Yet the choice dents the GOP’s message that the bill is targeted chiefly at middle-class families and not big business. “Bottom line, my colleagues on the other side have shown their hand,” said Senator Ron Wyden of Oregon, the top Democrat on the Finance Committee, which wrote the bill and held a combative markup of the revised proposal on Wednesday less than 12 hours after the changes were unveiled. Republicans on the panel hope to approve the bill this week so the full Senate can vote on it after Thanksgiving. The House is set to pass its version of the tax bill on Thursday, and party leaders want to reconcile the legislation and send it to Trump’s desk by Christmas. Adding to the GOP’s hurry is the Senate special election next month in Alabama: If Democrat Doug Jones defeats the scandal-plagued Roy Moore, the Republican majority come January would be down to a single seat.

Wyden said the changes ordered by Chairman Orrin Hatch of Utah created a “double standard” in which handouts for corporations were “etched in stone” while relief for families would go away. And because Republicans are making permanent changes to the way inflation is calculated in tax policy, many people would see a net tax increase from what they pay today once the personal tax cuts expire. “For middle-class families, the deal looks worse and worse,” Wyden said.

In the short term, middle-class families should do better under the revised Senate bill than the original. Hatch slightly lowered individual income rates and increased the child tax credit to $2,000. (The credit is currently $1,000 per child, and the first Senate draft would have bumped it up to $1,650.) But like the rest of the individual provisions, including a repeal of the alternative-minimum tax and the doubling of the estate-tax exemption, those perks would go away in eight years.

Republicans readily acknowledged they only sunset the personal tax cuts to abide by Senate budget rules, which forbid the tax legislation from adding to the deficit after the first decade. They would need 60 votes, including at least eight from Democrats, to get around that. “We can make the individual side permanent,” Senator John Thune of South Dakota said. “All it takes is a few Democrats to help us do that.”

Democrats, of course, are in no mood to assist Republicans in passing a bill they consider fiscally irresponsible and skewed toward the rich. They spent much of Wednesday’s hearing hammering the GOP for inserting a repeal of the Affordable Care Act’s individual mandate into the bill, a move that helped them offset some of the tax cuts in the budget. While Republicans argued they were eliminating a penalty that hits lower-income Americans disproportionately, Democrats countered that scrapping the penalty would actually raise costs for most people through higher insurance premiums—a view shared by the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office. “You are spending $338 billion to make tax cuts for corporations permanent,” Democratic Senator Claire McCaskill of Missouri said.