President Donald Trump’s decision to double down on his argument that “both sides” were to blame for the violent clashes at a white supremacist rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, was driven in part by his own anger — and his disdain for being told what to do.

Trump’s temper has been a constant force in this eight-month-old White House. He’s made policy decisions after becoming irritated with staffers and has escalated fights in the past few weeks with everyone from the Senate majority leader to the volatile dictator of North Korea.


The controversy over his response to the Charlottesville violence was no different. Agitated about being pressured by aides to clarify his first public statement, Trump unexpectedly unwound the damage control of the prior two days by assigning blame to the “alt-left” and calling some of the white supremacist protesters “very fine people.”

“In some ways, Trump would rather have people calling him racist than say he backed down the minute he was wrong,” one adviser to the White House said on Wednesday about Charlottesville. “This may turn into the biggest mess of his presidency because he is stubborn and doesn't realize how bad this is getting.”

For Trump, anger serves as a way to manage staff, express his displeasure or simply as an outlet that soothes him. Often, aides and advisers say, he’ll get mad at a specific staffer or broader situation, unload from the Oval Office and then three hours later act as if nothing ever occurred even if others still feel rattled by it. Negative television coverage and lawyers earn particular ire from him.

White House officials and informal advisers say the triggers for his temper are if he thinks someone is lying to him, if he’s caught by surprise, if someone criticizes him, or if someone stops him from trying to do something or seeks to control him.

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That latter trigger — of attempting to corral him — set in motion the past five tense days surrounding Charlottesville. On Saturday, the president failed to condemn white supremacists, who had marched through the city shouting anti-Semitic chants and assaulting counterprotesters. One of them killed a 32-year-old woman and injured roughly 20 others when he rammed his car at a high speed into a crowd.

Under intense pressure from aides and fellow Republican lawmakers, whose support the president needs to advance his agenda, Trump gave a more conciliatory speech on Monday. He clarified that he does not support specifically the KKK, neo-Nazis and white supremacists, but then he backtracked to his more defiant stance just 24 hours later during an impromptu news conference at Trump Tower, meant to focus on infrastructure.

“I do think there is blame — yes, I think there is blame on both sides,” Trump said, equating the actions of the white supremacists with the other protesters. Hate group leaders like David Duke saw the comments as yet another sign of the president’s support.

The majority of Trump’s top aides, with the notable exception of Steve Bannon, had been encouraging Trump to put to an end this damaging news cycle and talk that makes him seem sympathetic to groups that widely decry Jews, minorities and women. But the president did not want to be told what to do and seemed in high spirits on Tuesday evening, even as headlines streamed out about his seeming overtures to hate groups, according to one White House adviser who spoke to him.

The president “thinks he's right. He still thinks he's right,” an adviser said.

But in this White House, Trump’s anger isn’t just a side detail for stories about the various warring ideological factions, or who’s up and down in the West Wing. Instead, that anger and its rallying cry helped to fuel his rise to the White House, and now Trump uses it as a way to govern, present himself to the American public and even create policy.

In one stark example, the president’s dislike of being told what to do played a role in his decision to abruptly ban all transgender people from the military: a move opposed by his own defense secretary, James Mattis, and the head of the Coast Guard, who vowed not to honor the president’s decree.

The president had grown tired of White House lawyers telling him what he could and could not do on the ban and numerous other issues such as labor regulations, said one informal White House adviser. While multiple factors were in play with the transgender ban, Trump has grown increasingly frustrated by the lawyers’ calls for further study and caution, so he took it upon himself to tweet out the news of the ban, partly as a reminder to the lawyers who’s in charge, the adviser said.

“For Trump, there came a moment where he wanted to re-establish that he was going to do what he was going to do,” said the adviser, who knows both the president and members of the staff. “He let his lawyers know that it’s his job to make decisions and their job to figure out how to implement it.”

Press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders said Wednesday night: "The President is focused on what Americans care about — growing our economy, creating jobs, protecting our border and keeping our country safe — not tabloid gossip, which the media seems to care so much about."

Trump is by no means the only president to be driven by his temper at times. Bill Clinton, Dwight Eisenhower and Richard Nixon all were famously known for their anger, while John F. Kennedy had a reputation for speaking sharply to staff, said Timothy Naftali, a presidential historian and clinical associate professor of public service at New York University. Nixon’s aides dealt with his vitriol by trying to build walls around him to protect the public from his moods as an internal set of West Wing checks and balances. It’s harder to set up those guardrails for the tweeter in chief.

“It’s not unusual to have presidents motivated by anger," Naftali added. "The difference with Trump is the lack of filter, so we’re seeing much more of his thinking than we ever saw with past presidents.”

Trump’s quickness to anger and the destructive aftermath have been a hallmark of his presidency from the very beginning. Former White House press secretary Sean Spicer was widely mocked after he was forced to tussle with reporters in the briefing room and make factually inaccurate claims about the size of Trump’s inauguration crowds as the president fumed at the side-by-side comparisons with President Barack Obama’s inauguration.

Another of Trump’s major outbursts happened back in March, when he unloaded on Attorney General Jeff Sessions, White House lawyer Don McGahn and senior strategist Steve Bannon in the Oval Office for Sessions’ decision to recuse himself from the Russia investigations. It’s a move that still irks the president, and recently Trump publicly said he would not have appointed Sessions to oversee the Department of Justice if he had known about the chance for recusal.

Trump has also become angry on several occasions with McGahn, sometimes for matters entirely out of his control, such as the investigations into Russia’s interference in the 2016 campaign, or the poorly received rollout of the president’s first immigration and travel ban. That executive order was written by Bannon and senior adviser Stephen Miller and is tied up in the courts.

Other notable targets of the president’s frustrations have included national security adviser H.R. McMaster, former chief of staff Reince Priebus and Spicer, who was often on the receiving end of profane criticisms when Trump did not approve of something as innocuous as the chyrons on the TV news shows he watched.

The outbursts extend back to Trump’s campaign days when he could become irritated about expenses and money, according to a senior campaign official.

Some aides and advisers defended the president’s temper by chalking it up to part of the deal of working in a demanding environment for a high-profile boss, a situation that could easily be replicated in Wall Street or Hollywood.

“When the president is upset and people are in the room, it does not mean he is necessarily upset with them," one close adviser to the White House said. "Often, he is upset with the direction of where the situation was going.”

Nor is Trump’s anger omnipresent. It does not always appear in traditionally stressful situations such as during personnel changes, or responding to a major threat or incident. Instead, the president’s temper flares when he feels personally wronged, or controlled, or as if someone is not being loyal to him, aides and advisers say.

The few White House staffers who have managed to escape Trump’s wrath include his daughter, Ivanka; longtime aide Hope Hicks; and, to some extent, Kellyanne Conway, counselor to the president, and Marc Short, director of legislative affairs.

Some Mondays in the White House have been particularly bad for the president’s outbursts. With more time to read the newspapers, watch TV and call old friends over the weekend, Trump sometimes returns to the White House fired up about a specific issue and “loaded,” as one adviser called it.

On one particular Monday, he unleashed on McGahn for failing to solve the Russia investigations — even though an outside attorney, Marc Kasowitz, had assumed the Russia portfolio.

“The possibility that the president is annoyed and angry and yells at someone in the building is not of a lot of consequence to me because it happens all of the time,” said one informal yet frequent adviser to the White House.