Donald Trump will be happy to see the back of June, a month in which things got so bad that even Scott Adams gave up. I wouldn’t count Trump out, and a successful convention can repair a lot of harm. But a spot on the Trump ticket is starting to look less appealing. It’s a big risk to your career if you’re young, and you don’t need the hassle if you’re old. So let’s look at who’s being considered and assess the challenges of each.

Newt Gingrich

Former Speaker, House of Representatives

Someone once told me a story about John Kennedy, while president-elect, responding to an entitled-feeling ally who was asking if Kennedy had decided what to make him. Kennedy’s response: “Yes, I’ve decided what I’m making you. I’m making you fuck-all.” Is this story true? No—or at best it’s been mangled beyond recognition, and historians will have to write and set me straight. But all of us should keep it in mind as inspiration for dealing with Newt Gingrich.

That includes Trump. To be sure, Gingrich has voiced support for Trump in the press, but it’s mostly about culture—those “liberal elites” (give Gingrich points for picking a pejorative and sticking with it for 30 years)—and very little about Trump’s positions on issues like trade. Gingrich has also regularly found fault with Trump, often to the same media outlets he says he views as biased. (He most recently called Trump’s remarks about a judge “inexcusable.”) So Gingrich manages to be both sycophantic and unreliable—a classic Washington combo. When last consulted by Gallup, in 2012, Americans gave Gingrich impressive unfavorable ratings of 61 percent, which, to be fair, still left 26 percent favorable, numbers that those who know him believe could be brought down with even a token effort. Perhaps joining forces with Trump would create a synergy of unfavorability, bringing the positive ratings down to three, one, or zero percent. So Newt as vice president would be an interesting experiment, provided Trump’s goal was shattering defeat.

Chris Christie

Governor, New Jersey

Trump and Chris Christie like each other, or think they do, or pretend to. The chemistry between the men is good, now that Christie has become a trusty valet. There are more plusses: Christie’s straight-talk vibe amplifies the strengths of Trump, who still profits from a perceived bluntness. As an attacker, Christie has always been effective, whether as a prosecutor or as a melter of Marco Rubio. Finally, he is a talented pol, a guy who enjoys campaigning and working rooms. According to news reports Thursday, Christie is actively being vetted for the gig, which is the least Trump could do as a reward for his loyalty.

But Bridgegate will trail Christie, and Trump can’t afford that liability. Christie isn’t much in sync with Trump on policy, either, except the policy of being loyal to Trump, so his counsel on many subjects would be of limited use. Finally, there’s the simple and cruel matter of visuals. Both men are above an ideal weight. Like it or not, a president’s appearance is tied to a country’s conception of itself. Americans are prepared to view their country as slightly flabby, but still rich and vigorous, à la Trump. They’re not prepared to view their country as anything resembling Chris Christie. Sorry. I don’t write the rules.

Bob Corker

Senator, Tennessee

Bob Corker is on this list because he’s on other lists. Does he agree with Trump on trade? Nope. Does he agree with Trump on immigration? Nope. Does he agree with Trump on NATO? Nope. But Corker has been non-hostile to Trump, which is more than many other Republican senators can claim. He is liked by Democrats, which means, I suppose, that he could help Trump foster bipartisanship, or something.