Antiquities of the Jews - Book XVIII

Containing the Interval of 32 Years.

From the banishment of Archelaus to the departure of the Jews from Babylon.

Chapter 1.

How Cyrenius was sent by Cesar to make a taxation of Syria and Judea; and how Coponius was sent to be procurator of Judea. Concerning Judas of Galilee; and concerning the sects that were among the Jews.

1. [A.D. 7.] Now Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone through other magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been consul; and one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity, came at this time into Syria, with a few others; being sent by Cesar to he a judge of that nation; and to take an account of their substance. Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent together with him: to have the supreme power over the Jews. Moreover Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus’s money. But the Jews, although at the beginning they took the report of a taxation heinously; yet did they leave off any farther opposition to it, by the persuasion of Joazar, who was the son of Boethus, and High Priest. So they being over persuaded by Joazar’s words, gave an account of their estates, without any dispute about it. Yet was there one Judas, a Gaulonite; (1) of a city whose name was Gamala; who, taking with him Saddouk, a Pharisee, (2) became zealous to draw them to a revolt: who both said that this taxation was no better than an introduction to slavery: and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty. As if they could procure them happiness, and security for what they possessed; and an assured enjoyment of a still greater good; which was that of the honour and glory they would thereby acquire for magnanimity. They also said that God would not otherwise be assisting to them, than upon their joining with one another in such counsels as might be successful, and for their own advantage: and this especially if they would set about great exploits; and not grow weary in executing the same. So men received what they said with pleasure: and this bold attempt proceeded to a great height. All sorts of misfortunes also sprang from these men; and the nation was infected with this doctrine to an incredible degree. One violent war came upon us after another: and we lost our friends, which used to alleviate our pains: there were also very great robberies, and murders of our principal men. This was done in pretence indeed, for the publick welfare; but in reality, from the hopes of gain to themselves. Whence arose seditions: and from them murders of men: which sometimes fell on those of their own people: (by the madness of these men towards one another; while their desire was, that none of the adverse party might be left:) and sometimes on their enemies. A famine also coming upon us reduced us to the last degree of despair: as did also the taking and demolishing of cities. Nay the sedition at last increased so high, that the very temple of God was burnt down by the enemies fire. Such were the consequences of this, that the customs of our fathers were altered, and such a change was made, as added a mighty weight toward bringing all to destruction. Which these men occasioned by their thus conspiring together. For Judas and Sadducus, who excited a fourth philosophick sect among us, and had a great many followers therein, filled our civil government with tumults at present, and laid the foundations of our future miseries, by this system of philosophy, which we before were unacquainted withal. Concerning which I will discourse a little: and this the rather because the infection which spread thence among the younger sort, who were zealous for it, brought the publick to destruction.

2. The Jews had, for a great while, had three sects of philosophy peculiar to themselves. The sect of the Essens; and the sect of the Sadducees; and the third sort of opinions was that of those called Pharisees. Of which sects although I have already spoken in the second book of the Jewish war;1 yet will I a little touch upon them now.

3. Now for the Pharisees, they live meanly, and despise delicacies in diet; and they follow the contract of reason: and what that prescribes to them as good for them they do: and they think they ought earnestly to strive to observe reason’s dictates for practice. They also pay a respect to such as are in years: nor are they so bold as to contradict them in any thing which they have introduced. And when they determine that all things are done by fate,2 they do not take away the freedom from men of acting as they think fit: since their notion is, that it hath pleased God to make a temperament; whereby what he wills is done; but so that the will of man can act virtuously or viciously. They also believe that souls have an immortal vigour in them: and that under the earth there will be rewards, or punishments; according as they have lived virtuously or viciously in this life: and the latter are to be detained in an everlasting prison; but that the former shall have power to revive and live again. On account of which doctrines they are able greatly to persuade the body of the people: and whatsoever they do about divine worship, prayers, and sacrifices, they perform them according to their direction. Insomuch, that the cities give great attestations to them, on account of their intire virtuous conduct, both in the actions of their lives, and their discourses also.

4. But the doctrine of the Sadducees is this; that souls die with the bodies. Nor do they regard the observation of any thing besides what the law enjoins them. For they think it an instance of virtue to dispute with those teachers of philosophy whom they frequent. But this doctrine is received but by a few: yet by those still of the greatest dignity. But they are able to do almost nothing of themselves. For when they become magistrates; as they are unwillingly and by force sometimes obliged to be; they addict themselves to the notions of the Pharisees: because the multitude would not otherwise bear them.

5. The doctrine of the Essens is this; that all things are best ascribed to God. They teach the immortality of souls: and esteem that the rewards of righteousness are to be earnestly striven for. And when they send what they have dedicated to God into the temple, they do not offer sacrifices: (3) because they have more pure lustrations of their own. On which account they are excluded from the common court of the temple: but offer their sacrifices themselves. Yet is their course of life better than that of other men; and they intirely addict themselves to husbandry. It also deserves our admiration, how much they exceed all other men that addict themselves to virtue, and this in righteousness: and indeed to such a degree, that as it hath never appeared among any other men, neither Greeks nor Barbarians, no not for a little time: so hath it endured a long while among them. This is demonstrated by that institution of theirs, which will not suffer any thing to hinder them from having all things in common: so that a rich man enjoys no more of his own wealth, than he who hath nothing at all. There are about four thousand men that live in this way: and neither marry wives, nor are desirous to keep servants: as thinking the latter tempts men to be unjust; and the former gives the handle to domestick quarrels. But as they live by themselves, they minister one to another. They also appoint certain stewards to receive the incomes of their revenues, and of the fruits of the ground; such as are good men, and priests: who are to get their corn, and their food ready for them. They none of them differ from others of the Essens in their way of living: but do the most resemble those Dacæ, who are called Polistæ. [Dwellers in cities.] (4)

6. But of the fourth sect of Jewish philosophy, Judas the Galilean was the author. These men agree in all other things with the Pharisaick notions; but they have an inviolable attachment to liberty; and say that God is to be their only ruler and lord. They also do not value dying any kinds of death; nor indeed do they heed the deaths of their relations and friends: nor can any such fear make them call any man lord. And since this immoveable resolution of theirs is well known to a great many, I shall speak no farther about that matter. Nor am I afraid that any thing I have said of them should be disbelieved: but rather fear that what I have said is beneath the resolution they shew when they undergo pain. And it was in Gessius Florus’s time that the nation began to grow mad with this distemper; who was our procurator; and who occasioned the Jews to go wild with it, by the abuse of his authority; and to make them revolt from the Romans. And these are the sects of Jewish philosophy.

Chapter 2.

How Herod and Philip built several cities in honour of Cesar. Concerning the succession of priests and procurators: as also what befel Phraates, and the Parthians.

1. [A.D. 8.] When Cyrenius had now disposed of Archelaus’s money; and when the taxings were come to a conclusion; which were made in the thirty-seventh year of Cesar’s victory over Antony at Actium; (5) he deprived Joazar of the High Priesthood, which dignity had been conferred on him by the multitude: and he appointed Ananus, the son of Seth, to be High Priest. [A.D. 9.] While Herod and Philip had each of them received their own tetrarchy, and settled the affairs thereof. [A.D. 10.] Herod also built a wall about Sepphoris: which is the security of all Galilee; and made it the metropolis of the country. He also built a wall round Betharamphtha: which was it self a city also; and called it Julias; from the name of the Emperor’s wife. When Philip also had built Paneas, a city at the fountains of Jordan; he named it Cesarea. He also advanced the village Bethsaida, situate at the lake of Gennesareth, unto the dignity of a city; both by the number of inhabitants it contained, and its other grandeur: and called it by the name of Julias; the same name with Cesar’s daughter.

2. As Coponius, who we told you was sent along with Cyrenius, was exercising his office of procurator, and governing Judea, the following accidents happened. As the Jews were celebrating the feast of unleavened bread, which we call the Passover, it was customary for the priests to open the temple gates just after midnight. When therefore those gates were first opened, some of the Samaritans came privately into Jerusalem, and threw about dead men’s bodies in the cloisters. On which account the Jews afterward excluded them out of the temple; which they had not used to do at such festivals: and on other accounts also they watched the temple more carefully than they had formerly done. A little after which accident Coponius returned to Rome, and Marcus Ambivius came to be his successor in that government. Under whom Salome, the sister of King Herod, died; and left to Julia [Cesar’s wife] Jamnia, all its toparchy, and Phasaelis, in the plain, and Archelais: where is a great plantation of palm trees: and their fruit is excellent in its kind. After him came Annius Rufus. [A.D. 14.] Under whom died Cesar, the second Emperor of the Romans: the duration of whose reign was fifty seven years, besides six months, and two days: (of which time Antonius ruled together with him fourteen years:) but the duration of his life was seventy seven years.3 Upon whose death Tiberius Nero, his wife Julia’s son, succeeded. [A.D. 15.] He was now the third Emperor: and he sent Valerius Gratus to be procurator of Judea, and to succeed Annius Rufus. This man deprived Ananus of the High Priesthood; and appointed Ismael, the son of Phabi, to be High Priest. [A.D. 24.] He also deprived him in a little time, and ordained Eleazar, the son of Ananus, who had been High Priest before, to be High Priest. [A.D. 25.] Which office when he had held for a year, Gratus deprived him of it, and gave the High Priesthood to Simon, the son of Camithus. [A.D. 26.] And when he had possessed that dignity no longer than a year, Joseph Caiaphas was made his successor. When Gratus had done these things, he went back to Rome; after he had tarried in Judea eleven years: when Pontius Pilate came as his successor.

3. [A.D. 26 to 36.] And now Herod the tetrarch, who was in great favour with Tiberius, built a city of the same name with him: and called it Tiberias. He built it in the best part of Galilee, at the lake of Gennesareth. There are warm baths at a little distance from it, in a village named Emmaus. Strangers came and inhabited this city; a great number of the inhabitants were Galileans also: and many were necessitated by Herod to come thither out of the country belonging to him; and were by force compelled to be its inhabitants. Some of them were persons of condition. He also admitted poor people; and those such as were collected from all parts to dwell in it. Nay some of them were not quite free men. And these he was a benefactor to, and made them free in great numbers: but obliged them not to forsake the city, by building them very good houses at his own expences; and by giving them land also. For he was sensible that to make this place an habitation was to transgress the Jewish ancient laws; because many sepulchres were to be here taken away, in order to make room for the city Tiberias. (6) Whereas our laws pronounce, that such inhabitants are unclean for seven days.4

4. [An. 2.] About this time died Phraates, King of the Parthians, by the treachery of Phraataces his son: upon the occasion following. When Phraates had had legitimate sons of his own, he had also an Italian maid servant, whose name was Thermusa; who had been formerly sent to him by Julius Cesar, among other presents. He first made her his concubine: but he being a great admirer of her beauty, in process of time having a son by her, whose name was Phraataces, he made her his legitimate wife, and had a great respect for her. Now, she was able to persuade him to do any thing that she said; and was earnest in procuring the government of Parthia for her son. But still she saw that her endeavours would not succeed, unless she could contrive how to remove Phraates’s legitimate sons [out of the Kingdom.] So she persuaded him to send those his sons, as pledges of his fidelity to Rome. And they were sent to Rome accordingly: because it was not easy for him to contradict her commands. Now while Phraataces was alone brought up in order to succeed in the government, he thought it very tedious to expect that government by his father’s donation [as his successor.] He therefore formed a treacherous design against his father, by his mother’s assistance: with whom, as the report went, he had criminal conversation also. So he was hated for both these vices: while his subjects esteemed this [wicked] love of his mother, to be no way inferior to his parricide: and he was by them in a sedition expelled out of the country, before he grew too great, and died. [About A.D. 4.] But as the best sort of Parthians agreed together, that it was impossible they should be governed without a King; while also it was their constant practice to choose one of the family of Arsaces: (nor did their law allow of any others: and they thought this Kingdom had been sufficiently injured already by the marriage with an Italian concubine, and by her issue:) they sent ambassadors, and called Orodes [to take the crown.] For the multitude would not otherwise have born them. And though he were accused of very great cruelty, and was of an intractable temper, and prone to wrath, yet still he was one of the family of Arsaces. [A.D. 8.] However, they made a conspiracy against him, and slew him: and that, as some say, at a festival, and among their sacrifices; (for ’tis the universal custom there to carry their swords with them.) But as the more general report is, they slew him when they had drawn him out a hunting. So they sent ambassadors to Rome; and desired they would send one of those that were there as pledges, to be their King. Accordingly Vonones was preferred before the rest, and sent to them. (For he seemed capable of such great fortune, which two of the greatest Kingdoms under the sun now offered him; his own and a foreign one.) [About A.D. 10-12.] However the barbarians soon changed their minds: they being naturally of a mutable disposition: upon the supposal, that this man was not worthy to be their governor. For they could not think of obeying the commands of one that had been a slave: for so they called those that had been hostages; nor could they bear the ignominy of that name: and this was the more intolerable, because then the Parthians must have such a King set over them, not by right of war, but in time of peace. So they presently invited Artabanus, King of Media, to be their King, he being also of the race of Arsaces. Artabanus complyed with the offer that was made him: and came to them with an army. So Vonones met him: and at first the multitude of the Parthians stood on this side, and he put his army in array: but Artabanus was beaten, and fled to the mountains of Media. Yet did he a little after gather a great army together, and fought with Vonones, and beat him. Whereupon Vonones fled away on horseback, with a few of his attendants about him, to Seleucia [Upon Tigris]. So when Artabanus had slain a great number, and this after he had gotten the victory; by reason of the very great dismay the barbarians were in; he retired to Ctesiphon, with a great number of his people. And so he now reigned over the Parthians. But Vonones fled away to Armenia. And as soon as he came thither, he had an inclination to have the government of the country given him; and sent ambassadors to Rome [for that purpose.] But because Tiberius refused it him; and because he wanted courage, and because the Parthian King threatened him, and sent ambassadors to him to denounce war against him if he proceeded: and because he had no way to take to regain any other Kingdom: for the people of authority among the Armenians about Niphates joined themselves to Artabanus: he delivered up himself to Silanus, the president of Syria. [A.D. 18.] Who out of regard to his education at Rome kept him in Syria, while Artabanus gave Armenia to Orodes, one of his own sons.

5. [A.D. 17.] At this time died Antiochus, the King of Commagene. Whereupon the multitude contended with the nobility: and both sent ambassadors [to Rome.] For the men of power were desirous that their form of government might be changed into that of a [Roman] province: as were the multitude desirous to be under Kings, as their fathers had been. So the senate made a decree, that Germanicus should be sent to settle the affairs of the east. Fortune hereby taking a proper opportunity for depriving him of his life. For when he had been in the east, and settled all affairs there, his life was taken away by the poison which Piso gave him: as hath been related elsewhere.5

Chapter 3.

Sedition of the Jews against Pontius Pilate. Concerning Christ. And what befel Paulina, and the Jews at Rome.

1. [A.D. 27.] But now Pilate, the procurator of Judea, removed the army from Cesarea to Jerusalem: to take their winter quarters there; in order to abolish the Jewish laws. So he introduced Cesar’s effigies, which were upon the ensigns, and brought them into the city: whereas our law forbids us the very making of images.6 On which account the former procurators were wont to make their entry into the city with such ensigns as had not those ornaments. Pilate was the first who brought those images to Jerusalem, and set them up there. Which was done without the knowledge of the people; because it was done in the night time. But as soon as they knew it, they came in multitudes to Cesarea, and interceded with Pilate many days, that he would remove the images. And when he would not grant their requests, because this would tend to the injury of Cesar; while yet they persevered in their request; on the sixth day he ordered his soldiers to have their weapons privately; while he came and sat upon his judgment seat. Which seat was so prepared, in the open place of the city, that it concealed the army that lay ready to oppress them. And when the Jews petitioned him again, he gave a signal to the soldiers to encompass them round; and threatened that their punishment should be no less than immediate death, unless they would leave off disturbing him, and go their ways home. But they threw themselves upon the ground, and laid their necks bare, and said they would take their death very willingly, rather than the wisdom of their laws should be transgressed. Upon which Pilate was deeply affected with their firm resolution to keep their laws inviolable: and presently commanded the images to be carried back from Jerusalem to Cesarea.

2. [A.D. 28.] But Pilate undertook to bring a current of water to Jerusalem; and did it with the sacred money: and derived the origin of the stream from the distance of two hundred furlongs. However, the Jews (7) were not pleased with what had been done about this water: and many ten thousands of the people got together, and made a clamour against him; and insisted that he should leave off that design. Some of them also used reproaches, and abused the man; as crowds of such people usually do. So he habited a great number of his soldiers in their habit; who carried daggers under their garments; and sent them to a place where they might surround them. So he bid the Jews himself go away. But they boldly casting reproaches upon him, he gave the soldiers that signal which had been before­hand agreed on. Who laid upon them much greater blows than Pilate had commanded them; and equally punished those that were tumultuous, and those that were not. Nor did they spare them in the least. And since the people were unarmed, and were caught by men prepared for what they were about, they were a great number of them slain by this means: and others of them ran away wounded. And thus an end was put to this sedition.

3. Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man; if it be lawful to call him a man. For he was a doer of wonderful works; a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both many of the Jews, and many of the Gentiles. He was [the] Christ. And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men among us, had condemned him to the cross;7 those that loved him at the first did not forsake him. For he appeared to them alive again, the third day:8 as the divine prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him. And the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this day.

4. [A.D. 33.] About the same time also another sad calamity put the Jews into disorder: and certain shameful practices happened about the temple of Isis that was at Rome. I will now first take notice of the wicked attempt about the temple of Isis; and will then give an account of the Jewish affairs. There was at Rome a woman whose name was Paulina: one who on account of the dignity of her ancestors, and by the regular conduct of a virtuous life, had a great reputation. She was also very rich. And although she were of a beautiful countenance, and in that flower of her age; wherein women are the most gay; yet did she lead a life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus: one that was every way answerable to her in an excellent character. Decius Mundus fell in love with this woman: who was a man very high in the equestrian order. And as she was of too great dignity to be caught by presents; and had already rejected them; though they had been sent in great abundance; he was still more inflamed with love to her. Insomuch that he promised to give her two hundred thousand Attick drachmæ for one nights lodging. And when this would not prevail upon her, and he was not able to bear this misfortune in his amours, he thought it the best way to famish himself to death, for want of food: on account of Paulina’s sad refusal. And he determined with himself to die after such a manner. And he went on with his purpose accordingly. Now Mundus had a freed woman, who had been made free by his father, whose name was Ide: one skilful in all sorts of mischief. This woman was very much grieved at the young man’s resolution to kill himself: (for he did not conceal his intentions to destroy himself from others:) and came to him, and encouraged him by her discourse, and made him to hope, by some promises she gave him, that he might obtain a night’s lodging with Paulina. And when he joyfully hearkened to her intreaty, she said, she wanted no more than fifty thousand drachmæ for the entrapping of the woman. So when she had encouraged the young man, and gotten as much money as she required, she did not take the same methods as had been taken before: because she perceived that the woman was by no means to be tempted by money. But as she knew that she was very much given to the worship of the goddess Isis, she devised the following stratagem. She went to some of Isis’s priests: and upon the strongest assurances [of concealment,] she persuaded them by words; but chiefly by the offer of money: of twenty five thousand drachmæ in hand; and as much more when the thing had taken effect: and told them the passion of the young man: and persuaded them to use all means possible to beguile the woman. So they were drawn in to promise so to do, by that large sum of gold they were to have. Accordingly the oldest of them went immediately to Paulina: and, upon his admittance, he desired to speak with her by her self. When that was granted him, he told her, that “He was sent by the God Anubis, who was fallen in love with her, and enjoined her to come to him.” Upon this she took the message very kindly; and valued herself greatly upon this condescension of Anubis: and told her husband, that she had a message sent her, and was to sup and lie with Anubis. So he agreed to her acceptance of the offer: as fully satisfied with the chastity of his wife. Accordingly she went to the temple: and after she had supped there, and it was the hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors of the temple: when in the holy part of it the lights were also put out. Then did Mundus leap out: for he was hidden therein: and did not fail of enjoying her: who was at his service all the night long: as supposing he was the God. And when he was gone away; which was before those priests who knew nothing of this stratagem were stirring; Paulina came early to her husband, and told him how the God Anubis had appeared to her. Among her friends also she declared how great a value she put upon this favour. Who partly disbelieved the thing, when they reflected on its nature: and partly were amazed at it; as having no pretence for not believing it, when they considered the modesty and the dignity of the person. But now on the third day after what had been done, Mundus met Paulina, and said, “Nay Paulina, thou hast saved me two hundred thousand drachmæ: which sum thou mightest have added to thy own family. Yet hast thou not failed to be at my service in the manner I invited thee. As for the reproaches thou hast laid upon Mundus, I value not the business of names: but I rejoice in the pleasure I reaped by what I did, while I took to myself the name of Anubis.” When he had said this, he went his way. But now she began to come to the sense of the grossness of what she had done: and rent her garments, and told her husband of the horrid nature of this wicked contrivance, and prayed him not to neglect to assist her in this case. So he discovered the fact to the Emperor. Whereupon Tiberius enquired into the matter thoroughly, by examining the priests about it: and ordered them to be crucified; as well as Ide, who was the occasion of their perdition; and who had contrived the whole matter, which was so injurious to the woman. He also demolished the temple of Isis: and gave order that her statue should be thrown into the river Tiber. While he only banished Mundus; but did no more to him, because he supposed that what crime he had committed was done out of the passion of love. And these were the circumstances which concerned the temple of Isis, and the injuries occasioned by her priests. I now return to the relation of what happened about this time to the Jews at Rome; as I formerly told you I would.

5. There was a man who was a Jew; but had been driven away from his own countrey by an accusation laid against him for transgressing their laws, and by the fear he was under of punishment for the same: but in all respects a wicked man. He then living at Rome, professed to instruct men in the wisdom of the laws of Moses. He procured also three other men, intirely of the same character with himself, to be his partners. These men persuaded Fulvia, a woman of great dignity; and one that had embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to the temple at Jerusalem. And when they had gotten them, they employed them for their own uses, and spent the money themselves: on which account it was that they at first required it of her. Whereupon Tiberius, who had been informed of the thing by Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia, who desired inquiry might be made about it; ordered all the Jews to be banished out of Rome. At which time the consuls listed four thousand men out of them, and sent them to the island Sardinia: but punished a greater number of them, who were unwilling to become soldiers: on account of keeping the laws of their forefathers. (8) Thus were these Jews banished out of the city by the wickedness of four men.

Chapter 4.

How the Samaritans made a tumult, and Pilate destroyed many of them. How Pilate was accused; and what things were done by Vitellius relating to the Jews, and the Parthians.

1. [An. 36.] But the nation of the Samaritans did not escape without tumults. The man who excited them to it was one who thought lying a thing of little consequence: and who contrived every thing so, that the multitude might be please. So he bid them to get together upon mount Gerizzim: which is by them looked upon as the most holy of all mountains: and assured them, that when they were come thither, he would shew them those sacred vessels which were laid under that place; because Moses put them there. (9) So they came thither armed; and thought the discourse of the man probable. And as they abode at a certain village, which was called Tirathaba, they got the rest together to them, and desired to go up the mountain in a great multitude together. But Pilate prevented their going up, by seizing upon the roads, with a great band of horsemen, and footmen: who fell upon those that were gotten together in the village: and when it came to an action, some of them they slew; and others of them they put to flight; and took a great many alive. The principal of which, and also the most potent of those that fled away, Pilate ordered to be slain.

2. But when this tumult was appeased, the Samaritan senate sent an ambassy to Vitellius; a man that had been consul, and who was now president of Syria; and accused Pilate of the murder of those that were killed. For that they did not go to Tirathaba in order to revolt from the Romans; but to escape the violence of Pilate. So Vitellius sent Marcellus, a friend of his, to take care of the affairs of Judea; and ordered Pilate to go to Rome, to answer before the Emperor to the accusations of the Jews. So Pilate, when he had tarried ten years in Judea, made haste to Rome: and this in obedience to the orders of Vitellius; which he durst not contradict. But before he could get to Rome, Tiberius was dead. [A.D. 37, Mar. 16.]

3. [A.D. 36.] But Vitellius came into Judea, and went up to Jerusalem. It was at the time of that festival, which is called the passover. Vitellius was there magnificently received, and released the inhabitants of Jerusalem from all the taxes upon the fruits that were bought and sold: and gave them leave to have the care of the High Priest’s vestments, with all their ornaments; and to have them under the custody of the priests in the temple. Which power they used to have formerly: although at this time they were laid up in the tower of Antonia, the citadel so called: and that on the occasion following. There was one of the [High] Priests, named Hyrcanus; and as there were many of that name, he was the first of them. This man built a tower near the temple: and when he had so done, he generally dwelt in it; and had these vestments with him: because it was lawful for him alone to put them on: and he had them there reposited when he went down into the city; and took his ordinary garments. The same things were continued to be done by his sons, and by their sons after them. But when Herod came to be King, he rebuilt this tower, which was very conveniently situated, in a magnificent manner: and because he was a friend to Antonius, he called it by the name of Antonia. And as he found these vestments lying there, he retained them in the same place: as believing that while he had them in his custody, the people would make no innovations against him. The like to what Herod did, was done by his son Archelaus, who was made King after him. After whom the Romans, when they entred on the government, took possession of these vestments of the High Priest; and had them reposited in a stone chamber, under the seal of the priests, and of the keepers of the temple: the captain of the guard lighting a lamp there every day. And seven days before a festival (10) they were delivered to them by the captain of the guard. When the High Priest, having purified them, and made use of them, laid them up again in the same chamber where they had been laid up before, and this the very next day after the feast was over. This was the practice at the three yearly festivals, and on the fast day. But Vitellius put those garments into our own power, as in the days of our forefathers; and ordered the captain of the guard not to trouble himself to enquire where they were laid, or when they were to be used. And this he did as an act of kindness, to oblige the nation to him. Besides which he also deprived Joseph, who was also called Caiaphas, of the High Priesthood; and appointed Jonathan, the son of Ananus, the former High Priest, to succeed him. After which, he took his journey back to Antioch.

4. Moreover Tiberius sent a letter to Vitellius, and commanded him, to make a league of friendship with Artabanus, the King of Parthia. For while he was his enemy he terrified him, because he had taken Armenia away from him, lest he should proceed farther: and told him he should no otherwise trust him, than upon his giving him hostages; and especially his son Artabanus. Upon Tiberius’s writing thus to Vitellius; by the offer of great presents of money, he persuaded both the King of Iberia, (11) and the King of Albania, to make no delay, but to fight against Artabanus. And although they would not do it themselves, yet did they give the Scythians a passage through their countrey, and opened the Caspian gates to them, and brought them upon Artabanus. So Armenia was again taken from the Parthians; and the countrey of Parthia was filled with war; and the principal of their men were slain; and all things were in disorder among them. The King’s son also himself fell in these wars; together with many ten thousands of his army. Vitellius had also sent such great sums of money to Artabanus’s father’s kinsmen, and friends, that he had almost procured him to be slain, by the means of those bribes which they had taken. And when Artabanus perceived that the plot laid against him was not to be avoided, because it was laid by the principal men; and those a great many in number; and that it would certainly take effect: when he had estimated the number of those that were truly faithful to him; as also of those who were already corrupted, but were deceitful in the kindness they professed to him; and were likely, upon trial, to go over to his enemies; he made his escape to the upper provinces. Where he afterward raised a great army out of the Dahæ and Sacæ, and fought with his enemies, and retained his principality.

5. [A.D. 33. or 34.] When Tiberius had heard of these things, he desired to have a league of friendship made between him and Artabanus. (12) And when, upon this invitation, he received the proposal kindly, Artabanus and Vitellius went to Euphrates: and as a bridge was laid over the river, they each of them came with their guards about them, and met one another on the midst of the bridge. And when they had agreed upon the terms of peace, Herod the tetrarch erected a rich tent, on the midst of the passage, and made them a feast there. Artabanus also, not long afterward, sent his son Darius, as an hostage, with many presents: among which there was a man seven cubits tall: a Jew he was by birth, and his name was Eleazar: who for his tallness was called a giant. After which Vitellius went to Antioch, and Artabanus to Babylon. But Herod [the tetrarch] being desirous to give Cesar the first information that they had obtained hostages, sent posts with letters; wherein he had accurately described all the particulars; and had left nothing for the consular Vitellius to inform him of. But when Vitellius’s letters were sent, and Cesar had let him know, that he was acquainted with the affairs already; because Herod had given him an account of them before: Vitellius was very much troubled at it: and supposing that he had been thereby a greater sufferer than he really was, he kept up a secret anger upon this occasion, till he could be revenged on him: which he was after Caius had taken the government.

6. About this time it was that Philip, Herod’s brother, departed this life, in the twentieth year of the reign of Tiberius: (13) after he had been tetrarch of Trachonitis, and Gaulanitis, and of the nation of the Bataneans also, thirty seven years. He had shewed himself a person of moderation and quietness in the conduct of his life and government. He constantly lived in that countrey which was subject to him.9He used to make his progress with a few chosen friends. His tribunal also, on which he sat in judgment, followed him in his progress: and when any one met him, who wanted his assistance, he made no delay, but had his tribunal set down immediately, wheresoever he happened to be; and sat down upon it, and heard his complaint. He there ordered the guilty that were convicted to be punished: and absolved those that had been accused unjustly. He died at Julias: and when he was carried to that monument which he had already erected for himself before­hand, he was buried with great pomp. His principality Tiberius took: for he left no sons behind him: and added it to the province of Syria: but gave order that the tributes which arose from it should be collected, and laid up in that his tetrachy.

Chapter 5.

Herod the tetrarch makes war with Aretas, the King of Arabia; and is beaten by him. As also concerning the death of John the Baptist. How Vitellius went up to Jerusalem: together with some account of Agrippa, and of the posterity of Herod the Great.

1. [A.D. 36.] About this time Aretas, the King of Arabia Petrea, and Herod had a quarrel on the account following. Herod the tetrarch had married the daughter of Aretas; and had lived with her a great while: but when he was once at Rome, he lodged with Herod, (14) who was his brother indeed, but not by the same mother: for this Herod was the son of the High Priest Simon’s daughter. However he fell in love with Herodias, this last Herod’s wife: who was the daughter of Aristobulus, their brother, and the sister of Agrippa the Great. This man ventured to talk to her about a marriage between them; which address when she admitted, an agreement was made for her to change her habitation, and come to him, as soon as he should return from Rome. One article of this marriage also was this, that he should divorce Aretas’s daughter. So Antipas, when he had made this agreement, sailed to Rome. But when he had done there the business he went about, and was returned again; his wife having discovered the agreement he had made with Herodias, and having learned it before he had notice of her knowledge of the whole design; she desired him to send her to Macherus: which is a place in the borders of the dominions of Aretas and Herod: without informing him of any of her intentions. Accordingly Herod sent her thither: as thinking his wife had not perceived any thing. Now she had sent a good while before to Macherus, which was subject to her father; and so all things necessary for her journey were made ready for her by the general of Aretas’s army; and by that means she soon came into Arabia, under the conduct of the several generals; who carryed her from one to another successively; and she soon came to her father, and told him of Herod’s intentions. So Aretas made this the first occasion of his enmity between him and Herod: who had also some quarrel with him about their limits, at the countrey of Gamalitis. So they raised armies on both sides; and prepared for war; and sent their generals to fight, instead of themselves. And when they had joined battel all Herod’s army was destroyed; (15)by the treachery of some fugitives: who though they were of the tetrarchy of Philip, joined with Ηerod’s army.10 So Herod wrote about these affairs to Tiberius, who being very angry at the attempt made by Aretas, wrote to Vitellius, to make war upon him: and either to take him alive, and bring him to him in bonds; or to kill him, and send him his head. This was the charge that Tiberius gave to the president of Syria.

2. Now some of the Jews thought that the destruction of Herod’s army came from God: and that very justly, as a punishment of what he did against John, that was called the baptist. For Herod slew him [About Feb. A.D. 32.]; who was a good man, and commanded the Jews to exercise virtue; both as to righteousness towards one another, and piety towards God; and so to come to baptism. For that the washing [with water] would be acceptable to him, if they made use of it, not in order to the putting away, [or the remission] of some sins [only,] but for the purification of the body: supposing still that the soul was thoroughly purified before­hand by righteousness. Now when [many] others came in crouds about him; for they were very greatly moved [or pleased] by hearing his words; Herod, who feared lest the great influence John had over the people might put it into his power and inclination to raise rebellion: (for they seemed ready to do any thing he should advise:) thought it best, by putting him to death, to prevent any mischief he might cause; and not bring himself into difficulties by sparing a man who might make him repent of it when it would be too late. Accordingly he was sent a prisoner, out of Herod’s suspicious temper, to Macherus; the castle I before mentioned; and was there put to death. Now the Jews had an opinion, that the destruction of this army was sent as a punishment upon Herod; and a mark of God’s displeasure to him.

3. [A.D. 37.] So Vitellius prepared to make war with Aretas, having with him two legions of armed men. He also took with him all those of light armature, and of the horsemen which belonged to them, and were drawn out of those Kingdoms which were under the Romans; and made haste for Petra: and came to Ptolemais. But as he was marching very busily, and leading his army through Judea, the principal men met him; and desired that he would not thus march through their land. For that the laws of their countrey would not permit them to overlook those images which were brought into it: of which there were a great many in their ensigns. So he was persuaded by what they said; and changed that resolution of his which he had before taken in this matter. Whereupon he ordered the army to march along the great plain. While he himself, with Herod the tetrarch, and his friends went up to Jerusalem, to offer sacrifice to God: an ancient festival of the Jews being then just approaching. And when he had been there, and been honourably entertained by the multitude of the Jews, he made a stay there for three days: within which time he deprived Jonathan of the High Priesthood; and gave it to his brother Theophilus. But when on the fourth day, letters came to him, which informed him of the death of Tiberius, he obliged the multitude to take an oath of fidelity to Caius. He also recalled his army, and made them every one go home, and take their winter quarters there: since, upon the devolution of the empire upon Caius, he had not the like authority of making this war which he had before. It was also reported, that when Aretas heard of the coming of Vitellius to fight him, he said, upon his consulting the diviners, that it was impossible that this army of Vitellius’s could enter Petra. For that one of the rulers would die; either he that gave orders for the war; or he that was marching at the other’s desire, in order to be subservient to his will; or else he against whom this army was prepared. So Vitellius truly retired to Antioch: but Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, went up to Rome, a year before the death of Tiberius; in order to treat of some affairs with the Emperor; if he might be permitted so to do. I have now a mind to describe Herod, and his family, how it fared with them; partly because it is suitable to this history to speak of that matter; and partly because this thing is a demonstration of the interposition of providence, how a multitude of children is of no advantage; no more than any other strength that mankind set their hearts upon; besides those acts of piety which are done towards God. For it happened, that within the revolution of an hundred years, the posterity of Herod, which were a great many in number, were, excepting a few, utterly destroyed. (16) One may well apply this for the instruction of mankind: and learn thence, how unhappy they were. It will also shew us the history of Agrippa; who, as he was a person most worthy of admiration; so was he from a private man, beyond all the expectation of those that knew him, advanced to great power and authority. I have said something of them formerly:11 but I shall now also speak accurately about them.

4. Herod the Great had two daughters, by Mariamne, the [grand] daughter of Hyrcanus. (17) The one was Salampsio; who was married to Phasaelus her first cousin, who was himself the son of Phasaelus, Herod’s brother: her father making the match. The other was Cypros; who was her self married also to her first cousin, Antipater, the son of Salome, Herod’s sister. Phasaelus had five children by Salampsio: Antipater, Herod, and Alexander; and two daughters, Alexandra, and Cypros. Which last Agrippa the son of Aristobulus married. And Timius of Cyprus married Alexandra: he was a man of note, but had by her no children. Agrippa had by Cypros two sons, and three daughters: which daughters were named Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla: but the names of the sons were Agrippa, and Drusus. Of which Drusus died before he came to the years of puberty. But their father Agrippa was brought up with his other brethren, Herod, and Aristobulus. For these were also the sons of the son of Herod the Great, by Bernice: but Bernice was the daughter of Costobarus and of Salome, who was Herod’s sister. Aristobulus left these infants, when he was slain by his father, together with his brother Alexander; as we have already related. But when they were arrived at years of puberty, this Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married Mariamne, the daughter of Olympias; who was the daughter of Herod the King; and of Joseph, the son of Joseph, who was brother to Herod the King; and had by her a son Aristobulus. But Aristobulus, the third brother of Agrippa, married Jotape, the daughter of Sampsigeramus, King of Emesa. (18) They had a daughter who was deaf: whose name also was Jotape. And these hitherto were the children of the male line. But Herodias, their sister, was married to Herod [Philip], the son of Herod the Great; who was born of Mariamne, the daughter of Simon the High Priest; who had a daughter Salome. After whose birth Herodias took upon her to confound the laws of our countrey, and divorced her self from her husband, while he was alive, and was married to Herod [Antipas], her husband’s brother by the father’s side. He was tetrarch of Galilee. But her daughter Salome was married to Philip, the son of Herod, and tetrarch of Trachonitis. And as he died childless, Aristobulus, the son of Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married her. They had three sons, Herod, Agrippa, and Aristobulus. And this was the posterity of Phasaelus, and Salampsio. But the daughter of Antipater by Cypros, was Cypros; whom Alexas Selcias, the son of Alexas married. They had a daughter Cypros. But Herod and Alexander, who, as we told you, were the brothers of Antipater, died childless. As to Alexander, the son of Herod the King, who was slain by his father, he had sons, Alexander and Tigranes; by the daughter of Archelaus King of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was King of Armenia, was accused at Rome, and died childless. Alexander had a son of the same name with his brother Tigranes; and was sent to take possession of the Kingdom of Armenia by Nero. He had a son Alexander, who married Jotape, (19) the daughter of Antiochus, the King of Commagena. Vespasian made him King of an island in Cilicia. But these descendants of Alexander, soon after their birth, deserted the Jewish religion, and went over to that of the Greeks. But for the rest of the daughters of Herod the King, it happened that they died childless. And as these descendants of Herod, whom we have enumerated, were in being at the same time that Agrippa the Great took the Kingdom, and I have now given an account of them, it now remains that I relate the several hard fortunes which befel Agrippa, and how he got clear of them; and was advanced to the greatest height of dignity and power.

Chapter 6.

Of the navigation of King Agrippa to Rome, to Tiberius Cesar: and how, upon his being accused by his own freed man, he was bound. How also he was set at liberty by Caius, after Tiberius’s death; and was made King of the tetrarchy of Philip.

1. [A.D. 36.] A little before the death of Herod the King,12 Agrippa lived at Rome: and was generally brought up and conversed with Drusus, the Emperor Tiberius’s son; and contracted a friendship with Antonia, the wife of Drusus the Great. Who had his mother Bernice in great esteem; and was very desirous of advancing her son. Now as Agrippa was by nature magnanimous and generous in the presents he made, while his mother was alive this inclination of his mind did not appear; that he might be able to avoid her anger for such his extravagance. But when Bernice was dead, and he was left to his own conduct, he spent a great deal extravagantly in his daily way of living; and a great deal in the immoderate presents he made; and those chiefly among Cesar’s freed men; in order to gain their assistance. Insomuch that he was in a little time reduced to poverty; and could not live at Rome any longer. Tiberius also forbad the friends of his deceased son13 to come into his sight; because on seeing them he should be put in mind of his son; and his grief would thereby be revived.

2. For these reasons he went away from Rome, and sailed to Judea, but in evil circumstances: being dejected with the loss of that money which he once had; and because he had not wherewithal to pay his creditors; who were many in number, and such as gave him no room for escaping them. Whereupon he knew not what to do. So, for shame of his present condition, he retired to a certain tower at Malatha, in Idumea; and had thoughts of killing himself. But his wife Cypros perceived his intentions; and tried all sorts of methods to divert him from his taking such a course. So she sent a letter to his sister Herodias, who was now the wife of Herod the tetrarch, and let her know Agrippa’s present design; and what necessity it was which drove him thereto, and desired her, as a kinswoman of his, to give him her help; and to engage her husband to do the same: since she saw how she alleviated these her husband’s troubles all she could; although she had not the like wealth to do it withal. So they sent for him, and allotted him Tiberias for his habitation: and appointed him some income of money, for his maintenance: and made him a magistrate of that city, by way of honour to him. Yet did not Herod long continue in that resolution of supporting him: though even that support was not sufficient for him. For as once they were at a feast at Tyre, and in their cups, and reproaches were cast upon one another, Agrippa thought that was not to be born; while Herod hit him in the teeth with his poverty, and with his owing his necessary food to him. So he went to Flaccus, one that had been consul, and had been a very great friend to him at Rome formerly, and was now president of Syria.

3. Hereupon Flaccus received him kindly, and he lived with him. Flaccus had also with him there, Aristobulus; who was indeed Agrippa’s brother; but was at variance with him. Yet did not their enmity to one another hinder the friendship of Flaccus to them both; but still they were honourably treated by him. However, Aristobulus did not abate of his ill will to Agrippa; till at length he brought him into ill terms with Flaccus. The occasion of bringing on which estrangement was this. The Damascenes were at difference with the Sidonians, about their limits. And when Flaccus was about to hear the cause between them, they understood that Agrippa had a mighty influence upon him. So they desired that he would be of their side: and for that favour promised him a great deal of money. So he was zealous in assisting the Damascens, as far as he was able. Now Aristobulus had gotten intelligence of this promise of money to him; and accused him to Flaccus of the same. And when, upon a thorough examination of the matter, it appeared plainly so to be, he rejected Agrippa out of the number of his friends. So he was reduced to the utmost necessity: and came to Ptolemais. And because he knew not where else to get a livelihood, he thought to sail to Italy. But as he was restrained from so doing by want of money; he desired Marsyas; who was his freed man; to find some method for procuring him so much as he wanted for that purpose: by borrowing such a sum of some person or other. So Marsyas desired of Peter, who was the freed man of Bernice, Agrippa’s mother, and by the right of her testament was bequeathed to Antonia, to lend him so much upon Agrippa’s own bond and security. But he accused Agrippa of having defrauded him of certain sums of money: and so obliged Marsyas, when he made the bond of twenty thousand Attick drachmæ, to accept of two thousand five hundred drachmæ (20) less than what he desired. Which the other allowed of; because he could not help it. Upon the receipt of this money, Agrippa came to Anthedon, and took shipping, and was going to set sail. But Herennius Capito, who was the procurator of Jamnia, sent a band of soldiers to demand of him three hundred thousand drachmæ of silver; which were by him owing to Cesar’s treasury while he was at Rome: and so forced him to stay. He then pretended that he would do as he bid him. But when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexandria. Where he desired Alexander the alabarch (21) to lend him two hundred thousand drachmæ. But he said he would not lend it to him: but would not refuse it Cypros; as greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and at the other instances of her virtue; so she undertook to repay it. Accordingly Alexander paid them five talents at Alexandria; and promised to pay him the rest of that sum at Dicearchia [Puteoli]: and this he did out of the fear he was in that Agrippa would soon spend it. So this Cypros set her husband free, and dismissed him to go on with his navigation to Italy: while she and her children departed for Judea.

4. And now Agrippa was come to Puteoli. Whence he wrote a letter to Tiberius Cesar, who then lived at Capreæ, and told him, that he was come so far in order to wait on him, and to pay him a visit: and desired that he would give him leave to come over to Capreæ. So Tiberius made no difficulty; but wrote to him in an obliging way in other respects, and withal told him, he was glad of his safe return, and desired him to come to Capreæ. And when he was come, he did not fail to treat him, as kindly as he had promised him in his letter to do. But the next day came a letter to Cesar from Herennius Capito, to inform him, that Agrippa had borrowed three hundred thousand drachmæ, and not paid it at the time appointed; but when it was demanded of him, he ran away, like a fugitive out of the places under his government: and put it out of his power to get the money of him. When Cesar had read this letter, he was much troubled at it; and gave order that Agrippa should be excluded from his presence, until he had paid that debt. Upon which he was no way daunted at Cesar’s anger; but intreated Antonia, the mother of Germanicus; and of Claudius who was afterward Cesar himself, to lend him those three hundred thousand drachmæ; that he might not be deprived of Tiberius’s friendship. So, out of regard to the memory of Bernice his mother; for those two women were very familiar with one another; and out of regard to his and Claudius’s education together, she lent him the money: and, upon the payment of this debt, there was nothing to hinder Tiberius’s friendship to him. After this Tiberius Cesar recommended to him his grandson,14 and ordered, that he should always accompany him when he went abroad. But upon Agrippa’s kind reception by Antonia, he betook him to pay his respects to Caius, who was her grandson; and in very high reputation by reason of the good-will they bare his father.15 Now there was one Thallus, a freed man of Cesar’s, of whom he borrowed a million of drachmæ: and thence repayed Antonia the debt he owed her. And by sending the overplus in paying his court to Caius, became a person of great authority with him.

5. Now as the friendship which Agrippa had for Caius was come to a great height, there happened some words to pass between them, as they once were in a chariot together, concerning Tiberius. Agrippa praying [to God] (for they two sat by themselves), that “Tiberius might soon go off the stage, and leave the government to Caius, who was in every respect more worthy of it.” Now Eutychus, who was Agrippa’s freed man, and drove his chariot, heard these words: and at that time said nothing of them. But when Agrippa accused him of stealing some garments of his; (which was certainly true;) he ran away from him. But when he was caught, and brought before Piso, who was governor of the city; and the man was asked, why he ran away? he replied, that he had somewhat to say to Cesar, that tended to his security and preservation. So Piso bound him, and sent him to Capreæ. But Tiberius, according to his usual custom, kept him still in bonds; being a delayer of affairs, if there ever was any other King or tyrant that was so. (22) For he did not admit ambassadors quickly; and no successors were despatched away to governors or procurators of the provinces, that had been formerly sent, unless they were dead. Whence it was, that he was so negligent in hearing the causes of prisoners. Insomuch that when he was asked by his friends, what was the reason of his delay in such cases? he said, that “He delayed to hear ambassadors, lest upon their quick dismission, other ambassadors should be appointed, and return upon him; and so he should bring trouble upon himself, in their publick reception and dismission. That he permitted those governors who had been once sent to their governments [to stay there a long while,] out of regard to the subjects that were under them. For that all governors are naturally disposed to get as much as they can: and that those who are not to fix there, but to stay a short time, and that at an uncertainty when they shall be turned out, do the more severely hurry themselves on to fleece the people. But that if their government be long continued to them, they are, at last, satiated with the spoils; as having gotten a vast deal; and so become at length less sharp in their pillaging. But that if successors are sent quickly, the poor subjects who are exposed to them, as a prey, will not be able to bear the new ones: while they shall not have the same time allowed them wherein their predecessors had filled themselves, and so grew more unconcerned about getting more. And this because they are removed before they have had time [for their oppressions.] He gave them an example to shew his meaning. A great number of flies came about the sore places of a man that had been wounded. Upon which one of the standers-by pitied the man’s misfortune; and, thinking he was not able to drive those flies away himself; was going to drive them away for him. But he prayed him to let them alone. The other, by way of reply, asked him, the reason of such a preposterous proceeding, in preventing relief from his present misery. To which he answered, If thou drivest these flies away, thou wilt hurt me worse. For as these are already full of my blood, they do not croud about me, nor pain me so much as before, but are somewhat more remiss: while the fresh ones that come almost famished, and find me quite tired down already, will be my destruction. For this cause therefore it is that I am my self careful not to send such new governours perpetually to those my subjects, who are already sufficiently harrassed by many oppressions, as may, like these flies, farther distress them. And so besides their natural desire of gain, may have this additional incitement to it, that they expect to be suddenly deprived of that pleasure which they take in it.” And as a farther attestation to what I say of the dilatory nature of Tiberius, I appeal to this his practice it self. For although he was Emperour twenty two years, he sent in all but two procurators to govern the nation of the Jews, Gratus; and his successor in the government, Pilate. Nor was he in one way of acting with respect to the Jews; and in another with respect to the rest of his subjects. He farther informed them, that even in the hearing of the causes of prisoners he made such delays; “Because immediate death to those that must be condemned to die, would be an alleviation of their present miseries: while those wicked wretches have not deserved any such favour: but I do it, that by being harrassed with the present calamity, they may undergo greater misery.”

6. On this account it was that Eutychus could not obtain an hearing: but was kept still in prison. However, some time afterward, Tiberius came from Capreæ to Tusculanum: which is about an hundred furlongs from Rome. Agrippa then desired of Antonia that she would procure an hearing for Eutychus, let the matter whereof he accused him prove what it would. Now Antonia was greatly esteemed by Tiberius on all accounts: from the dignity of her relation to him, who had been his brother Drusus’s wife; and from her eminent chastity. For though she were still a young woman, she continued in her widowhood, and refused all other matches: although Augustus had injoined her to be married to some body else. (23) Yet did she all along preserve her reputation free from reproach. She had also been the greatest benefactress to Tiberius when there was a very dangerous plot laid against him by Sejanus; a man who had been her husband’s friend, and who had the greatest authority, because he was general of the army, and when many members of the senate, and many of the freed­men joined with him, and the soldiery was corrupted, and the plot was come to a great height. Now Sejanus had certainly gained his point, had not Antonia’s boldness been more wisely conducted, than Sejanus’s malice. For when she had discovered his designs against Tiberius, she wrote him an exact account of the whole; and gave the letter to Pallas, the most faithful of her servants, and sent him to Capreæ, to Tiberius. Who, when he understood it, slew Sejanus and his confederates. So that Tiberius, who had her in great esteem before, now looked upon her with still greater respect, and depended upon her in all things. So when Tiberius was desired by this Antonia to examine Eutychus, he answered; “If indeed Eutychus hath falsely accused Agrippa, in what he hath said of him, he hath had sufficient punishment, by what I have done to him already; but if, upon examination, the accusation appears to be true, let Agrippa have a care lest out of desire of punishing his freed man, he do not rather bring a punishment upon himself.” Now when Antonia told Agrippa of this, he was still much more pressing that the matter might be examined into. So Antonia, upon Agrippa’s lying hard at her continually to beg this favour, took the following opportunity. As Tiberius lay once at his ease upon his sedan, and was carried about; and Caius her grandson, and Agrippa were before him, after dinner; she walked by the sedan; and desired him to call Eutychus, and have him examined. To which he replied, “O Antonia, the gods are my witnesses, that I am induced to do what I am going to do, not by my own inclination; but because I am forced to it by thy prayers.” When he had said this, he ordered Macro, who succeeded Sejanus, to bring Eutychus to him. Accordingly, without any delay, he was brought. Then Tiberius asked him, what he had to say against a man who had given him his liberty? Upon which he said, “O my Lord, this Caius, and Agrippa with him were once riding in a chariot, when I sat at their feet; and among other discourses that passed, Agrippa said to Caius, O that the day would once come, when this old fellow will die, and name thee for the governour of the habitable earth! For then this Tiberius, his grandson, would be no hindrance; but would be taken off by thee, and that earth would be happy, and I happy also.” Now Tiberius took these to be truly Agrippa’s words: and bearing a grudge withal at Agrippa, because, when he had commanded him to pay his respects to Tiberius, his grandson, and the son of Drusus; Agrippa had not paid him that respect, but disobeyed his commands, and transferred all his regard to Caius; he said to Macro, “Bind this man.” But Macro not distinctly knowing which of them it was whom he bid him bind; and not expecting that he would have any such thing done to Agrippa, he forbore; and came to ask more distinctly what it was that he said? But when Cesar had gone round the hippodrome, he found Agrippa standing. “For certain, said he, Macro, this is the man I meant to have bound.” And when he still asked, which of these is to be bound? he said, “Agrippa.” Upon which Agrippa betook himself to make supplication for himself: putting him in mind of his son, with whom he was brought up,16 and of Tiberius [his grandson] whom he had educated. But all to no purpose. For they led him about bound, even in his purple garments. It was also very hot weather; and they had had but little wine to their meal: so that he was very thirsty. He was also in a sort of agony; and took this treatment of him hainously. As he therefore saw one of Caius’s slaves, whose name was Thaumastus, carrying some water in a vessel, he desired that he would let him drink. So the servant gave him some water to drink: and he drank heartily, and said, “O thou boy, this service of thine to me will be for thy advantage. For if I once get clear of these my bonds, I will soon procure thee thy freedom of Caius, who has not been wanting to minister to me now I am in bonds, in the same manner as when I was in my former state and dignity.” Nor did he deceive him in what he promised him: but made him amends for what he had now done. For when afterward Agrippa was come to the Kingdom, he took particular care of Thaumastus, and got him his liberty from Caius, and made him the steward over his own estate: and when he died he left him to Agrippa his son, and to Bernice his daughter, to minister to them in the same capacity. The man also grew old in that honourable post, and therein died. But all this happened a good while later.

7. Now Agrippa stood in his bonds before the royal palace, and leaned on a certain tree for grief: with many others who were in bonds also. And as a certain bird sat upon the tree on which Agrippa leaned, the Romans call this bird Bubo [an owl]: one of those that were bound, a German by nation, saw him; and asked a soldier, Who that man in purple was? and when he was informed that his name was Agrippa; and that he was by nation a Jew; and one of the principal men of that nation; he asked leave of the soldier to whom he was bound, (24) to let him come nearer to him to speak with him: for that he had a mind to inquire of him about some things relating to his countrey: which liberty when he had obtained, and as he stood near him, he said thus to him by an interpreter, that “This sudden change of thy condition, O young man, is grievous to thee; as bringing on thee a manifold and very great adversity. Nor wilt thou believe me when I foretel how thou wilt get clear of this misery, which thou art now under: and how divine providence will provide for thee. Know therefore (and I appeal to my own countrey gods; as well as to the gods of this place, who have awarded these bonds to us;) that all I am going to say about thy concerns shall neither be said for favour, nor bribery; nor out of an endeavour to make thee chearful without cause. For such predictions, when they come to fail, make the grief at last, and in earnest more bitter than if the party had never heard of any such thing. However, though I run the hazzard of my own self, I think it fit to declare to thee the prediction of the gods. It cannot be that thou shouldest long continue in these bonds: but thou wilt soon be delivered from them; and wilt be promoted to the highest dignity, and power; and thou wilt be envied by all those who now pity thy hard fortune: and thou wilt be happy till thy death, and wilt leave that thine happiness to the children whom thou shalt have. But do thou remember, when thou seest this bird again, that thou wilt then live but five days longer. This event will be brought to pass by that God who hath sent this bird hither to be a sign unto thee. And I cannot but think it unjust to conceal from thee what I foreknow concerning thee: that by thy knowing before­hand what happiness is coming upon thee, thou mayst not regard thy present misfortunes. But when this happiness shall actually befal thee, do not forget what misery I am in my self: but endeavour to deliver me.”17 So when the German had said this, he made Agrippa laugh at him, as much as he afterward appeared worthy of admiration. But now Antonia took Agrippa’s misfortune to heart. However, to speak to Tiberius on his behalf she took to be a very difficult thing, and indeed quite impracticable, as to any hope of success. Yet did she procure of Macro that the soldiers that kept him should be of a gentle nature; and that the centurion who was over them, and was to diet with him, should be of the same disposition; and that he might have leave to bath himself every day:18 and that his freed men and friends might come to him; and that other things that tended to ease him might be indulged him. So his friend Silas came in to him: and two of his freed men, Marsyas and Stechus brought him such sorts of food as he was fond of: and indeed took great care of him. They also brought him garments, under pretence of selling them: and when night came on, they laid them under him: and the soldiers assisted them; as Macro had given them order to do before­shand. And this was Agrippa’s condition for six months time: and in this case were his affairs.

8. [A.D. 37.] But for Tiberius, upon his return to Capreæ, he fell sick: at first his distemper was but gentle; but as that distemper increased upon him, he had small or no hopes of recovery. Hereupon he bid Euodus, who was that freed man whom he most of all respected, to bring the children19 to him; for that he wanted to talk to them before he died. Now he had at present no sons of his own alive. For Drusus, who was his only son, was dead: but Drusus’s son Tiberius was still living: whose additional name was Gemellus. There was also living Caius, the son of Germanicus, who was the son of his brother [Drusus].20 He was now grown up, and had a liberal education, and was well improved by it, and was in esteem and favour with the people, on account of the excellent character of his father Germanicus. Who had attained the highest honour among the multitude, by the firmness of his virtuous behaviour; by the easiness and agreeableness of his conversing with the multitude: and because the dignity he was in did not hinder his familiarity with them all, as if they were his equals. By which behaviour he was not only greatly esteemed by the people, and the senate; but by every one of those nations that were subject to the Romans. Some of which were affected when they came to him with the gracefulness of their reception by him: and others were affected in the same manner by the report of the others that had been with him. And upon his death there was a lamentation made by all men: not such an one as was to be made in way of flattery to their rulers, while they did but counterfeit sorrow; but such as was real. While every body grieved at his death, as if they had lost one that was near to them. And truly such had been his easy conversation with men, that it turned greatly to the advantage of his son among all. And among others, the soldiery were so peculiarly affected to him, that they reckoned it an eligible thing, if need were, to die themselves, if he might but attain to the government.

9. But when Tiberius had given order to Euodus to bring the children to him the next day in the morning, he prayed to his countrey gods to shew him a manifest signal, which of those children should come to the government. Being very desirous to leave it to his son’s son: but still depending upon what God should foreshew concerning them, more than upon his own opinion and inclination. So he made this to be the omen; that the government should be left to him who should come to him first the next day. When he had thus resolved within himself, he sent to his grandson’s tutor, and ordered him to bring the child to him early in the morning: as supposing that God would permit him to be made Emperor. But God proved opposite to his designation. For while Tiberius was thus contriving matters, and as soon as it was at all day, he bid Euodus to call in that child which should be there ready. So he went out, and found Caius before the door: for Tiberius was not yet come, but stayed waiting for his breakfast. For Euodus knew nothing of what his lord intended. So he said to Caius, “Thy father calls thee,” and then brought him in. As soon as Tiberius saw Caius, and not before, he reflected on the power of God; and how the ability of bestowing the government on whom he would was intirely taken from him: and thence he was not able to establish what he had intended. So he greatly lamented that this power of establishing what he had before contrived was taken from him: and that his grandson Tiberius was not only to lose the Roman Empire by his fatality, but his own safety also: because his preservation would now depend upon such as would be more potent than himself: who would think it a thing not to be born that a kinsman should live with them; and so his relation would not be able to protect him. But he would be feared and hated by him who had the supreme authority: partly on account of his being next to the Empire; and partly on account of his perpetually contriving to get the government; both in order to preserve himself, and to be at the head of affairs also. Now Tiberius had been very much given to astrology, (25) and the calculation of nativities: and had spent his life in the esteem of what predictions had proved true, more than those whose profession it was. Accordingly when he once saw Galba coming in to him, he said to his most intimate friends, that “There came in a man that would one day have the dignity of the Roman Empire.” So that this Tiberius was more addicted to all such sorts of diviners than any other of the Roman Emperors: because he had found them to have told him truth in his own affairs. And indeed he was now in great distress upon this accident that had befallen him; and was very much grieved at the destruction of his son’s son, which he foresaw: and complained of himself, that he should have made use of such a method of divination before­hand; while it was in his power to have died without grief by this knowledge of futurity: whereas he was now tormented by his foreknowledge of the misfortune of such as were dearest to him, and must die under that torment. Now although he were disordered at this unexpected revolution of the government to those for whom he did not intend it, he spake thus to Caius, though unwillingly, and against his own inclination, “O child! although Tiberius be nearer related to me than thou art, I, by my own determination, and the conspiring suffrage of the gods, do give, and put into thy hand, the Roman Empire. And I desire thee never to be unmindful, when thou comest to it, either of my kindness to thee, who set thee in so high a dignity; or of thy relation to Tiberius. But as thou knowest that I am, together with, and after the gods the procurer of so great happiness to thee; so I desire that thou wilt make me a return for my readiness to assist thee, and wilt take care of Tiberius, because of his near relation to thee. Besides which thou art to know, that while Tiberius is alive, he will be a security to thee, both as to Empire, and as to thy own preservation: but if he die, that will be but a prelude to thy own misfortunes. For to be alone under the weight of such vast affairs, is very dangerous. Nor will the gods suffer those actions, which are unjustly done, contrary to that law which directs men to act otherwise, to go off unpunished.” This was the speech which Tiberius made: which did not persuade Caius to act accordingly: although he promised so to do. But, when he was settled in the government, he took off this Tiberius: (26) as was predicted by the other Tiberius: as he was also himself in no long time afterward slain by a secret plot laid against him.

10. So when Tiberius had at this time appointed Caius to be his successor, he outlived but a few days, and then died: after he had held the government twenty two years, five months, and three days.21 Now Caius was the fourth Emperor. But when the Romans understood that Tiberius was dead, they rejoiced at the good news, but had not courage to believe it. Not because they were unwilling it should be true; for they would have given huge sums of money that it might be so; but because they were afraid, that if they had shewed their joy when the news proved false, their joy should be openly known, and they should be accused for it, and be thereby undone. For this Tiberius had brought a vast number of miseries on the best families of the Romans: since he was easily inflamed with passion in all cases: and was of such a temper, as rendred his anger irrevocable, till he had executed the same: although he had taken an hatred against men without reason. For he was by nature fierce in all the sentences he gave, and made death the penalty for the lightest offenses. Insomuch that when the Romans heard the rumour about his death gladly, they were restrained from the enjoyment of that pleasure by the dread of such miseries as they foresaw would follow, if their hopes proved ill grounded. Now Marsyas, Agrippa’s freed man, as soon as he heard of Tiberius’s death, came running to tell Agrippa the news; and finding him going out to the bath, he gave him a nod, and said in the Hebrew tongue, “The lion (27) is dead.” Who understanding his meaning; and being ovejoyed at the news, “Nay, said he, but all sorts of thanks and happiness attend thee for this news of thine. Only I wish that what thou sayst may prove true.” Now the Centurion who was set to keep Agrippa, when he saw with what haste Marsyas came, and what joy Agrippa had from what he said, he had a suspicion that his words implyed some great innovation of affairs: and he asked them about what was said. They at first diverted the discourse: but upon his farther pressing, Agrippa, without more ado, told him; for he was already become his friend. So he joined with him in that pleasure which this news occasioned; because it would be fortunate to Agrippa: and made him a supper. But as they were feasting, and the cups went about, there came one who said, that “Tiberius was still alive; and would return to the city in a few days.” At which news the centurion was exceedingly troubled: because he had done what might cost him his life, to have treated so joyfully a prisoner, and this upon the news of the death of Cesar. So he thrust Agrippa from the couch whereon he lay, and said; “Dost thou think to cheat me by a lie about the Emperor without punishment? And shalt not thou pay for this thy malicious report at the price of thine head?” When he had so said, he ordered Agrippa to be bound again: (for he had loosed him before:) and kept a severer guard over him than formerly. And in this evil condition was Agrippa that night. But the next day the rumour increased in the city, and confirmed the news that Tiberius was certainly dead. Insomuch that men durst now openly and freely talk about it. Nay some offered sacrifices on that account. Several letters also came from Caius: one of them to the senate, which informed them of the death of Tiberius, and of his own entrance on the government: another to Piso, the governor of the city; which told him the same thing. He also gave order that Agrippa should be removed out of the camp, and go to that house where he lived before he was put in prison. So that he was now out of fear as to his own affairs, for although he were still in custody, yet it was now with ease to his own affairs. Now as soon as Caius was come to Rome, and had brought Tiberius’s dead body with him, and had made a sumptuous funeral for him, according to the laws of his countrey, he was much disposed to set Agrippa at liberty that very day. But Antonia hindred him. Not out of any ill will to the prisoner; but out of regard to decency in Caius; lest that should make men believe that he received the death of Tiberius with pleasure, when he loosed one whom he had bound, immediately. However, there did not many days pass ere he sent for him to his house, and had him shaved, and made him change his raiment. After which he put a diadem upon his head, and appointed him to be King of the tetrarchy of Philip. He also gave him the tetrarchy of Lysanias, (28) and changed his iron chain for a golden one of equal weight. He also sent Marullus to be procurator of Judea.

11. [A.D. 38.] Now in the second year of the reign of Caius Cesar, Agrippa desired leave to be given him to sail home, and settle the affairs of his government: and he promised to return again, when he had put the rest in order, as it ought to be put. So, upon the Emperor’s permission, he came into his own countrey, and appeared to them all unexpectedly as a King; and thereby demonstrated to the men that saw him, the power of fortune; when they compared his former poverty with his present happy affluence. So some called him an happy man, and others could not well believe that things were so much changed with him for the better.

Chapter 7.

How Herod the tetrarch was banished.

1. [A.D. 39.] But Herodias, Agrippa’s sister, who now lived as wife to that Herod who was tetrarch of Galilee and Perea, took this authority of her brother in an envious manner: particularly when she saw that he had a greater dignity bestowed on him than her husband had. Since when he ran away, it was because he was not able to pay his debts: and now he was come back, he was in a way of dignity, and of great good fortune. She was therefore grieved, and much displeased at so great a mutation of his affairs; and chiefly when she saw him marching among the multitudes, with the usual ensigns of royal authority, she was not able to conceal how miserable she was, by reason of the envy she had towards him. But she excited her husband, and desired him that he would sail to Rome, to court honours equal to his. For she said, that “She could not bear to live any longer, while Agrippa, the son of that Aristobulus, who was condemned to die by his father; one that came to her husband in such extreme poverty, that the necessaries of life were forced to be intirely supplyed him day by day: and when he fled away from his creditors by sea, he now returned a King. While he was himself the son of a King. And while the near relation he bear to royal authority called upon him to gain the like dignity, he sat still, and was contented with a privater life. But then, Herod, although thou wast formerly not concerned to be in a lower condition than thy father, from whom thou wast derived, had been; yet do thou now seek after the dignity which thy kinsman hath attained to. And do not thou bear this contempt, that a man who admired thy riches, should he in greater honour than thy self. Nor suffer his poverty to shew itself able to purchase greater things than our abundance. Nor do thou esteem it other than a shameful thing, to be inferior to one who, the other day, lived upon thy charity. But let us go to Rome; and let us spare no pains, nor expences, either of silver or gold: since they cannot be kept for any better use, than for the obtaining of a Kingdom.”

2. But for Herod, he opposed her request at this time, out of the love of ease; and having a suspicion of the trouble he should have at Rome. So he tried to instruct her better. But the more she saw him draw back, the more she pressed him to it; and desired him to leave no stone unturned in order to be King. And at last she left not off till she engaged him, whether he would or not, to be of her sentiments: because he could no otherwise avoid her importunity. [A.D. 40.] So he got all things ready, after as sumptuous a manner as he was able, and spared for nothing, and went up to Rome; and took Herodias along with him. But Agrippa, when he was made sensible of their intentions, and preparations, he also prepared to go thither.22 And as soon as he heard they set sail, he sent Fortunatus, one of his freed men, to Rome; to carry presents to the Emperor, and letters against Herod; and to give Caius a particular account of those matters, if he should have any opportunity. This man followed Herod so quick, and had so prosperous a voyage, and came so little after Herod, that while Herod was with Caius he came himself, and delivered his letters. For they both sailed to Dicearchia, and found Caius at Baiæ. Which is itself a little city of Campania, at the distance of about five furlongs from Dicearchia. There are in that place royal palaces, with sumptuous apartments: every Emperor still endeavouring to out­do his predecessors magnificence. The place also affords warm baths, that spring out of the ground of their own accord: which are of advantage for the recovery of the health of those that make use of them; and besides they minister to mens luxury also. Now Caius saluted Herod; for he first met with him; and then looked upon the letters which Agrippa had sent him, and which were written in order to accuse Herod. Wherein he accused him, that he had been in confederacy with Sejanus, against Tiberius’s government; and that he was now confederate with Artabanus, the King of Parthia, in opposition to the government of Caius. As a demonstration of which he alledged, that he had armour sufficient for seventy thousand men ready in his armoury. Caius was moved at this information; and asked Herod, whether what was said about the armour was true. And when he confessed there was such armour there, for he could not deny the same, the truth of it being notorious. Caius took that to be a sufficient proof of the accusation, that he intended to revolt. So he took away from him his tetrarchy; and gave it, by way of addition, to Agrippa’s Kingdom. He also gave Herod’s money to Agrippa: and, by way of punishment, awarded him a perpetual banishment: and appointed Lyons,23 a city of Gall, to be his place of habitation. But when he was informed that Herodias was Agrippa’s sister, he made her a present of what money was her own: and told her, that “It was her brother who prevented her being put under the same calamity with her husband.” But she made this reply: “Thou, indeed, O Emperor, actest after a magnificent manner, and as becomes thy self in what thou offerest me. But the kindness which I have for my husband hinders me from partaking of the favour of thy gift. For it is not just that I, who have been made a partner in his prosperity, should forsake him in his misfortunes.” Hereupon Caius was angry at her, and sent her with Herod into banishment: and gave her estate to Agrippa. And thus did God punish Herodias for her envy at her brother; and Herod also for giving ear to the vain discourses of a woman. Now Caius managed publick affairs with very great magnanimity, during the first and second year of his reign: and behaved himself with such moderation, that he gained the good will both of the Romans themselves, and of his other subjects. But in process of time he went beyond the bounds of human nature, in his conceit of himself: and, by reason of the vastness of his dominions, made himself a God, and took upon himself to act in all things to the reproach of the Deity itself.

Chapter 8.

Concerning the ambassageof the Jews to Caius: and how Caius sent Petronius into Syria to make war against the Jews, unless they would receive his statue. (29)

1. [A.D. 40.–41.] There was now a tumult arisen at Alexandria, between the Jewish inhabitants, and the Greeks: and three ambassadors were chosen out of each party that were at variance: who came to Caius. (30) Now one of these ambassadors from the people of Alexandria was Apion: who uttered many blasphemies against the Jews: and, among other things that he said, he charged them with neglecting the honours that belonged to Cesar. For that while all who were subject to the Roman Empire built altars and temples to Caius; and in other regards universally received him as they received the gods; these Jews alone thought it a dishonourable thing for them to erect statues in honour of him, as well as to swear by his name. Many of these severe things were said by Apion: by which he hoped to provoke Caius to anger at the Jews; as he was likely to be. But Philo, the principal of the Jewish ambassage, a man eminent on all accounts, brother to Alexander the alabarch; (31) and one not unskilful in philosophy, was ready to betake himself to make his defence against those accusations. But Caius prohibited him; and bid him be gone. He was also in such a rage, that it openly appeared he was about to do them some very great mischief. So Philo, being thus affronted, went out, and said to those Jews who were about him, that “They should be of good courage: since Caius’s words indeed shewed anger at them; but in reality had already set God against himself.”

2. Hereupon Caius, taking it very hainously that he should be thus despised by the Jews alone, sent Petronius to be president of Syria, and successor in the government to Vitellius: and gave him order to make an invasion into Judea, with a great body of troops: and if they would admit of his statue willingly, to erect it in the temple of God: but if they were obstinate, to conquer them by war, and then to do it. Accordingly Petronius took the government of Syria, and made haste to obey Cesar’s epistle. He got together as great a number of auxiliaries as he possibly could; and took with him two legions of the Roman army; and came to Ptolemais, and there wintred: as intending to set about the war in the spring. He also wrote word to Caius what he had resolved to do. Who commended him for his alacrity, and ordered him to go on, and to make war with them, in case they would not obey his commands. But there came many ten thousands of the Jews to Petronius, to Ptolemais, to offer their petitions to him, that “He would not compel them to transgress and violate the law of their forefathers. But if, said they, thou art intirely resolved to bring this statue, and erect it, do thou first kill us; and then do what thou hast resolved on. For while we are alive we cannot permit such things as are forbidden us to be done, by the authority of our legislator; and by our forefathers determination that such prohibitions are instances of virtue.” But Petronius was angry at them, and said, “If indeed I were my self Emperor, and were at liberty to follow my own inclination, and then had designed to act thus, these your words would be justly spoken to me. But now Cesar hath sent to me, I am under the necessity of being subservient to his decrees: because a disobedience to them will bring upon me inevitable destruction.” Then the Jews replied, “Since therefore thou art so disposed, O Petronius, that thou wilt not disobey Caius’s epistles; neither will we transgress the commands of our law. And as we depend upon the excellency of our laws, and by the labours of our ancestors have continued hitherto without suffering them to be transgressed, we dare not by any means suffer our selves to be so timorous, as to transgress those laws out of the fear of death, which God hath determined are for our advantage. And if we fall into misfortunes we will bear them, in order to preserve our laws: as knowing that those who expose themselves to dangers have good hope of escaping them; because God will stand on our side, when out of regard to him we undergo afflictions, and sustain the uncertain turns of fortune. But if we should submit to thee, we should be greatly reproached for our cowardice: as thereby shewing ourselves ready to transgress our law: and we should incur the great anger of God also; who even, thy self being judge, is superior to Caius.”

3. When Petronius saw by their words that their determination was hard to be removed; and that without a war he should not be able to be subservient to Caius in the dedication of his statue; and that there must be a great deal of blood shed; he took his friends, and the servants that were about him, and hasted to Tiberias: as wanting to know in what posture the affairs of the Jews were. And many ten thousands of the Jews met Petronius again, when he was come to Tiberias. These thought they must run a mighty haazard if they should have a war with the Romans: but judged that the transgression of the law was of much greater consequence: and made supplication to him, that he would by no means reduce them to such distresses; nor defile their city with the dedication of the statue. Then Petronius said to them, “Will you then make war with Cesar: without considering his great preparations for war; and your own weakness?” They replyed, “We will not, by any means make war with him. But still we will die before we see our laws transgressed.” So they threw themselves down upon their faces, and stretched out their throats, and said, they were ready to be slain. And this they did for forty days together: and in the mean time left off the tilling of their ground: and that while the season of the year required them to sow it. (32) Thus they continued firm in their resolution, and proposed to themselves to die willingly, rather than to see the dedication of the statue.

4. When matters were in this state, Aristobulus, King Agrippa’s brother, and Helcias the Great, and the other principal men of that family with them, went in unto Petronius, and besought him, that “Since he saw the resolution of the multitude, he would not make any alteration, and thereby drive them to despair: but would write to Caius, that the Jews had an insuperable aversion to the reception of the statue: and how they continued with him, and left off the tillage off their ground: that they were not willing to go to war with him, because they were not able to do it; but were ready to die with pleasure, rather than suffer their laws to be transgressed. And how, upon the lands continuing unsown, robberies would grow up, on the inability they would be under of paying their tributes. And that perhaps Caius might be thereby moved to pity, and not order any barbarous action to be done to them, nor think of destroying the nation. That if he continues inflexible in his former opinion, to bring a war upon them, he may then himself set about it.” And thus did Aristobulus, and the rest with him, supplicate Petronius. So, Petronius, (33) partly on account of the pressing instances which Aristobulus and the rest with him made; and because of the great consequence of what they desired, and the earnestness wherewith they made their supplication; partly on account of the firmness of the opposition made by the Jews, which he saw; while he thought it an horrible thing for him to be such a slave to the madness of Caius, as to slay so many ten thousand men, only because of their religious disposition towards God: and after that to pass his life in expectation of punishment: Petronius, I say, thought it much better to send to Caius, and to let him know how intolerable it was to him to bear the anger he might have against him for not serving him sooner, in obedience to his epistle; for that perhaps he might persuade him: and that if his mad resolution continued, he might then begin the war against them. Nay, that in case he should turn his hatred against himself, it was fit for virtuous persons even to die for the sake of such vast multitudes of men. Accordingly he determined to hearken to the petitioners in this matter.

5. He then called the Jews together to Tiberias. Who came many ten thousands in number: he also placed that army he now had with him opposite to them: but did not discover his own meaning, but the commands of the Emperor; and told them, that “His wrath would without delay be executed on such as had the courage to disobey what he had commanded, and this immediately: and that it was fit for him, who had obtained so great a dignity by his grant, not to contradict him in any thing:. Yet, said he, I do not think it just to have such a regard to my own safety and honour, as to refuse to sacrifice them for your preservation; who are so many in number, and endeavour to preserve the regard that is due to your law. Which as it hath come down to you from your fore­fathers, so do you esteem it worthy of your utmost contention to preserve it. Nor, with the supreme assistance and power of God, will I be so hardy as to suffer your temple to fall into contempt, by the means of the imperial authority. I will therefore send to Caius, and let him know what your resolutions are: and will assist your suit, as far as I am able: that you may not be exposed to suffer on account of the honest designs you have proposed to yourselves. And may God be your assistant: for his authority is beyond all the contrivance and power of men: and may he procure you the preservation of your ancient laws: and may not he be