Democrats on Capitol Hill think the newly elected Republican president might have as much in common with them as the Republicans running Congress — and they’re planning to take full advantage of it.

Though incoming leader Chuck Schumer has yet to show his hand, the outline of a Democratic strategy for dealing with Donald Trump is beginning to take shape, based on interviews with several senators and aides. Their thinking: Exploit the inevitable divisions between Trump and the increasingly conservative GOP leadership over tax policy, infrastructure spending and possibly social issues. And Senate Democrats hope to use the filibuster — the only real leverage they have to stymie Trump and congressional Republicans — sparingly.


While it might seem like wishful thinking for Democrats to think they can do an end run around a Congress firmly under Republican control, Democrats say they could envision cutting deals with Trump on passing a public works package, killing the “carried interest” loophole, and cracking down on currency manipulation by China. Many conservatives oppose all those proposals.

So even as progressives dig in to fight potential efforts to repeal Obamacare and hack away at environmental regulations, party leaders appear open to working with Trump — on their terms.

“We must hold him to his words [of promising to close] tax loopholes that only help the rich [and] unrig the system,” said Sen. Debbie Stabenow (D-Mich.), a close ally of Schumer who’s poised to rise in Democratic leadership. “The problem in getting infrastructure is not the Democratic caucus.”

“I think Donald Trump would be very receptive to what [moderate Democrats] have to say,” added Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia.

Schumer has kept a low profile since the election. He released a statement after speaking with Trump that he would spend time reflecting on “charting a path forward to achieve our shared goals and to defend our values.” Schumer has also been in touch with senators from across his caucus, hoping to zero in on policy areas of agreement with Trump that congressional Republicans might oppose.

But Democrats in contact with Schumer say the presumptive Democratic leader hasn’t given them any indication he’s planning to declare war on the incoming president by reflexively opposing him on everything. That’s in keeping with Schumer’s pragmatic, deal-cutting sensibilities.

Schumer chatted with Senate Majority Leader McConnell (R-Ky.) on Election Day and the two agreed to work together “whatever happens” in the presidential race, a person familiar with the exchange said. They spoke again on Wednesday.

And in Louisville on Friday, McConnell called Schumer a “smart, transactional person, and I think we’ll get along just fine.”

But the hope within Schumer’s inner circle is that Trump will move toward the center and occasionally go around McConnell and Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) to negotiate with the incoming Democratic leader.

“There are areas where [Trump] is much more of a Democrat,” said a senior Democratic aide. “He could cut deals and leave [Republicans] in the dust.”

Schumer and his likely 48-member minority will have an intensely difficult task the next two years: Protecting 10 Senate Democrats up for reelection in states Trump carried with a progressive base that will demand the party confront Trump at every turn.

It's a microcosm of the post-election crisis facing Democrats of how to appeal to people who voted for Trump even as the party marches steadily to the left.

“We will be the only bulwark against Trumpism,” said Sen. Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii), a progressive Democrat. Schumer is “the leader we need right now to be the only check on Trump.”

Likely relegated to the minority until at least 2020, given the brutal midterm map in two years, Senate Democrats are in a reactive, wait-and-see mode. But even the most liberal members of the Senate seem to believe it would be a mistake to promise four years of obstruction out of the gate.

Automatic opposition to Trump’s agenda could backfire. With the White House and Congress under GOP control, Republicans could retaliate by killing the filibuster altogether.

“What we’re not going to do is what Mitch McConnell stands for, which is obstructing things because of who proposed it,” said Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.), a prominent liberal. But “if Trump puts plans forward that aren’t about working Americans, if it’s tax cuts for billionaires, we’ll certainly fight that.”

The first real inflection point for Democrats will be Trump’s Supreme Court nominee. The expectation is that McConnell will stick with the 60-vote standard, unless Democrats bait him to change it by blocking the nominee, which Merkley admitted is a possibility.

“I hope that what’s going to happen is we don't do that,” Sen. Bob Corker (R-Tenn.) said of a rules change. “I’ve already received some calls from Democrats wanting to work together to resolve this issue.”

Schumer will be under intense pressure from liberals to oppose any conservative nominee. But moderate Democrats and those up for reelection in Rust Belt states that Trump won could conceivably help McConnell get 60 votes. At least eight Democrats will be needed to break a filibuster.

“He won the White House and that is part of the deal. He’s going to restore the balance,” said Sen. Jeff Flake (R-Ariz.), who was in strong opposition to Trump during the election. “When you look at the number of Democrats that are up, I think we’ll get cooperation.”

Flake wouldn’t say how Republicans would react to such a filibuster, and McConnell declined to entertain a possible rules change, saying Friday that Democrats are “going to want to be cooperative with us.” For now, the GOP seems to be leaning toward keeping the legislative filibuster and the required cooperation with Democrats that comes with it.

“Republicans ought to be consistent here,” Flake said. “The legislative filibuster is something that has helped maintain limited government.”

With their options limited in taking on Trump and the congressional GOP, Democrats are laying out areas on which they think they can work with the new president. Rather than coming out of the gate as an aggressive opposition party, they’re looking for clues whether Trump is interested in engaging with them.

“It’s really going to be on President Trump to follow through on his priorities,” Stabenow said.

But if he doesn’t?

“It’s a fight,” Schatz said.