I HAVE never voted Tory and never would. Like many in Scotland it’s engrained deep in the soul. That said, I have met many Conservatives I have liked and respected over the years. They did after all dominate Scottish politics in the 1950s with levels of support enjoyed at present by the SNP. Moreover, in later years and especially in Scottish town halls they remained a force, sometimes under their own banner and in other places standing as Progressives, Ratepayers or even Independents.

They eschewed ideology and sought to promote the common good. They were driven by a philosophy of keeping taxes down and encouraging individuals to stand on their own two feet. This resonated with many who opposed the municipal socialism imposed by Labour or who feared a domination by the west central belt on more rural or distant communities.

My late aunt in Edinburgh was one, voting regularly for the Progressives and against higher rates and socialist policies. They were a mixed bag containing people from all walks of life. The late Brian Meek, once a columnist with The Herald, was a witty writer and good company, as well as being a leading Tory councillor in Lothian Region. Bill Aitken was also a stalwart in Glasgow and later in the Scottish Parliament. Annabel Goldie also graced that institution, as Teddy Taylor served with distinction at Westminster.

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They weren’t dogmatic, which they viewed the failing of the Left, but were pragmatic, which they saw as being about good governance. Poverty and inequality were deplored by them even if I might challenge them on protecting the status quo that caused it. On wider social issues where again there might be mild disagreements, there was never any doubt of their sincerity in seeking to promote what they saw as a better society for all.

However, the rise of Thatcherism blew many of them away as the Conservatives turned from being the non-ideological party to having an agenda to transform not just the economy but wider society. The ideology grated not just with the majority of Scots but even with the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland; an institution that might once have been seen as a bastion of Conservatism and Unionism. Not just in Parliament but in council offices the Tories were turfed out. The quip about the position of Secretary of State for Scotland being akin to that of a Governor General came to pass.

All that changed, though, after the referendum on independence. Galvanised by the Union, there was a cause distinct from what might have been seen as English Conservatism. The Scottish Tories were ably led by Ruth Davidson, who was far from the blue-rinse brigade that remained in so many areas with her humbler roots and openly gay sexuality. Their success was aided substantially by the demise of the Labour Party and the 22 per cent of the vote achieved in the Holyrood election, while below what had been achieved just a generation before, meant that they became the official opposition: still a remarkable result.

Aside from stridency on the Union and hostility to independence, they portrayed an image of “Conservative lite”. Ms Davidson, though close to David Cameron, still sought to differ on the more aggressive aspects of UK Government policy. Changes to welfare could be supported but cuts to disability benefits were castigated. Similar positioning took place on many other issues where a softer touch was sought compared to the harsh imposition of austerity.

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Things were looking up for the Scottish Conservative Party, challenging the SNP dominance from the Right but pragmatically; championing individual rights and a competitive economy; but welcoming action on disability benefits and other liberal aspects. They could look forward with optimism to the council elections next year, where keeping the council tax down and pragmatism on local services may have resonated.

The Brexit vote has changed all of that. Ms Davidson pinned her colours to the mast with a sterling defence of the single market and an excoriating attack on Boris Johnson, now Foreign Secretary. She supported Mr Cameron with a will that was missing in many of his London colleagues. She was rightly praised for it but the victory was won by the other side. It’s not just the UK but also the Scottish Tories who find themselves in uncharted waters.

Mr Cameron has become the victim of his own political recklessness. He’s been replaced by Theresa May, a cold and austere Home Secretary with little of the bonhomie shown by the likes of Ken Clarke. She’s an accidental prime minister in many ways, which explains why there seems to be little strategy or direction beyond vacuous phrases such as “Brexit means Brexit”.

Having not anticipated the outcome while having contributing to it, albeit through her lack of action, she has no 100-day plan. Hence the policy vacuum other than modest announcements of changes long overdue and doubtless furnished by civil servants eager to have a new minister resolve a long-standing problem.

Even the Great Repeal Bill is empty rhetoric and a paper exercise in all but name. It’s tainted by future dangers, as pledging to enshrine EU employment laws means nothing when there will be no European obligations to meet or European Court to enforce them.

Read more: Westminster could unilaterally axe devolved laws post-Brexit, expert warns

However, the ascent of the accidental prime minister has also seen the return of the ideologues. Those right-wing Tories who lamented the end of the Thatcher Revolution and wish to resurrect it are in the ascendency. They’re consumed by a drive for a radical transformation of our society and economy and they are contemptuous of pragmatism.

Hence the willingness to sacrifice membership of the single market, irrespective of consequences for the City of London or car manufacturing. At best it’s going to provoke turbulence and at worst catastrophe. They have a vision and it’s not “Conservative lite”. The UK Party is veering to the Right, as the reaction to the mere mention of the names Heseltine and Cameron apparently displayed at their conference. So where does that leave the Scottish Conservatives?

They’ve sought to embrace Unionism, which is understandable given the mood of many after the independence referendum. However, significant numbers also sought a “Conservative lite” agenda. They opposed the left-of-centre policies of the SNP as they had with Labour’s strategy before.

They were seeking a party willing to keep taxes down and yet be pragmatic on social and economic issues. Progressive, not polarising, policies were what was being sought. The radical Right within the UK Tory Party is likely to alienate moderate Scottish opinion, as Mrs Thatcher had done a generation before.

The great irony for the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party may be that greater independence from colleagues down south is the best way to maintain the progress they’ve made.