This is clearly an outrageous situation for a democratic state — where victims of a financial conspiracy are afraid to speak out about the implications of losing their life savings. But it is also understandable after two outspoken SA Municipal Workers’ Union (Samwu) leaders who were municipal employees, Ronald Mani and Tshililo Timson Musetsho, were threatened and subsequently killed earlier this year.

The parliamentary delegation also uncovered details of golden handshakes awarded to implicated municipal officials who resigned after the VBS scandal broke, escaping censure and disciplinary consequences — including former Vhembe municipal manager Reuben Rambado, who allegedly received R1m. Again, this is clearly unacceptable and countered a provincial government directive for municipalities not to settle with implicated officials.

With the national gaze on VBS last year, the ANC axed implicated politicians from their municipal posts, but the graft-busting position was undermined when it emerged that seven mayors were deemed suitable for deployment after undergoing “robust political induction and rehabilitation”, according to ANC Limpopo provincial secretary Soviet Lekganyane. It was also clarified by the ANC’s provincial structures that disgraced mayors were still considered eligible to serve as councillors, with provincial spokesperson Donald Selamolela affirming their ANC membership.

As is all too often the case, national messaging was undermined by regional leadership interests. At a more micro level, mayors can find themselves unable to institute leadership decisions if they go against those of more senior party cadres despite being subordinates in municipal structures.

It is worth recalling that the ANC deputy provincial chair in Limpopo, Florence Radzilani, who gained notoriety when as former Vhembe mayor she is alleged to have demanded a “Christmas” bonus of R300,000, was named in Motau’s report. Despite the VBS scandal, Radzilani was sworn in as a Limpopo legislature member earlier this year.

Selamolela’s position is revealing in presenting the argument that the ANC is not a “punitive” organisation and that it believes in rehabilitating errant cadres. Analysed, this superficially compassionate view translates into a lack of consequences for institutional or service delivery malfeasance — a theme that is confirmed year in and year out by the auditor-general’s assessments of local government. In effect, party comes before performance.

It would also be wrong to suggest Selamolela’s views are unique or without precedence. Errant officials and elected officials have frequently been removed from one municipality only to be redeployed to another municipality, or at times a provincial position.

Rambado (mentioned earlier as the beneficiary of a golden handshake from Vhembe district) is but one example of a municipal official who entered the fray with baggage. In his case, he is alleged to have been paid R830,000 in 2004 to resign from Makhado municipality, where he had been suspended for mismanagement.

Another recent case is former Maluti-a-Phofung mayor Vusimusi Tshabalala, who was accused of corruption in the embattled municipality only to be redeployed as the ANC chief whip in the Free State legislature in May.