Jeb Bush is putting in motion an ambitious plan to develop a super PAC that would be unprecedented in its size and scope — a blueprint growing in scale and intensity as he nears the formal launch of his presidential campaign.

The group, called Right to Rise, is said to be on track for raising an historic $100 million by the end of May, and its budget is expected to dwarf that of Bush’s official campaign many times over. In interviews, more than half a dozen sources familiar with the Right to Rise plans described a juggernaut that was rapidly taking shape — from its likely headquarters in Los Angeles, 2,700 miles from the Miami office where Bush was basing his campaign, to a new fundraising push aimed at expanding its ballooning coffers.


Bush is even setting the timing of his official campaign announcement — which is increasingly likely to come in mid-June, following a trip to Europe — around a cross-country fundraising tour. In the final weeks leading up to the launch, his strategists have been devising a plan to allow both arms of the campaign — the official one and the super PAC — to work seamlessly, even as they will be legally barred from coordinating once he officially becomes a candidate.

There is little question that Right to Rise, with its deep cash reserve, will give Bush a leg up in the Republican nomination contest, especially if it becomes a protracted and costly affair.

“It’s an advantage. No question,” said Fred Malek, a prominent GOP donor who chairs the Republican Governors Association’s finance committee. “I think Bush will be able to raise three or four times as much as anyone else.”

While many of Bush’s rivals are also setting up super PACs, they are not expected to be nearly so well-heeled. Bush, thanks to his family’s deep network of supporters and his long career in politics, has an unmatched reach into the Republican donor world. His likely nearest rival in the money race, Florida Sen. Marco Rubio, is expected to raise just a fraction of Bush’s haul during the opening months of the primary race.

Some opponents are growing increasingly concerned about how the group might be used to damage them.

“People are looking at that $100 million figure and wondering, ‘Is it going to be aimed at us?’” said a top adviser to a rival Republican campaign who spoke on the condition of anonymity to candidly describe internal discussions. “Any time you’re within a stone’s throw of the Bush campaign, you’re in the radius of the baseball bat.”

Last month, at a posh Miami hotel, Bush held a private event for 350 of his top donors and other major supporters. The weekend confab was described by organizers as an opportunity to thank his biggest backers — and give them a chance to meet with Bush and the people who will be running his super PAC.

In recent weeks, with his launch date fast approaching, Bush has been rushing to fill the Right to Rise bank account. On Wednesday, he was in New York City for a get-together headlined by New York Jets owner Woody Johnson, a much sought-after Republican donor. A week from Monday, he’ll be in Miami for an event with Florida Reps. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen and Mario Díaz-Balart.

Over the coming days, according to one person briefed on the Right to Rise plans, Bush will try to accelerate the cash flow. Hoping to avoid the public perception that he’d been indebted to a few extremely wealthy benefactors, the former governor initially imposed a $1 million cap on donations to the super PAC.

But now, the source said, that restriction is being lifted. The move is partly out of concern that, with other Republican candidates raising large sums, more cash could be needed. (A Bush spokesman declined to comment.)

Some see Right to Rise as the latest development in the post- Citizens United world of political spending, where cash-flush super PACs, which can raise and spend unlimited amounts of money, are increasingly supplanting candidates and their campaigns.

In 2012, the super PAC supporting Republican Mitt Romney’s candidacy, Restore our Future, spent only about one-third as much money as his official campaign. Bush’s advisers declined to provide an estimate of just how much the super PAC will outraise and outspend the official campaign — but said it would be significant.

“I think the way they’ve designed the campaign is the wave of the future,” said Charlie Black, a longtime lobbyist in Washington, who has advised a number of Republican presidential campaigns. “It’s a new model.”

Bush’s decision to put off a formal announcement is rooted in the complex nature of campaign-finance laws. As a non-federal officeholder who hasn’t yet become a candidate, he’s allowed to travel the country and solicit large contributions of unlimited amounts for Right to Rise. Once he becomes a declared candidate, though, Bush won’t be able to ask for donations of more than a few thousand dollars for the super PAC. At that time, he’ll also be prohibited from discussing strategy with the consultants and operatives who will be running the group.

One person who’d been briefed on Bush’s timeline said he was eying a June announcement, tied to his return from a trip to Poland, Germany and Estonia. Under that scenario, the former governor would have about another month to, without restriction, raise funds for Right to Rise and to communicate with the strategists who are likely to guide it. One of them, veteran Republican media consultant Mike Murphy, has played an integral role in guiding Bush’s exploratory committee and is one of his closest political confidants.

Some Republicans contend that Bush’s super PAC-centric setup poses a potentially serious hazard: That he will, in a sense, be walled off from the vehicle that has most of his financial resources. It’s a dynamic that could lead to confusion or disagreements between two wings of the campaign, neither of which will be allowed to talk to the other.

“The risk is you’re going to end up going in two different directions,” said Ed Rollins, a Republican strategist who’s helped lead nine presidential campaigns. “What’s going to happen is, you’re going to end up with two campaigns.”

Bush’s strategists say they’re well aware of the pitfall, but are taking steps to avoid it. One adviser to the super PAC said a division of labor had been established. While the official campaign arm would take the lead on dictating messaging, the super PAC would take on the role of a follower and be an echo chamber. “There’s an understanding that Miami is in charge,” the adviser said.

Another dividing line: While Right to Rise will house the TV and digital advertising efforts, the official campaign will be in charge of voter outreach. “We’re not going to have a staff with clipboards going around Iowa,” the super PAC adviser said.

Right to Rise has been assembling a core staff that is eventually expected to number a little less than a dozen. It’s also expected to hire advisers in key primary and battleground states who, one aide said, will serve as “eyes and ears” on the ground and funnel information back to headquarters.

Those headquarters, according to two sources, are likely to be based in Los Angeles, where Murphy works. Matt Leonardo, a Murphy business partner who’s served as a top strategist for the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, is likely to take on a leading role in Right to Rise, as are two other veteran Republican operatives, Larry McCarthy and Liesl Hickey. Murphy is expected to oversee the group.

Those close to Bush point out that he’s long had a penchant for bold strokes and innovative thinking in his campaigns — and a hands-on approach. In his 2002 reelection race, one ally recalled, Bush came up with his own form of early micro-targeting: sending mailers to readers of Golf Digest that highlighted his endorsement from Jack Nicklaus.

“He and the people with him have always been forward-looking,” said Mac Stipanovich, a former Bush adviser and a prominent lobbyist in Florida. “It’s interesting to hear people say that he’s the old guy in the race because he’s always been on the cutting edge, and I expect him to be now.”