Returning to the campaign trail for a quick ego boost on Friday, President Donald Trump fell into a familiar pattern in Melbourne, Florida, as he raged against all of his favorite enemies. There was the press of course, but also China and other economic rivals around the world; the feckless leaders who had embarrassed the United States by making bad trade agreements; and the foreigners who have taken advantage of American naiveté. He vowed to build a vast wall along the U.S.-Mexico border, boasted about leaving the Trans-Pacific Partnership, and defended his efforts to ban “bad, bad people” from entering the country.

“We don’t win anymore. We don’t win at trade. We don’t win in any capacity,” he told the crowd. “We’re going to start winning again. Believe me.”

But while Trump reaffirmed his commitments to his nationalist agenda and combative stance toward China and Mexico, The New York Times reported that his own company has been operating by a different set of principles: during the campaign, the Trump Organization filed for dozens of new trademarks in China, Mexico, across Europe, Indonesia, and Canada. After the election, he filed for one in the Philippines, according to foreign records reviewed by the Times. Just last week, China announced that it had approved a trademark in November that his company had been seeking for a decade.

The global footprint of Trump’s businesses stand in stark contrast to the isolationist orientation of his presidency. Since taking office, Trump has signed a series of executive orders directing the federal government to build a wall cutting off the U.S. from its southern neighbor, to ban travelers from seven majority-Muslim countries, and, most recently, to lay the groundwork for the mass deportation of undocumented immigrants—all policies that have proven popular with Trump’s white, working-class base.

Trump himself, however, is a global brand. The Trump Organization told the Times that it has been filing for trademarks for the last 20 years, and has said that it has taken out trademarks in more than 80 countries. The Times found 400 trademarks registered in 28 countries since 2000 alone. Twenty-five were filed in Mexico, including some for alcohol, furniture, resorts that never came to fruition, and his signature clothing collection. In China, he’s filed for management-consulting trademarks, some for bars, restaurants, advertising, and brokerage services. In India, laundry detergent and perfume, vodka in Israel, and more in Egypt, Russia, and Brunei.

In his controversial immigration executive order, which has been halted by federal courts, Trump ordered to bar entrants from seven Muslim-majority countries. They just so happened to be the Muslim-majority countries that he does not do business in (the Trump administration has noted that they chose these seven countries based on guidelines adopted in the Obama administration).

“Trump seems to be the archetypal businessman with mercantilist instincts,” Dani Rodrik, a professor at the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard, told the Times. “‘Open your market for me to do business in it, but you can have access to mine only on my terms.’”

Although it’s not unusual for an international business like the Trump Organization to protect its name abroad, it is unprecedented for its name to be inseparable from a sitting U.S. president. Trump, who chose not to divest from his businesses, continues to make money abroad off of his brand—a fact that worries critics who say the president could be manipulated by foreign governments with power over his valuable trademarks. Should they approve a trademark, it could be perceived that they were doing so in order to court the First Family’s approval.

President Trump is already facing legal challenges over similar financial entanglements. Just after his inauguration, a watchdog group filed a lawsuit claiming that his hotel ownership violates the Emoluments Clause of the Constitution, which prevents a president from accepting any kind of payment from a foreign official. The suit claims that since foreign leaders could opt to stay at his hotels in order to curry favor with the president, he was butting up against the law. (Trump’s lawyers have argued that this does not, in fact, violate the Emoluments Clause, since a hotel bill is a fair-value exchange. The president has also vowed to donate all profits from foreign leaders to the U.S. Treasury, though it has not been outlined how this will actually work in practice.)

Still, it will take more than trademark applications to move the needle on public sentiment about Trump’s conflicts of interest. If selling access to himself at Mar-a-Lago for $200,000 and disparaging a U.S. retailer for dropping his daughter’s fashion line on Twitter hasn’t moved it, then some soap and vodka trademarks probably won’t bother his supporters, either.