, the Democratic candidates will have to win the support of the people who are too far to the left."

The longtime wedge issue is abortion, which generates deep passion among many right-wing Christian voters 45 years after Roe v. Wade.

"It's a disqualifying issue," said Killian. "Someone who is not pro-life, you won't get our vote."

But another issue that's emerged to flame hard feelings is Common Core. Evangelicals want the federal learning standards scraped, aligning with a longtime tea party demand for more local and state control of classrooms and curricula.

Said Henderson: "I truly believe that Common Core has set education back in the ways they are trying to teach math and social studies. The whole concept of globalism and global politics has failed our country economically and otherwise." Moreover, he said, Common Core "betrays" Christian values, instilling instead a "Common Core paradigm with common values."

Henderson said he's been disappointed to see Republican candidates, over the years, deliver lots of talk about educational standards but relatively little tangible action.

But Joe Godrey, the executive director of the Alabama Citizen's Action Program -- a leading interdenominational ministry and lobbying group that routinely battles gambling and alcohol interests -- cautioned that evangelicals do not march in lockstep and will disagree about which issues are more important.

And he does worry that Democrat in Alabama have fire in the belly this year -- more Democratic women are running for elected office this year than in recent memory, if ever. "The Democratic Party will be very energized after the senatorial election and will be getting their votes out," said Godfrey. "If conservative voters sit home and are not energized, it could change the outcomes."

'On my sleeve'

The most high-profile content this year is the gubernatorial race. On the GOP side, Gov. Kay Ivey is running a well-financed campaign against three challengers: Huntsville Mayor Tommy Battle, state Sen. Bill Hightower of Mobile and Birmingham youth minister Scott Dawson.

Henderson and Killian are both hesitant to predict whom evangelicals will favor. But the candidates are certainly angling to woo those voters. Hightower, for instance, is highlighting his background with Outback America, a Christian organization that holds family camps in Mobile and elsewhere. Battle's campaign website boasts him as the "Conservative for Alabama," while Ivey's campaign dubs her the "Trusted Conservative Fighter."

Dawson is backed by popular conservative radio celebrity Rick Burgess, and on Monday will be endorsed publicly by former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee during a rally in Pelham.

Dawson said Huckabee, a Christian minister who ran for president in 2008 and 2016, is a longtime acquaintance, counselor and adviser. "He was the first person I sat down with for advice on what to expect, not only on the campaign, but putting forth a plan," Dawson said.

Dawson also enjoys support from David Green, CEO of the Hobby Lobby chain of arts and craft stores, who is a well-known philanthropist and supporter of evangelical ministries. The largest contribution to Dawson's campaign, $100,000, came from Green.

Although Dawson is a pastor, he said he wants to be simply called "Scott" on the campaign trail. He said he's not going to wear "religion on my sleeve."

Said Dawson: "Christ has changed my life, but the people of Alabama aren't electing a minister. They are electing a governor. They want someone competent who can drive our state forward."

Wayne Flynt, a well-respected Alabama historian, has noted the lack of fiery Christian speeches, thus far, on the campaign trail. He said the GOP is looking this year for a "little more soft Republican who is on the right side on the abortion question."

According to Flynt, the GOP contenders have no interest in being a headline-maker like Roy Moore, who became a controversial global celebrity during last year's U.S. Senate race. Such a course, Flynt said, "might be viewed as the death rattle."

'Irrelevant'

In many respects, the recent death of Billy Graham, and the glowing national tributes, have returned a positive light to the evangelical movement. It's a particular reversal Alabama, where the image of "evangelical Christian" in the political arena has been tarnished by scandal. Notably:

Roy Moore, according to a Washington Post story in November and subsequent accounts since, sexually pursued teenage girls in the 1970s, when he was a Gadsden lawyer in his 30s.

Robert Bentley, a deacon at his Tuscaloosa Baptist church, won election to the Governor's Mansion riding a wave of evangelical support in 2010 and again in 2014.

And then there is President Trump, a thrice-married chief executive who isn't shy of using vulgarities and who has been linked to an affair with a porn star. Among Trump's most devoted supporters are evangelical leaders, such as Billy Graham's son, Franklin. The president also enjoys his strongest approval ratings in deep-red states like Alabama.

Trump was a sought-after endorsement during last year's Senate race. Former Alabama Attorney General Luther Strange, who finished second to Moore in the GOP primary, repeatedly praised Trump while on the campaign trail. The president spoke on behalf of Strange during a rally in Huntsville last year.

But Trump's two endorsements of Strange, ahead of the Sept. 26 runoff, and of Moore, before Dec. 12, resulted in losses. And, thus far, campaign messages invoking Trump's name have been limited.

Henderson said that even among evangelical voters, views about the president are not monolithic. "I got some heat from fellow Christian conservatives when I supported Trump for president," recalled Henderson, who said he personally met with the president and spoke with him for about 10 minutes ahead of Trump's 2016 rally in Madison in the Huntsville area.

"There are people who make an issue about some of these allegations of President Trump's personal life," said Henderson. "To me, that is irrelevant when it comes to his value as president to take on the problems he's willing to."

Michael Altman, a religious studies professor at the University of Alabama, said that Christian evangelicals appear to be unfazed by criticism about being aligned with Moore or Trump, especially from media outlets that conservatives view with suspicion.

"I don't think most white evangelicals in the pews of Alabama churches feel like their reputation has been damaged at all," said Altman. "They think they have been doing the right thing. Whatever small gap may have emerged between more moderate and suburban evangelicals and the more rural Moore supporters last year is slowly closing and I expect we'll see the usual 80 percent or so support the Republican Party by white evangelicals in the fall."

He added, "The lesson of the past two years is that self-described white evangelical or 'born again' Protestants are a reliable Republican voting bloc regardless of the candidate."

This story was updated at 9:51 a.m. to clarify that former Alabama Gov. Robert Bentley was a deacon at his Tuscaloosa Baptist church.