Baburam Bhattarai (Source: Reuters photo) Baburam Bhattarai (Source: Reuters photo)

For long, Baburam Bhattarai has been a text-book and dogmatic communist. He believed in every word of it as conformed through his series of write-ups, and practiced some of that. As head of the ‘people’s government’ during the decade-long insurgency, ‘annihilation of class enemies’ became the policy of the party which it gave up after joining the peace process, and literally leading the political mainstream in the first half of 2006.

As an ideologue and public face of the ‘revolution’, Bhattarai pushed his pro-republic line, and a constitution through the elected constituent assembly ultimately without compromise. But on the 6th day after the promulgation of that constitution, he quit the party, severing his political association of nearly three decades with his boss and Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal , giving enough hints that he would join the movement launched by a few Madhes centric leaders. In fact, he had refused to join any official celebration over the promulgation of the constitution.

Why did Bhattarai not protest or revolt before the constitution was promulgated? Why is he going to be part of the movement against the constitution that he struggled to achieve and cost around 17,000 lives during the decade? Bhattarai will have a tough time explaining it, but his active support to the Madhesis will perhaps attract more attention of the international community, beyond India. However, there are fears that this could also eclipse his politics of nearly four decades.

Maoists cadres were ‘indoctrinated’, trained in Marxism as well as Maoists, taught discipline and the courage to kill enemies and lay down their lives for the cause if necessary. But the leaders that he would be working for in Madhes areas have no commonality of background, political philosophy except that they may be part of the same cause now. He would most likely be defied, and overruled as most leaders in Madhes groups now are his contemporary, or even senior to him.

But yes, that will substantially weaken Dahal and Maoist Party, and their say in the national politics, but that alone may not be construed as a gain for Bhattarai. And how Bhattarai responds to the new constitution — demand an amendment, or its scrapping altogether — if Madhesis are not heard, will influence the future course of politics in Nepal, that shows no sign of being stable. But Bhattarai, after three decades, will not be considered a communist anymore.

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