Those battalions succeeded in attracting arms and combatants. Today, the opposition is claiming that Idlib is mostly liberated and could become a buffer zone.

Idlib’s story goes back to the first months of protests. The peaceful demonstrations started in the rural villages then moved to the cities. In June 2011, there was a massacre in Jisr al-Shughur against the Syrian army, which retaliated with a massive military campaign in Idlib. Then FSA battalions formed in Idlib, benefiting from the province’s closeness to the Turkish border.

Idlib is also a model of how the opposition administers areas under its authority. Idlib’s location is very important. It is adjacent to Aleppo, Hama and Latakia, as well as the Turkish border to the north. The Turkish border is the door through which the FSA gets its weapons.

In northwest Syria lies Idlib province, which is famous for its olives. That long forgotten region has grabbed the headlines since the Syrian revolution started. Idlib contains the Syrian revolution’s various contradictions: the regime and its opposition; as well as the peaceful movement and the armed Salafist groups, Jabhat al-Nusra , and the Free Syrian Army (FSA).

But describing Idlib as “liberated” is not accurate. Despite the opposition’s control over a large part of the province’s countryside, the Syrian army still controls several cities, including Idlib city, Jisr al-Shughur in the west, Ariha, Khan Sheikhoun, in addition to the following military camps: Wadi al-Daif and Hamadiyya (near Maarat al-Numan); Al-Khazanat, near Khan Sheikhoun; Qarmid, near Ariha; and al-Rami, near Jabal al-Zawiya.

In addition to those military camps, the main roads between the provinces, including the Hama-Idlib road, which is part of the international highway between Aleppo and Damascus, returned to regime control two months ago. That road connects Khan Sheikhoun with the military camp of al-Hamadiyya and Wadi al-Daif, near Ma’arrat Numan. The regime also controls the Tartous-Idlib road, which runs between Jisr al-Shughur and Tartous; and the Idlib-Latakia road, near Ariha, which the FSA has been trying to recapture for four days.

Regarding the military airport, the Abu al-Zuhur airport is being used to store and distribute ammunition after its runways were damaged, according to sources in the field. The Taftanaz airport has been completely destroyed, forcing the regime to use the Hama and Homs military airports.

In contrast, the FSA controls several towns and villages, notably: Binch, Saraqeb, Jabal al-Zawiya, Harem, Maarat al-Numan, Sarmada, Maarat Masrin, Sirmin and Silqin. The opposition fighters also control the Bab al-Hawa border crossing with Turkey. So they are easily able to import weapons. The opposition has been trying to shoot down regime aircraft and cut off the main roads, especially those used for transporting supplies to the Syrian army’s military camps.

According to opposition activists, the opposition’s battalions have been trying to take over regime-controlled towns. The FSA chief of staff has provided the opposition in that area with quality weapons, most notably Russian-made thermal rockets, albeit in limited quantities.

Activists in the area say that many Islamist battalions have moved under the FSA banner. The FSA is overseeing the battle plans. Although the Ahrar al-Sham battalion coordinates with the FSA, it has chosen to remain independent.

Local administrations and sharia courts

Opposition-controlled areas have experienced several incidents that showed a need for some kind for civil administration.

Several incidents raised questions about who is actually governing. There was a demonstration by Jabhat al-Nusra in Binch where its members praised the Taliban movement and vowed to slaughter one of Syria’s sects. Moreover, there was an altercation among demonstrators in Saraqeb, where flogging sentences by sharia courts were carried out.

Idlib activists say that such incidents, which some have called “isolated,” are expected given the circumstances.

The situation in the “liberated” countryside appears positive, given that every town and village is governed by a local council and “police stations” belonging to the sharia courts, which are composed of elders and clerics. There are three Islamic courts in the province.

However, there are disagreements between the local councils, whose work is limited to providing services and relief aid, and the sharia courts, which seek absolute power.

Regarding the armed groups, some are sensible, while others are not, according to media activists in the region. Those with weapons often do not obey the civil authorities. So chaos reigns in the “liberated” areas, which are shared between the Syrian National Coalition and the transitional government of Ghassan Hito, who made a quick visit to Saraqeb. But the transitional government is not administering the area. So the only way to fill the void was to launch individual initiatives to form local councils and courts.

It is not accurate to call those areas “liberated” because the Syrian army is still able to bombard them with artillery and aircraft. Also, a lot of people have moved to safer areas near the Turkish border. So some Idlib villages and towns have almost emptied.

Regarding the relief aid, it is not in good shape despite the opposition controlling several border crossings with Turkey. The main obstacle is how to distribute the aid once it enters Syria because the regime has recently retaken control of key roads within Idlib, including the roads to Aleppo, Hama and Latakia, thus making it difficult for aid to reach the Syrian interior.