Last night, clutching 120 motions and with the chanting of thousands of marchers still ringing in their ears, 100 Labour conference delegates entered a room to consider the wording for a motion on the People’s Vote. The “composite motion” that emerged somewhat different: a “public vote” which looked like an afterthought to securing a general election and offering no commitment to a remain option in such a vote.

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But let’s not be too quick to compost this composite motion. We should not underplay just what an incredible achievement this is. That this resolution has seen the light of day at all is testimony to the incredible efforts of campaigners across the country and the cross-party support that the People’s Vote has attained. A few notable Labour MPs and trade union leaders have been at the forefront of this campaign and support for the People’s Vote among Labour members has now hit dizzying heights, achieving almost 90% support, according to a new poll. There can be no doubt that strong support within Labour circles has ensured the People’s Vote has moved from being widely ignored by the press and media to making headline news. So Labour is clearly moving in the right direction, but its response to this extraordinarily successful campaign is incoherent and unrealistic.

First, a vote on the deal without a remain option is unacceptable. Clearly many within Labour acknowledge this. While John McDonnell appears to reject staying in the EU as an option in any future referendum, Keir Starmer is adamant that a vote to remain “may well have to be one of the options”. Meanwhile, leading Labour proponent of the People’s Vote, David Lammy, tweeted that a referendum offering only a no deal or bad deal option was “farcical” and must include the right to remain in the EU. He is absolutely right. To deny people that option would mean it isn’t a people’s vote at all as it would totally disenfranchise the millions – now forming the majority – who want to stay in the EU.

McDonnell has emphasised his preference for a general election. The composite resolution reflects this and the “public vote” seems marginalised. This is putting the cart before the horse. Rather than “all options remaining on the table” we need to see a firm manifesto commitment to a people’s vote from Labour ahead of any general election. This is especially important since the Labour leadership is so lukewarm about the idea. Without such a commitment, how can we trust that Labour will actually deliver a people’s vote in the event of a general election? An election that would be difficult to imagine anyway, since Tory MPs, however divided, are unlikely to vote down their own government.

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Critics claim that Labour’s carefully worded fudge puts party before country. But evidence actually points to the fact that endorsing the People’s Vote would be more, not less, likely to secure a Labour win at the next general election. Analysis by YouGov estimates that Labour stands to gain at least 60 seats if it campaigns for the People’s Vote.

Labour’s suggestion that it could take power and reopen negotiations is equally unconvincing. The EU27 have been clear that they would only allow article 50 to be extended in order to facilitate a new popular vote, not to reopen negotiations.

A huge amount of energy has gone into achieving a shift in Labour’s position on the People’s Vote. I warmly congratulate my Labour colleagues, Labour members and trade unionists who have worked so hard to bring this about. We have come so far in the past few months, but the next step is the crucial one. For Labour to show that it is a truly democratic party – and to stand the best chance of taking power from this disastrous government – it needs to give unequivocal support for the People’s Vote with a clear option to remain in the EU.

• Molly Scott Cato is Green party MEP for South West England