Daniel Andrews sits with advisers for his morning briefing at a café called In a Rush on Elizabeth Street. The red bus is about to turn up for another day of campaigning, another day of trying to “win” that night’s TV news, another day of hoping nothing unexpected happens.

“In a rush” might also describe Andrews, the 46-year-old premier of Victoria. It has become folklore that he gathered his inner circle after the 2014 election victory and vowed he would “not die wondering”.

Whether you approve of his government or not, Andrews has done things, and his ability to “get things done” is Labor’s central – perhaps only - re-election story. You may not warm to Andrews. He may lack the smooth charm of former premier Steve Bracks or the bumptious energy of Jeff Kennett. Victorians may have little idea of who he is underneath the news soundbites. But Andrews is in a hurry, and after four years as premier, he has a record.

You can see his record, the roads being dug up all over town for the $11bn Melbourne Metro Tunnel, that will create five new underground stations. The skyline is full of apartment towers. Seventy new schools have gone up. There is an $80bn pipeline of private and public construction. This is a city of cranes and jackhammers.

“Hello, how are you all?” Andrews says to the journalists on the bus, with its giant “Delivering for all Victorians” slogan painted on the side. He doesn’t wander about chatting, but later will head down the back to speak with Guardian Australia. In person, he doesn’t appear as stiff as he can on television, where he can seem hunched over a little. He has a short haircut, highlighting his prominent ears, and black rimmed glasses. No matter how old he gets, he stills looks like an overgrown schoolboy.

Daniel Andrews on the Labor bus in the final week of the election campaign. Photograph: Meredith O’Shea/The Guardian

Andrews is seasoned, avoiding questions he doesn’t want to answer. He says he never reflects on his achievements. “I was taught very young that self-praise isn’t worth very much so I’ll leave it to others to judge.”

But if he thinks about it, “one of the proudest moments I’ve had is to announce about three months ago that we would build the biggest public transport project in the nation’s history. You can’t get bigger than that.” That is the $50bn underground suburban rail “loop”, linking link every major line in Melbourne and the new airport rail.

Talkback radio callers loved the idea, but experts were sceptical. There’s no business case for it, let alone clarity about who will pay for it, and it didn’t go through Infrastructure Victoria, the body meant to prioritise projects. It was “laughably costed,” wrote the Age’s Tim Colebatch.

Andrews insists ambitious projects are what state governments must do in cities like Melbourne that are straining under record population growth. The “alternative is a congested city that doesn’t function”.

“I’m proud to offer things up that I know I won’t be around to finish … it’s not about who cuts the ribbon. If my predecessors had had the same view, maybe we would be a lot better off today.”

Andrews has thought hard about the role of state governments. He argues the big federal reforms of the past – floating the dollar, deregulating banks and financial markets, superannuation – were strong productivity levers and “they’re done”. There are three keys to productivity now – health, for its own sake and because of its massive employment potential in an ageing Australia, skills in a changing economy and infrastructure.

“All three things are almost entirely the exclusive province of the states. That’s where all the action is. It’s not at the federal cabinet table.”

I do remember the 1990s when people couldn’t get out of here fast enough and that was not good for anybody Daniel Andrews

He’s careful not to venture an opinion on whether he thinks Melbourne, the fastest growing major city in Australia, is growing too quickly. Melbourne is home to 5 million people now, and about 2,400 more are added each week. The Coalition’s slogan that Victoria is “out of control” is about crime and population growth – not unrelated issues – and one of Liberal leader Matthew Guy’s central themes is to encourage people and businesses to move to regional cities to ease pressure on Melbourne, however practically difficult that may prove.

It’s a talking point: a recent Newspoll found that 65% of Victorians think the population is growing too fast. Andrews says he is happy to discuss with the federal government ideas for the states to have more say in how many migrants they want and where they should be settled.

But you get the sense he sees an upside, and loves being premier of a state where people flock to live. And there is an upside. It is not all the government’s doing, but Victoria has the strongest economy of any state. Stamp duty revenue has fattened the state’s coffers, amounting to almost a third of tax takings, a bonanza that will fall as the property market slows. But right now, surpluses are heady, promises are huge and it’s a good problem to have.

“I do remember the 1990s when people couldn’t get out of here fast enough and that was not good for anybody,” Andrews says. “And I’m focused on the things that I can actually control and I don’t issue passports and I don’t issue visas.

“I’m certainly not going to be building a wall which would seem to be the only logical conclusion of my opponent’s position on these matters, that suddenly it’s going to be Fortress Victoria. Little Vic, that’s going to work well, isn’t it?”

Andrews remains elusive to Victorians. He’s married to Catherine, a writer and editor who campaigns with him, smiling through a long press conference on the day’s promise to build seven new early parenting centres and to give every new parent a “baby bundle” of goodies including a nappy bag, teething ring and four picture books.

Daniel Andrews holds a media conference with his wife, Catherine. Photograph: Meredith O’Shea/The Guardian

The Andrews have three children aged 16, 14 and 11, and Catherine says that at this election, the kids are interested and involved. This is a political family. Catherine has her own office at 1 Treasury Place, where her husband’s office is, and is a part of the team – she has suggested that Maxine Beneba Clarke’s picture book on diversity, Wide Big World, be one of the books in the baby bundle.

In search of a sliver of personal insight, I ask Andrews what he reads. He smiles, almost rolling his eyes. “I take a bag of briefs home every night, usually heavy stuff,” he says. He reads his children’s homework. “The other things I read is books on golf course architecture. I’m a total golf tragic.” For the record, he says the best book on golf course architecture is Alister MacKenzie’s The Spirit of St Andrews.

He has one quirk that perhaps says something about him – he refuses to say the opposition leader’s name.

Guardian Australia: Is it true you never mention Matthew Guy by name?

Andrews: He’s not relevant to my plans.

Guardian Australia: But you don’t mention him by name, is that a deliberate tactic?

Andrews: I talk about things that are relevant, and he’s not relevant to my positive and optimistic plans.

Guardian Australia: So, I can’t get you to mention his name?

Andrews: I think I’ve answered your question.

Paul Strangio lectures in politics at Monash University and has observed Spring Street for decades. “In his own way, Andrews is really interesting, because at one level he’s been in our face as this strong type that will get things done, and yet he remains out of focus at another level.”

He’s reserved, hasn’t sought to court popularity by donning caps or affecting an average guy persona. He’s a Catholic who send his kids to Catholic schools, but doesn’t appear troubled by rejecting the church’s teachings on abortion and voluntary euthanasia.

What is obvious, says Strangio, is that Andrews is “unambiguously a Labor political animal”, jumping straight from his arts degree at Monash university to working for a federal labor MP, and then to head office. Barely six years after graduating, he was in parliament.

You almost pick up that he derives some sort of perverse pleasure in annoying his critics Paul Strangio

“His career has been precocious,” he says. “He entered the parliament around the age of 30, was in cabinet by his mid 30s and leader by 38 and he’s premier by 42.”

The opposition wants to shift the focus from the infrastructure to the scandals. There have been several self-inflicted wounds, with two MPs resigning after rorting travel allowances and a minister quitting for abusing his expenses. The most serious is the so-called Red Shirts affair, where Labor used taxpayer-funded electoral staff for political campaigning at the last election, which is against the rules.

Labor denied it had done anything wrong, but eventually apologised and repaid $388,000. It is now fighting a campaign under the cloud of a Victoria police investigation into the affair, which implicated 21 MPs.

Andrews declines to answer any questions about it, saying it would be inappropriate during an investigation. It’s a disingenuous answer, but it might work for a few more days.

Strangio says the Red Shirts issue is more complicated than it is portrayed – an ombudsman investigation did not find criminality or recommend further investigation – but says it does reveal how Andrews plays politics “awfully hard”.

“He’s remarkably unapologetic. When he gets into trouble, he’s not a man who in any sense seems to back down. You almost pick up that he derives some sort of perverse pleasure in annoying his critics. I think of the Herald Sun - they’ve found Andrews infuriating.”

Joel Deane worked for previous Labor premiers Steve Bracks and John Brumby, and wrote a book about their 11 years in power. He says Andrews learned from the mistakes of his predecessors, particularly about investing in infrastructure. Deane is impressed, too, that Andrews’ pitch for a second term is full of big new ideas, from the suburban loop, to free dental care for school students, to a royal commission into mental health.

“It’s an activist government,” he says. “They’re not wasting time and that’s increasingly important because these days if you’re in government you can’t even bet on more than one term.”

Deane says that, compared with Bracks and Brumby, Andrews has “taken it up a notch” when it comes to progressive policies. Andrews spearheaded the introduction of voluntary assisted dying laws, held a royal commission into family violence, championed Safe Schools and established the state’s first safe injecting room for people with drug addictions.

“Victoria is a bit different from other parts of our nation,” Andrews says. “I think we value fairness, inclusion, we put a premium on treating people well … having big hearts, as well as being the centre of thought in our nation. All the big reforms, all the critical thought, all the best research, all of that has always come out of this state.”

Daniel Andrews greets Pamela Olivia and her newborn, Kai Jonathon Hall, at The Royal Womens hospital. Photograph: meredith O’Shea/The Guardian

That’s a big claim, but Andrews is more than comfortable about promoting his progressive record. One area where he is criticised is law and order, where legal groups say Andrews has been as populist as the opposition in its stream of tougher sentences, reduced discretion in sentences and tighter bail and parole. Prison numbers have doubled in six years, and the state now spends $2.3m a day on jails. Still, the Coalition insists crime is “out of control” and wants even tougher sentencing, yet more laws, and even tighter bail rules.

Andrews says he has “a considerably more thoughtful approach to this, a more sophisticated approach to this than some would give me credit for”. He points to youth programs for Sudanese youth, some of whom have been involved in violent crime, or mentoring schemes in place.

“We don’t necessarily put those things on the front page. Even if we tried to, I doubt if many in the media would want to put them on the front page.”

He points, too, to the proposed inquiry into the mental health system. “I don’t want in any way stigmatise anybody who’s got a mental health issue, but we do know that failings in the mental health system is driving some of this behaviour.”

But Andrews doesn’t resile from tough measures. After James Gargasoulas, who was on bail at the time, rampaged through Bourke Street last January in his car, killing six people, Andrews met the families of the victims. “I made them a very clear promise that that we would have Australia’s toughest bail laws and that’s exactly what we did.”

Opinion polls point to a likely Labor victory on Saturday, but the campaign itself has thrown up dangers. Earlier this month, a man who came to Australia as a child refugee from Somalia and had a history of Islamist extremism, stabbed to death a well-known owner of the Pellegrini restaurant in the city, Sisto Malaspina.

There’s not a day to be wasted Daniel Andrews

The opposition sought political advantage, criticising Labor for failing to reveal the man was on bail at the time. He was on bail for minor traffic offences and had had his bail extended by police despite failing to appear in court. Police said he would not have been locked up in any jurisdiction in Australia for such matters, but the drama may have stoked the Liberals’ argument that the government wasn’t taking public safety as seriously as it should.

Then on Monday night, there was another violent scene at St Kilda, when police reportedly surrounded a group of about 150 young people, some drunk and causing trouble.

And on Tuesday, the same day as Malaspina’s state funeral was held, three men police said were inspired by Islamic state were charged with allegedly plotting a terrorist attack.

That could be seen, as Andrews sought to portray it, as state and federal anti-terrorism authorities working together to thwart a potential catastrophe. But somehow, a few days from the election, it added to a sense of unease.

If Andrews worries the campaign could be derailed by events outside of his control, he doesn’t show it. “We’ll have to wait and see,” he says.

He controls what he can and only what he can. “My focus is a pretty simple pitch to people. If you want more things to be built, if you want more reform to be delivered, if you want to keep the state strong, but also make sure it’s fairer, only a strong stable majority Labor government can do that.”

“There’s not a day to be wasted.”