This is a clash of arguments being made to Democratic primary voters. Biden thinks they will be persuaded by his case that the way to win against Trump is to prosecute all the ways the president is an aberration — the racism, the corruption, the contempt for governing and liberal democracy — while promising not radical change but, rather, a restoration of the “soul of our nation,” essentially as it existed during the Barack Obama years.

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Warren, by contrast, thinks Democratic voters will be persuaded by her case that the path to victory against Trump is to offer truly transformational change in our political economy. This doesn’t preclude taking on Trump directly — Warren has called for Trump’s impeachment — but her intuition, instinct and academic background all lead her to foreground the first.

It’s an interesting dispute and, at some point, Biden and Warren will probably clash over it in some way during a debate.

But at the same time, it’s worth noting that in the background of that dispute, there’s a convergence of sorts happening among leading Democrats right now. They are increasingly willing to cast doubt on Trump’s fitness to serve as president — because of his tacit winking at white nationalism and white supremacy; his nonstop lying, including misrepresenting consequential communications with other world leaders; his erratic approach to international relations; and even his mental stability.

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Biden, not surprisingly, has been very explicit on this point. In New Hampshire last week, he said Trump is becoming “more and more unhinged,” citing his messianic self-references, his use of “anti-Semitic tropes,” and his continued description of migrant “invasions,” even though this language has been echoed by alleged mass shooters.

Biden noted that Trump is “feeling the pressure of an economy teetering on a recession. And he’s not handling it well.”

Warren has not been quite that explicit, but her intentions have been obvious. She flatly declared earlier this month that Trump is a white supremacist, adding that he has “done everything he can to stir up racial conflict and hatred in this country.” She also bashed Trump as “ugly and racist.” Such quotes plainly cast doubt on Trump’s fitness for the presidency.

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Other Democratic candidates have directly questioned Trump’s fitness, as well. Former Texas congressman Beto O’Rourke hammered Trump as “sick” and “unfit for this office” over his response to the mass shooting in El Paso earlier this month. Former HUD secretary Julián Castro recently said Trump is “unfit to lead our nation,” noting that his willingness to echo white nationalist tropes show he’s “morally bankrupt.”

All this probably reflects the confluence of events we’re seeing. Trump’s echoing of racist and white-nationalist tropes may now be combining with white-nationalism-inspired mass shootings and threats of more mass killings to create a sense that Trump has become a danger to public safety and civic peace.

On top of that, Trump’s behavior in the face of rising predictions of a recession has seemed particularly erratic and deranged (which, as noted above, Biden referenced last week).

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We’re now seeing the president lurch wildly back and forth on his trade wars. Trump “hereby ordered” U.S. companies to leave China, then seemed to tone it down toward China, which was then followed by his aides doubling down on his earlier threatening rhetoric.

Trump has now claimed that he’s gotten “calls” from China to reopen talks — prompting Beijing to deny these phone calls took place. This seems like yet another upward lurch in manifest unfitness:

Leading Democrats sense that all this is producing a shift, in which Trump is increasingly seen as not just crazy, but as a deepening danger to the country.

In an email to party members and activists, Democratic strategist Simon Rosenberg suggested that the “political landscape is changing,” noting that Democrats’ “self-censorship around the President’s manifestly unfit and unpresidential behavior is starting to dramatically wane.”

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So, yes, there’s a meaningful divide among Democrats over whether a case against Trump as an aberrant danger to the country is sufficient. But there appears to be increasing agreement that making this case is, at a bare minimum, necessary.