It's also Nixon's World

by Joachim Martillo (



by Joachim Martillo ( ThorsProvoni@aol.com





Amazon.Com has ranked the book among the best of the month.

Rick Perlstein 's Nixonland, the Rise of a President and the Fracturing of a Nation , has just appeared.Amazon.Com has ranked the book among the best of the month.

Amazon.com

: How did we go from Lyndon Johnson's landslide Democratic victory in 1964 to Richard Nixon's equally lopsided Republican reelection only eight years later? The years in between were among the most chaotic in American history, with an endless and unpopular war, riots, assassinations, social upheaval, Southern resistance, protests both peaceful and armed, and a "Silent Majority" that twice elected the central figure of the age, a brilliant politician who relished the battles of the day but ended them in disgrace. In Nixonland Rick Perlstein tells a more familiar story than the one he unearthed in his influential previous book, Before the Storm, which argued that the stunning success of modern conservatism was founded in Goldwater's massive 1964 defeat. But he makes it fresh and relentlessly compelling, with obsessive original research and a gleefully slashing style--equal parts Walter Winchell and Hunter S. Thompson--that's true to the times. Perlstein is well known as a writer on the left, but his historian's empathies are intense and unpredictable: he convincingly channels the resentment and rage on both sides of the battle lines and lets neither Nixon's cynicism nor the naivete of liberals like New York mayor John Lindsay off the hook. And while election-year readers will be reminded of how much tamer our times are, they'll also find that the echoes of the era, and its persistent national divisions, still ring loud and clear. --Tom Nissley Amazon Best of the Month, May 2008 : How did we go from Lyndon Johnson's landslide Democratic victory in 1964 to Richard Nixon's equally lopsided Republican reelection only eight years later? The years in between were among the most chaotic in American history, with an endless and unpopular war, riots, assassinations, social upheaval, Southern resistance, protests both peaceful and armed, and a "Silent Majority" that twice elected the central figure of the age, a brilliant politician who relished the battles of the day but ended them in disgrace. InRick Perlstein tells a more familiar story than the one he unearthed in his influential previous book,, which argued that the stunning success of modern conservatism was founded in Goldwater's massive 1964 defeat. But he makes it fresh and relentlessly compelling, with obsessive original research and a gleefully slashing style--equal parts Walter Winchell and Hunter S. Thompson--that's true to the times. Perlstein is well known as a writer on the left, but his historian's empathies are intense and unpredictable: he convincingly channels the resentment and rage on both sides of the battle lines and lets neither Nixon's cynicism nor the naivete of liberals like New York mayor John Lindsay off the hook. And while election-year readers will be reminded of how much tamer our times are, they'll also find that the echoes of the era, and its persistent national divisions, still ring loud and clear.





Not only do we live in Nixonland, but we also live in Nixonworld.







Here is the relevant section of Judonia Rising Judonia Rising Working Paper Part 2 proposes that the Nixon administration provided the venue in which Jabotinskian Neoconservativism and Friedmanite Neoliberalism first linked together in an alliance that would lead to the incineration of Iraq, the cluster-bombing of Lebanon, mayhem throughout the horn of Africa, and incalculable damage to the US economy and political stature.Not only do we live in Nixonland, but we also live in Nixonworld. Changing of the Guard In general Judonia and the State of Israel successfully created a structure for Gramscian hegemonic blocking in the USA of any non-Zionist controlled discussion of Israel, the Middle East, and the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians, but the behind-the-scenes, subtle string-pulling and quietly manipulative techniques of "Our Crowd" showed signs of ultimate failure because of the conflicts between Eisenhower and Israel over the 1956 Suez War,

between Kennedy and Israel over the Israeli nuclear weapons effort ( Israel and the Bomb

between Johnson and the organized Jewish community over the Vietnam War.

The tension with Johnson arose because he expected support for his Vietnam policy in return for backing Israel in the 1967 War ( Anti-War: 1960s versus 2000s ) and for preventing too hard a look into the attack on the USS Liberty. (See Money Jews, Brain Jews, Politics .)

The Nixon Administration is a table of some of the important members in the Nixon administration, who have become major players during George W. Bush's presidency. (The creator of the table has only a superficial understanding of the history of Neoconservatism.)

Richard Nixon brought Henry Kissinger and Milton Friedman into his administration right from the start.

As National Security Advisor, Kissinger, who was a German Jewish refugee from the Third Reich, approached foreign policy from the standpoint of Realpolitik as do John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt.

The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism Nixon appointed Milton Friedman to the Gates Commission in March 1969, met with Friedman regularly, and appointed Friedman's friends and colleagues like George Shultz and Donald Rumsfeld to high administration positions. ( p. 132-133.)

Friedman's Zionism-for-Capitalists economic theory dovetailed both with Kissinger's power politics and US corporate greed

because it provided the logic to wage economic warfare against Allende and

because the proposed sell-off of the state-owned corporations of developing countries to private sector US owners (in a sort of anti-Marxist withering of the state) promised a quick infusion of cash to local elites in order to inspire "free market coups" like that of Pinochet in Chile.

These new neocolonial revenue streams coming to the USA would prove to benefit business and investment sectors, whose domination by "Our Crowd" and by a developing class of wealthy Yiddish Americans or geltyidn was increasing rapidly because of covert ethnic networks whose members protect one another and share insider information.

In general, application of Friedman's economic theory corresponds so closely with the arenda system and with the history of Jewish exploitation in the Ukraine that it could be considered to be an expression of an epistemic culture associated not merely with Zionist politics but with Zionist politics hybridized with traditional Yiddish economics.

Because the Friedmanite profiteers are so far away from the modern equivalent of potentially enraged Cossacks or ethnically cleansed Palestinians, Friedmanism is a far superior as a form of theft or brutal exploitation than either Zionism today or the arenda system in the seventeenth century Ukraine.

The counter-Marxist Friedmanist concept of withering away the state by selling off its functions to private enterprise worked well with Nixon's southern strategy because it was a way for the Republican party to promise racially anxious whites a theoretically weaker federal government less inclined in the future to engage in civil rights activism like the 1970 decision of the IRS to remove the tax-exempt contribution status of Bob Jones University on account of the school's rules against interracial dating.

Irving Kristol realized that the ideological mix that permeated the Nixon admistration was compatible with the first generation Neoconservatism that had developed out of American Jabotinskianism for the following reasons.

Southern white racist evangelical desire for Christian prayer in school, racial segregation, and subordination of women despite Supreme Court decisions paralleled very closely the Zionist rejection of increasing international criticism 1.Southern white racist evangelical desire for Christian prayer in school, racial segregation, and subordination of women despite Supreme Court decisions paralleled very closely the Zionist rejection of increasing international criticism [lvii] of the basic ideology and practices of the State of Israel including the concept of a Jewish state, denial of Palestinian rights, and waging a demographic war against Palestinians.

2. Forcefully confronting the Communists in Vietnam was the same as forcefully confronting the Arabs in the Middle East. And

3. Friedmanism could hardly have been more of better fit with Jabotinsky's own free market ideas.

In addition, both Kristols seem to have had personal connections with Baruch Korff,

who in the early 70s lived in Taunton, MA,

who had been an important American Jabotinskian leader during the 1940s,

who developed a close personal relationship with Nixon during the 1968 campaign, and

who as an outspoken defender of Richard Nixon after 1973 became known as Nixon's Rabbi. (See j. - Baruch Korff, `Nixon's rabbi' and activist, dies of cancer at 81 .)

As details of the Watergate scandal became public, prominent members of the Jewish community expressed discomfort with Irving Kristol's and Baruch Korff's continuing support for Nixon.

Rabbi Alexander M. Schindler, president of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, called [Rabbi Korff] an "apologist for rampant immorality" and suggested that many people in the Jewish community were embarrassed by his actions and statements.

The Real Origins of Neocons .) Despite such reservations, younger Neocons managed to validate themselves within the Jewish community by championing Russian refuseniks. Even though the campaign provided at best mixed benefit for Russian Jews, who generally had higher incomes and higher status jobs than any other group in the Soviet Union, it was spun as a tremendous success, and Neocons benefited both by sharpening their skills in manipulating the US government and also by establishing strong anti-Soviet credentials. (See

The backing of Neocons and older Jabotinskians seems to have been meaningful to Nixon and the sort of gesture that LBJ always wanted but never received. After some apparent reluctance on the part of Kissinger, who might have been playacting to establish his dominance in relation to the Israeli government, the USA launched the largest resupply effort in its history during the October 1973 War.

When the Arab oil producers reacted by imposing an embargo, the Kristols and their fellow Neocons, responded by discovering that "US security interests" required Friedmanist privatization of Arab oil companies so that they would be run solely for profit with no possible future use as a political weapon. No other rational interpretation of Greenspan: Ouster Of Hussein Crucial For Oil Security is possible because some future ruler of Iraq could easily be even worse than Saddam Hussein by whatever criteria are current at that time. In this sense, the Second Iraq War probably was all about the political threat oil represents to Israel and not about any compelling American security requirement except in the minds of those that cannot distinguish American and Israeli interests.

, and