When Michael Chong appeared on a stage in Edmonton months back with all of the current candidates running to lead the Conservative Party of Canada (Kevin O’Leary was a no-show), he pitched his plan for a carbon tax — and was booed, loudly and long, by the audience.

He took the trouble to explain his plan in some detail — how income taxes would be reduced proportionate to the impact of the tax on carbon emissions, how it’s the socially and morally responsible thing to do. Didn’t matter. The scorn heaped upon him by party members was mirrored on stage, as the remaining candidates lined up to resoundingly reject the notion of using a market-based tool to fight climate change.

He tried gamely to convince the unfriendly audience that they should choose him as their next leader because he — as the son of immigrants and a representative of the electorally critical ‘905’ area code — had the best chance of the bunch of beating Justin Trudeau in 2019.

Given how unpredictable the leadership contest was at the time — and how unpredictable the next election remains — his bold pitch was as valid as any other. In February, the populist and ultra-nationalist campaign of Kellie Leitch had not yet burned itself out. It was still conceivable that a deeply polarizing candidate might emerge as the winner, only to be soundly rejected by the broader electorate.

But Michael Chong?

Chong has both political and academic smarts. He understands that elections are won and lost in the suburbs of Canada’s major metropolitan centers. He understands that new Canadians form a large share of those demographics. He knows that some of the policies of intolerance the Conservatives bizarrely pushed in 2015 (banning the niqab at citizenship ceremonies, a ‘barbaric practices’ snitch line) were unforced errors that did the party irreparable harm in the suburbs.

Nobody’s in a better position to make that case than Chong. The son of Chinese and Dutch immigrants, his family’s narrative is the Canadian Dream in motion — of immigrants arriving with little, building new lives from scratch. It’s a compelling story.

But Chong is also steeped in Canadian history. He speaks eloquently about the 19th century political reformers Robert Baldwin and Louis-Hippolyte Lafontaine, how in 1848 they fought for and achieved ‘responsible government’ in the United Provinces of Canada.

Chong decided there were principles he treasured more than he did his office and government car. That ought to give you an idea of just how remarkable a figure he is in contemporary politics. Chong decided there were principles he treasured more than he did his office and government car. That ought to give you an idea of just how remarkable a figure he is in contemporary politics.

When we were in caucus together, Chong and I became allies in our attempts to restore some notion of Westminster democracy in Canada. Our goal was to have a government responsible to a House comprised of members of Parliament who represent their constituents in Ottawa — rather than representing their party to their constituents.

His signature private member’s bill, The Reform Act, was a bold attempt to restore an appropriate balance between the executive and legislative branches of government by taking power away from party leaders and returning it to the caucuses. It could have been the first step on a long road to repairing responsible government in Canada. The fact that it had to be amended at the request of the Harper PMO before it could pass only underscores why reform is so badly needed.

Michael Chong places principle over ambition. His resignation from Stephen Harper’s cabinet in 2006 to protest a government motion to recognize the ‘Quebecois as a nation within a United Canada’ reflected a principle that was once part of the bedrock practice of Westminster democracy in this country, but is now quaintly obscure. He couldn’t support his government — couldn’t agree with a policy he saw as being based on the ethnic nationalism he’s opposed throughout his career — and so, he resigned.

I don’t remember the last time anyone had quit a Canadian cabinet on a point of principle prior to 2006. I know it hasn’t happened since.

In Ottawa, cabinet ministers will tie themselves in knots to defend government policies they once opposed (and might still oppose, privately). To give up the power of being in cabinet (not to mention the perks) is an extraordinary act in an era of blind sycophancy.

We’ve just spent weeks listening to Conservative leadership candidates criticize some of the policies of the government they once served, loyally and quietly. Silence and acquiesce can be the key to career advancement in Ottawa. Chong decided there were principles he treasured more than he did his office and government car. That ought to give you an idea of just how remarkable a figure he is in contemporary politics.

Chong is a Red Tory, certainly a moderate on most social issues and, as a result, a long shot for the CPC leadership. His bold claim that he has the best chance of beating the Liberals in 2019 may very well be true — and that, ironically, is exactly why he remains a long shot. His moderate positions and support for a revenue-neutral carbon tax play far better in the mainstream of Canadian politics — where elections are won and lost — than they do among those who identify as ‘conservative’.

That’s a shame. He and frontrunner Maxime Bernier have little in common politically, except this: They’re both drawn to big ideas. Chong’s big ideas very different from Bernier’s libertarian proposals, but they represent the kind of intellectual heavy lifting the Conservatives need to do on the road to restoring their fortunes.

For starters, Conservatives have to come to terms with the need for a credible plan to fight climate change. That means they have to at least consider a market-based tool, such as a carbon tax. And Canadians seriously need to address the power imbalance between party leaders and unelected staffers in the PMO — and the elected members of Parliament.

I still think it’s unlikely that the government will change in 2019. The Conservative Party of Canada has six years to redefine itself. I sincerely hope it uses that time constructively and emerges standing for something other than the ‘same old, same old’ — and whatever happens to be the opposite of what the Liberals are doing. They can’t do that by ignoring people like Michael Chong.

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