“What’s the POH? The POH is my new name for the Democratic Party, the DNC. And it stands for the Party of Hate. ’Cause it seems to me that the Republicans have sort of pivoted to optimism. They’ve sorted of pivoted to, ‘Hey, things are going pretty well, we might be entering a golden age.’ But the DNC, the Democrats, more the Democrats than the DNC, have sort of become the Party of Hate.” Scott Adams, creator of the cartoon, Dilbert, and author of Win Bigly: Persuasion in a World Where Facts Don’t Matter, from his Periscope broadcast on 11/9/17, “Scott Adams talks about imaginary news of imaginary crimes and the continued self-immolation of the POH.”

While campaigning in September for the Virginia House of Delegates, Danica Roem, a 33-year-old transgender-identified gay man who presents as a woman and appropriates female pronouns, released a YouTube advertisement (“Danica Roem: Inspire,” Sept. 25, 2017) showing himself at a bathroom mirror, wearing a dress, applying face powder, and taking pills from bottles labeled as estrogen and a testosterone blocker.

Speaking in voiceover, the candidate says, “I’m Danica Roem, I’m running for office because my identity shouldn’t be a big deal. Because this shouldn’t be newsworthy or political. This is just who I am. There are millions of transgender people in this country. And we all deserve representation in government. So when I stand up on the statehouse floor and the speaker says, ‘The gentlewoman from Manassas,’ LGBTQ kids everywhere will know they can succeed because of who they are, not despite it.”

When Roem mentions LGBTQ children, the video cuts in sequence to headshots of three teens, who appear male.

As I explain in my forthcoming book, War in the Women’s Room: How to Get Men in Dresses Out of Women’s Spaces, Save Your Children from Confusion about Their Sex, and Undo the Transgender Coup, published by Dangerous Books, it would be hard to find a more perfect 30-second summary of the transgender activist movement’s erasure of women, exploitation of children, and demolition of the lesbian and gay rights movement. All of which makes Roem’s transgender identity newsworthy, political, and a big deal.

On Nov. 7, Roem won the election in District 13 by using his transgender identity to get large out-of-state donations enabling him to outspend his opponent, incumbent Bob Marshall (R), by a ratio of 2.7 to 1. Roem spent $779,289 compared to Marshall’s $290,302, according to the Virginia Public Access Project (VPAP). Roem (D) also used his transgender identity to smear Marshall as a bigot for proposing a law designed to protect the safety and privacy of women in restrooms.

To get people to ignore that his transgender identity was the most important issue in his campaign, Roem’s YouTube advertisement uses the persuasion technique of getting people to “think past the sale.” “The sale” in this case is Roem’s appropriation of a female identity, and the reason he wants you to think past it is because the act of males claiming that femaleness can be conferred at will, and by pills, clothes, and cosmetics is destructive to the rights of women and reality itself.

Transgender rights do not have to usurp anyone else’s rights, as I show in my book.

However, by demanding to be accepted as a biological woman and appropriating female pronouns, Roem instead is embracing the transgender activist movement.

As a state legislator, Roem may be in a position to help transgender activists control public schools in Virginia (more than they already do) and teach every child from kindergarten to high school that the male and female sexes have no basis in biological reality, that sex is a social construct that can be chosen, that women can have penises and men can have babies, and that inclusion means women have no rights to exclude natal males from anything they want to horn in on.

Roem’s focus on traffic congestion on Route 28 in his district in Northern Virginia is a genius play in misdirection and confusion. By doing so, he diverts attention from his goal of enacting the transgender activist agenda into state law, which he calls “inclusion,” a word transgender activists define as, “the right of men to go anywhere they want and do whatever they want.”

Roem’s constituents are obsessed with traffic congestion and there’s no good solution for the problem except for deciding not to live there, so he can keep people focused on that squirrel forever. Also, it allows him to pose as a progressive hero for demanding the state spend hundreds of millions of dollars, renege on an already-funded road project, and cheat the consortium of private companies building a different road to alleviate congestion, all to shave a few minutes off his constituents’ commute.

In my book, I explain how to accomplish a win-win agenda for transgender rights by passing specific laws at the local and state levels.

Transgender activists like Danica Roem and their enablers are seeking local and state office to impose a win-lose agenda instead.

Roem’s transgender identity gave him access to almost unlimited cash for his campaign.

Roem raised $806,825 to the $305,170 raised by Bob Marshall. Roem’s biggest donor was millionaire Chris Abele, chairman of the Gay and Lesbian Victory Fund, which donates to the campaigns of LGBTQ candidates. Abele gave Roem his first big donation of $10,000 in May and two donations in October totaling $75,000. Abele personally donated a total of $190,000 to Roem’s campaign, while the Gay and Lesbian Victory Fund gave $3,000.

In 2018, transgender activist candidates will be even richer and more assured of victory in their local and state elections, thanks to the $26 million the Human Rights Campaign announced in July that it will spend to hire 20 new employees to support LGBTQ candidates and influence elections at every level in six battleground states: Arizona, Nevada, Michigan, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. HRC leaders are obviously thinking ahead to the 2020 presidential race because these states accounted for 81 votes in the Electoral College in 2016 and Trump won in five of them. In the overall count, Hillary carried Nevada but lost by 77 electoral votes.

The HRC Rising campaign, as it’s called, will be waged against all Republican candidates in these states. Expect them to weaponize transgenders using the successful template LGBTQ nonprofits developed in Texas in 2017 to prevent legal protections for women to have privacy from natal men in women’s restrooms: smears of “transphobia” and false claims that if non-gender-conforming children are not immediately transitioned to transgender, even against the will of their parents and without their knowledge, they will kill themselves. Fear is the best persuader, and fear that sparks our instinctive reflex to protect children is the most effective persuader of all.

Democrats will use fears and smears against all conservatives and Republicans running in 2018 in the belief that they won’t know how to fight them. I will be offering my services as a campaign consultant to make sure they do.

Conservative, liberal, and transgender protectors of women and children—they exist!—are blocked from challenging transgender activist falsehoods because their mainstream media allies will not publish stories of the harms they inflict on the children they seek to convert to transgender, such as the dildos they insist six-year-old girls should wear if they like playing with boys, or the double mastectomy scars on 14-year-old girls convinced by social media that surgery and hormones would turn them into boys so their sexual attraction to other girls would be okay, or the de-transitioned young women grieving about how transgender activists on social media and in the medical and therapy professions told them their only option for their fears during puberty was to “transition or die.”

In addition to the Gay and Lesbian Victory Fund, the Human Rights Campaign can summon to its cause a network of wealthy leftist nonprofits like the Southern Poverty Law Center, which collectively took in over $500 million last year in donations from individuals and foundations, to say nothing of the celebrities, sports leagues, and major corporations who rushed to demolish protections for women and children in North Carolina and Texas to fulfill the demands of transgender activists for male access to everywhere women disrobe. These organizations have combined assets of over $1.2 billion. (See tables at the bottom of this article.)

There is no corresponding infrastructure on the right to counter the transgender activist juggernaut and fight for the rights of women and children. There are only a handful of social conservative organizations like the Alliance Defending Freedom, Texas Values, and the Conservative Republicans of Texas, which have a small fraction of the wealth and power of the progressive organizations arrayed against them.

Roem is the third transgender candidate to win a state legislature race, but he will be the first both to win and serve as openly transgender. Althea Garrison, a Democrat who has changed party affiliations many times, ,concealed that he was a transgender-identified man when he ran for a seat in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and was outed after he won. He served one term (as a Republican) from 1992 to 1994 and since has run unsuccessfully for election as a Republican, Democrat, and Independent. Stacie Laughton, a Democrat, was elected to New Hampshire’s House of Representatives but did not serve due to revelations of crimes he committed before identifying as female.

Roem was not the only transgender candidate who won in 2017. According to Logan Casey, who is tracking transgender candidates as a research associate for the Harvard Opinion Research Program, eight other transgender candidates won on Nov. 7 and the first won in June. Seven are natal men, while Philippe Cunningham (D) and Tyler Titus (D) are natal women—their photos alone explain why bathroom bills in 2018 have to divide sex-segregated spaces by testosterone and male presentation rather than the sex recorded on a birth certificate.

Five of the transgender candidates won seats on city councils and three on school boards. Andrea Jenkins (D) and Philippe Cunningham (D) both won seats on the Minneapolis city council. Lisa Middleton (D) was elected to the city council for Palm Springs, California. Other city council winners were Stephe Koontz in Doraville, Georgia, and Raven Matherne (D) in Stamford, Connecticut. The victors in school board races were Tyler Titus (D) in Erie, Pennsylvania, and Gerri Cannon (D) in Somersworth, New Hampshire. In June, Jacquelyn Ryan (D) won his election to the school board in Southbridge, Massachusetts.

Casey’s list of transgender candidates running in 2018 is topped by Jacey Wyatt (D) running for governor in Connecticut, Kim Coco Iwamoto (D) for lieutenant governor in Hawaii, seven candidates for the U.S. House of Representatives, one for state senate in Texas, and two for the Texas house. All the transgender candidates who have declared so far are natal men, but if transgender activists have their way, their achievements will be recorded as if they are women.

While all the transgender candidates for 2018 are open about being transgender, the Democrats are remarkably secretive about their political affiliation and sussing it out required a diligent search. For the seven candidates for the U.S. House of Representatives, Jenna Marie Bourgeois, District 4, Missouri, is openly Republican; Terra Snover, District 10, California, is an Independent; and the Democrats are Monica DePaul, District 4, Florida; Wendy Ella May, District 2, North Carolina; Misty Snow, District 2, Utah; Laura Ann Weaver, District 1, Ohio; and Brianna Westbrook, District 8, Arizona.

The state senate candidate is Pamela Curry, Democrat, running in District 8 in Texas. The state house candidates are Democrats Angela Bridgman, District 32, North Carolina, and Gerri Cannon, District 18, in New Hampshire.

It is worth repeating that the objection to these transgender candidates is not that they are transgender, it’s that they choose a transgender activist agenda that erases women, harms children, and is destructive to the rights of lesbians and gays—and their purpose for running for office is to enshrine this agenda in law.

Assets of the left-wing organizations:

The Gill Foundation: $206,845,692

ACLU: $166,213,986

ACLU Foundation: $400,374,277

SPLC: $353,174,928

Media Matters: $4,982,197

Equality California: $603,418

Equality California Institute: $1,003,032

GLAAD: $6,689,656

GLAD: $2,644,789

GLSEN: $4,306,505

Victory Fund: $460,595

Human Rights Campaign: $16,197,772

HRC Foundation: $34,463,672

Lambda Legal: $22,530,139

NCLR: $1,891,644

NGLTF: no 990, not listed in annual report

NGLTF Foundation: $3,879,032

PFLAG: $2,939,538

The Trevor Project: $1,909,864

National Center for Trans Equality: $1,256,767

Total assets: $1,232,367,503

Annual revenue of left-wing organizations in latest IRS Form 990 or annual report:

The Gill Foundation: not listed

ACLU: $155,827,510

ACLU Foundation: $152,178,320

SPLC: $58,176,499

Media Matters: $9,215,064

Equality California: $1,350,820

Equality California Institute: $2,347,854

GLAAD: $5,401,436

GLAD: $3,459,109

GLSEN: $5,575,615

Victory Fund: $1,850,000 (from annual report)

Human Rights Campaign: $41,701,818

HRC Foundation: $18,088,880

Lambda Legal: $19,722,436

NCLR: $5,118,941

NGLTF: $6,730,304

NGLTF Foundation: $8,571,749

The Trevor Project: $4,848,455

NCTE: $2,065,367

Total annual revenue: $502,230,177

This is the only organization on the Right doing anything significant to fight the transgender agenda, and it’s not the group’s primary function:

Alliance Defending Freedom (litigation to protect Christians)

Fiscal year ending June 30, 2016

Total revenue 2015: $51,537,691

Total assets 2015 end of year: $32,795,628