india

Updated: Nov 01, 2019 09:05 IST

German foreign minister Heiko Maas is in India on a three-day official visit led by German Chancellor Angela Merkel. Maas, 53, a Social Democrat in Berlin’s ruling Grand Coalition, told Padma Rao Sundarji in an e-mail interview that the nullification of Article 370 is a “domestic” matter, but that India and Pakistan should hold political dialogue, exercise restraint, and “refrain from fanning the flames”. Edited excerpts:

This is your first visit to India since you took office. What are your expectations from it?

As democracies, India and Germany share common values. We actively support a rules-based international order. There are over 30 different consultation and dialogue formats between our two countries. That shows how close and friendly our relations are. The aim of this visit is to continue working to intensify our relations and create even greater momentum in our cooperation.

Since altering the administrative status of Jammu & Kashmir (J&K) in August, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has come under attack in Germany’s mainstream media and civil society. Does Berlin’s foreign office share those concerns?

India stands for diversity and tolerance. We primarily see the constitutional amendments as an internal matter for India. As a close democratic partner to India, it is important to us – and we have expressed this view clearly – that the rights of the local population in Jammu & Kashmir enshrined in the Constitution must be respected.

You did acknowledge the amendment as India’s domestic issue when you were in Pakistan earlier this year. But your ministry’s website still quotes unnamed “members of civil society” who say that an “atmosphere of fear is being stoked in India”. Please clarify Germany’s stand on the issue, once and for all.

Naturally, we are very aware of the regional impact. That is precisely why I have also discussed this topic in depth with my Indian and Pakistani counterparts. By the way, these talks took place on the telephone and not during my visit to Pakistan, which was at an earlier stage. It was important to us that neither side did anything to escalate the situation. Both sides should continue to use their diplomatic channels to foster political dialogue.

During your Pakistan tour, you said that both India and Pakistan bore responsibility to prevent further escalation. But the epicentre of terror lies in Pakistan, from where terror groups repeatedly infiltrate Jammu and Kashmir and unleash bloodshed in India. How can you hyphenate India and Pakistan, when the onus to prevent any escalation rests solely upon the latter?

The conflict between India and Pakistan is certainly not a recent development. We urge India and Pakistan to exercise restraint – including in speech – and to refrain from fanning the flames. Irrespective of that, however, it is obvious that cross-border terrorism must be stamped out permanently. Naturally, that goes for any type of terrorism and extremism. And this is not least in Pakistan’s own fundamental interests.

Germany is the seventh largest investor in India. What is preventing it from becoming the largest investor here ?

Around 1,700 German companies are active in India. That is a remarkable number. In recent years, India’s rating in the Ease of Doing Business index has constantly improved. That is a good sign, and it has been noted by the German business sector. However, this development is offset by various non-tariff and administrative barriers that are still in place. Germany is willing to support India in improving the investment conditions.

Germany is the EU’s most influential power. Yet, the EU-India Free Trade Agreement (FTA) remains a non-starter.

I firmly believe that an EU-India Free Trade Agreement would have an extremely positive impact for both sides. That is why we want to urge both India and the EU to resume their talks on this topic. But to achieve this, both sides must be willing to compromise.

Germany has lobbied fiercely to sell its Eurofighter Typhoon to India. And it is France from whom India is purchasing the Dassault Rafale instead. Observers point to Germany’s post-WWII constitution, which makes weapons deals harder to push through your parliament, as the main deterrent. Does your post-war philosophy need to be recalibrated?

Germany has a very restrictive and responsible arms export policy, on which there is broad consensus in the German political sphere. That does not mean we do no export any arms to India. Decisions are made on a case-by-case basis. We see India as an anchor of stability and a key partner in the region. Naturally, that is always taken into account in our decisions on arms export licences.

Conservative, right-of-centre governments are on the rise, and Social Democrat and Left parties on the wane, around the world. At the UN in September, you floated the idea of “global networks” with “flexible formats” to tackle political challenges. Together with France, you set up a new Alliance for Multilateralism. Can countries with sharply divergent political leanings and strategic interests, really synergise within such an Alliance?

In recent years, the rules-based world order has increasingly come under pressure. We want to counter this development through the Alliance for Multilateralism. We firmly believe that we can achieve more as a team player than by going it alone. That is why I am very grateful to my Indian counterpart Dr [S] Jaishankar for attending the Alliance for Multilateralism event. I hope that India will continue participating in the alliance.

On a more personal note, what did you know about India as a destination before you came here?

I see India as one of the most exciting places to visit in the world. And many people in Germany feel the same way because we associate India with a diverse history and culture that date back millennia, as well as with vibrant traditions and an emerging economy. I certainly don’t want to miss the opportunity to enjoy Indian cuisine on its home ground.