Mykhailo Zhernakov will always remember the tumultuous days of November 2013. Like many other pro-European Ukrainians, he had eagerly awaited the signing of the Ukraine–European Union Association Agreement, after years of negotiations between both sides. But on November 21, 2013, Ukraine's pro-Russian president, Viktor Yanukovych, announced he would not sign the treaty. When a pro-European rally one week later was brutally suppressed on Kyiv's Independence Square, Zhernakov, like many others, took to the street to protest.

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At the time, the then-28-year-old was working as a judge for a regional administrative court and had a bright future ahead of him. But he soon realized that he was part of the very system he opposed. "I was lucky to work with a relatively young team and quickly saw how corrupt and politically biased Ukrainian courts really are," he told DW.

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Reform frenzy gives way to disillusionment

A few weeks after Yanukovych and his corrupt clique fled to Russia in February 2014, Ukraine's successor government signed the Ukraine–EU agreement. The government's former pro-Russian apparatchiks were largely replaced with young, Western-oriented ministers, and the leadership swiftly implemented a range of reforms.

Zhernakov took part in the 2013 Euromaidan protest movement

With bankruptcy looming, legal loopholes that had allowed previous leaders to siphon state funds into their own pockets were closed. Economists at Kyiv's Institute for Economic Research and Policy Consulting (IER) have calculated that reforms demanded by international lenders and enacted in 2014 have saved the Ukrainian state some $6 billion (€5.3 billion) annually.

"Before, state money was regularly embezzled," said IER economist Oleksandra Betliy.

Ukrainian oligarchs, for instance, abused their control over large state-run power companies to pocket some of the revenue.

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Less than two years later, however, this reform zeal waned. In early 2016, the young economy minster, Aivaras Abromavicius, who had focused on wresting state-run enterprises from the control of Ukrainian oligarchs and leading politicians, resigned. Abromavicius cited pressure from President Poroshenko and his allies as the reason.

Judge Zhernakov, too, soon became disillusioned with the direction his country was going. He regularly traveled to Kyiv to give advice on judicial reform. One of his biggest concerns was to help isolate the country's legal branch from the influence of politicians. But, to his disappointment, he soon had to accept that the country's leaders preferred the old way of doing things.

Deadlocked judicial reform

In late 2015, Zhernakov quit his job in protest against the political subversion of the judiciary. While activists and a new generation of politicians had, with help from the EU, managed to reform how judges self-govern their profession, little changed in practice.

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"Judges still depend on those in power. Bodies for the self-government of the profession are now abused to punish judges who oppose the powerful," Zhernakov said. He believes judicial reform failed because old Kyiv elites refused to have their power curtailed, and because older judges were unwilling to fight for the independence of the judiciary.

Zhernakov nevertheless vowed to keep fighting. He founded a nongovernmental organization that, with international backing, aims to deliver radical change in the long term. "Changes need to be felt early on, namely during the training of young lawyers," he said.

President Poroshenko: A halfhearted reformer?

Daryna Kalenyuk of the Ukrainian Anti Corruption Action Center has also lost faith in the country's leadership. She says that it deceives international lenders like the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the EU by pretending to carry out reforms. "We need to expose these lies and make our international partners understand this is happening," said Kalenyuk. Her NGO and that of Zhernakov is receiving financial support from governments and foundations in various EU countries.

Kalenyuk and Zhernakov represent a new generation of Ukrainian reformers who have become increasingly professional about what they do. They are well connected in the world, and European leaders visiting their country and meeting Ukrainian politicians often also meet these young anti-corruption activists.

German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier met with NGO workers during a visit to Ukraine earlier this year

Progress, despite the setbacks

Five years have passed since the 2013 Euromaidan protests, and Ukraine is a radically different country today. While the reform process has slowed, much progress has been made nevertheless. For instance, Ukrainians today no longer require a visa to travel to the EU. Since 2017, almost 1.5 million have made use of this new freedom.

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In 2015, the National Anti-corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) was created, for which President Poroshenko was widely praised. But NGOs have warned that the independent anti-corruption body has been repeatedly prevented from doing its work by Ukraine's public prosecutor — who happens to be an ally of Poroshenko.

Anti-corruption court to be set up

NABU has shown dozens of influential politicians to be corrupt, including several of Poroshenko's allies. But so far, not one of them has been tried. The old generation of judges tend to wait years before initiating court cases against corrupt politicians. Often, lenient rulings in favor of the corrupt are the result.

That is why a coalition of NGOs has been fighting for years to establish an independent anti-corruption court. Activist insist judges should be selected by a renowned international commission of legal experts in a fully transparent process. Poroshenko has finally, though begrudgingly, agreed to such a court. Zhernakov said he was pleased by that decision, and is convinced that international pressure had a lot to do with it.

A day in the life on Maidan Defeating subzero temperatures Anti-government protesters calling for Ukraine’s integration with the European Union occupied Kyiv's Independence Square, also known as "Maidan" in early December 2013. They set up camp on the capital’s main square and endured subzero temperatures for weeks, hovering around makeshift campfires, like the one pictured above, to stay warm.

A day in the life on Maidan Trying to stay warm During the day the temperature hovers around -15 degrees Celsius (5 degrees Fahrenheit), at night it can easily plummet to -25 degrees Celsius (-13 degrees Fahrenheit). To survive the cold, tents are sealed and heated with wood-burning stoves. Firewood is brought in by Kyiv residents but police have stopped and arrested people transporting wood.

A day in the life on Maidan Clothes for free Warm clothes are stocked and donated by Kyiv residents who support the EuroMaidan volunteers. Thick coats, sweaters, socks and shirts are in abundance, bundled on top of each other. Anybody who wishes or needs can take any item of clothing, day or night.

A day in the life on Maidan Maidan’s soup kitchens Operating around the clock, soup kitchens, tea stations and wood-burning stoves help thousands of demonstrators brave the subzero temperatures. Soup kitchens, like the one above, are a highly disciplined operation made possible by donations and support from surrounding residents.

A day in the life on Maidan Mustafa’s famous Plov kitchen Mr. Mustafa’s Plov kitchen is one of the most popular kitchens on Maidan, with a seemingly endless line of cold and hungry protesters. Originally from Uzbekistan and now based in the Crimea, Mr. Mustafa offers Plov, an Uzbek national dish served with rice, onions, spices and meat or fish. It’s cooked in a "kazan," a type of large cooking pot used throughout Central Asia and Russia.

A day in the life on Maidan A cool game of chess Another popular activity around Maidan is playing a game of chess. Though it is very cold, Kyivians enjoy playing this game on a frozen fountain. Chess is a traditional and popular game in the Ukraine and is played no matter the season. The 50 cm chess pieces made of sturdy polystyrene do not require much effort.

A day in the life on Maidan Singing keeps the heart warm To keep the heart warm on a cold winter night, a Ukrainian bard sings and narrates patriotic hymns, songs and poems on Maidan’s main stage. Pictured above, the bard holds a "Kobzar," a Ukrainian stringed instrument of the lute family. Singers, actors and activists use the main stage as a 24-hour platform. During breaks, film and historical documentaries are also shown.

A day in the life on Maidan Maidan selfie Standing by a Metro exit blocked with tires, barbed wire and a "no way through" sign, a Kievian takes a "selfie." Many locals enter Maidan in order to use the underground passage, which acts as a Metro entrance for the Khreshchatyk metro station, a short-cut to the local supermarket and small businesses. It's an opportunity to warm up in freezing weather or to satisfy their own Maidan curiosity.

A day in the life on Maidan Mourning on Maidan But life on Maidan isn’t always fun. Last month three protesters were killed in clashes with riot police bringing the official death count to six, including two police officers. More than 1,000 have been injured. The circumstances of some of the deaths still remain unclear. Four people died from gunshot wounds; ambulance services have confirmed bullet wounds from sniper rifles and other handguns.

A day in the life on Maidan Separated only by barricades Protesters have constructed a layered defense system. At the front barricades, protesters are only a few hundred meters away from police. Ice, bricks, burn barrels and scrap metal separate both groups. There are many young men patrolling the Maidan, armed with a long stick and usually wearing helmets, trying to keep the peace and enforce the ban on alcohol and recreational drug use.

A day in the life on Maidan Training the protestors The order and security on Maidan are provided by the protesters themselves; many of whom are former police officers or former members of special forces units, including soldiers from various public organizations, who fought in Afghanistan. They train volunteers in tactical and formation awareness, striving to prevent any provocations by instilling self-discipline within the ranks.

A day in the life on Maidan 'Mothers of Maidan' marching Accompanied by Orthodox priests, the "Mothers of Maidan" are often seen marching in groups carrying printed slogans, such as "Not our Children." Many of the mothers have come from all over the Ukraine. Since their sons are serving in the police and special force units, they have pleaded with officials not to deploy them in Kyiv. The compulsory military service for men aged 18-25 ended in 2014.

A day in the life on Maidan Pro-Europe, pro-democratization While you can’t take EuroMaidan home, you can bring home small souvenirs, such as magnets with slogans like "Ukraine is Europe" or "(Your) Choice Matters." Though Ukraine joining the EU was one of the protestors' initial demands, the demonstrations are now addressing a larger issue: demanding the Ukrainian government to show transparency and respect for their constitutional rights. Author: Filip Warwick



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