Europe’s scorching summer is finally cooling down, but the angry passions driving its politics are not. Every week now, the menacing drumbeats of the continent’s resurgent far-right forces are getting louder.

In the east German city of Chemnitz this week, a seething mob of more than 5,000 anti-immigrant protesters, including neo-Nazis, clashed for two nights with counter-demonstrators shouting “Nazis out,” leaving several people injured.

In Milan on Tuesday, leaders of the extreme-right governments of Italy and Hungary together called on Europe to send all illegal refugees back to Africa and vowed to make next May’s European parliamentary elections a defining battle over immigration.

And next weekend in Sweden, in a country known the world over as a beacon of liberal values, a radical-right political party founded by neo-Nazis is expected to obtain record support in that country’s election.

That certainly wasn’t where the trajectory of Europe’s 21st-century journey was supposed to lead.

A year ago, there was optimism that the extremist ghosts of Europe’s bloody past were locked in a vault forever. In Britain, there were the first signs of revolt against the folly of Brexit. In France, the victory of Emmanuel Macron over the extremist National Front was decisive. And in Germany, Angela Merkel appeared headed to an easy victory in last September’s election.

But then it turned ugly. Quite suddenly, the floor collapsed beneath the moderate parties supporting the liberal democratic order, and Europe’s far-right parties — emboldened by the warm embrace of America’s Donald Trump and his comrade-in-arms, Russia’s Vladimir Putin — dramatically broke through.

In September, Merkel’s party obtained its worst result in 70 years and Germany’s far-right party became the largest opposition party. In October, an anti-immigrant politician became prime minister in the Czech Republic. In December, an extreme right-wing party joined the government in Austria and now dominates it. And last March and April, the far-right forces in Italy and Hungary made major gains in their elections.

So what does this all mean? Where is Europe heading?

Each country’s story is unique, and complex, but there are new patterns emerging.

When the far right started gaining popularity in Europe, it was widely believed that the rise of right-wing populism was largely a response to the economic distress caused by the massive 2008 recession. Once this distress receded — or so it was thought — so would the populist threat.

But that hasn’t happened. Europe’s economy has largely rebounded, and unemployment has fallen in most areas. Even with Muslim refugees — the flashpoint of so many protests — the trends are down. According to the United Nations, fewer than 40,000 migrants have arrived in Europe by sea this year. That is compared to more than a million in 2015.

Yet in elections this year in Italy (with 77 per cent fewer migrants than last year) and in Hungary (with virtually no Muslim refugees), the main campaign issue of the far-right parties was the threat of being overrun by Muslims.

When in power, far-right governments in Europe have shown little appetite to deal with economic challenges. But now, with the economy relatively strong in most countries, they don’t have to. Instead, they are able to push “identity” issues and stoke fears of foreigners running wild even when the facts don’t bear that out.

Cynical and dishonest? Yes, but effective with many voters — for the time being.

All signs suggest that Europe’s far-right nationalist parties are on the offensive. They clearly have the momentum. They know the enormous power of a simple tribal message that stresses “identity” and “country” over a chaotic world of immigrants and globalization.

This means that, in response, the liberal forces must dramatically sharpen their game.

They have only begun to come up with effective strategies to deal with the genuine crisis of inequality and unfairness created by the economic policies of the past. As far-right leaders flounder when actually governing, this presents a crucial opportunity for moderate parties.

But even more important, they need to grab back the notion of “nation” from the nationalists. It will be a “long, hard struggle,” as British historian Timothy Garton Ash wrote in The Guardian, but the challenge is clear:

“Liberal Europe has to find ways of addressing those deep emotional needs for community and identity that populists exploit. As you can see in every World Cup football crowd, national identity remains an incomparable source of passion and belonging.”

It can be done. Until recently in the United States, the Republican Party seemed to have a monopoly among voters on issues of “flag” and “country,” but that has changed. Virtually overnight, the disastrous Trump presidency has given Democrats an opening.

For Europe’s far-right threat to be confronted, the continent’s moderate forces desperately need to find a similar opening.

FAR RIGHT AT A GLANCE

Austria

The far-right Freedom Party (FPO), founded by former Nazis with a past history of anti-Semitism, obtained 26 per cent of the vote in December’s election.

Its leaders exploited the backlash against the arrival of tens of thousands of Muslim asylum-seekers in 2015.

The FPO became a junior partner of Austria’s ruling coalition under Conservative Chancellor Sebastian Kurz, but it has set the government’s agenda against immigration and Islam.

The government, which calls for an “axis” with Italy and Germany against migration, has just begun Austria’s six-month term in the influential role of European Union president.

Germany

The far-right Alternative for Germany party (known by its German initials, AfD) won 13 per cent of the vote in last year’s election.

Chancellor Angela Merkel’s party, although still retaining power in a coalition, received its worst result in 70 years largely as punishment for Merkel’s open-door refugee policy in 2015.

The AfD became the first far-right grouping in more than 60 years to hold a seat in the federal parliament and is now the largest opposition party.

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As Germany’s fastest-growing party, it attracted voters who are anti-immigrant, anti-European and anti-establishment.

Hungary

Last April, Prime Minister Viktor Orban won a landslide victory in an election dominated by immigration.

Orban darkly warned of “Muslim invaders” even though Hungary has taken in virtually no refugees and has a tiny Muslim population.

Orban and his party have worked to cripple the political opposition, limit press freedom and corrupt Hungary’s judicial system.

He has vowed that the European Parliament elections next May will bring a wave of “Christian democracy” to the continent.

Italy

Once a marginal fringe, Italy’s extreme right Lega party, or The League, won the third-largest share (18 per cent) of the vote in March’s election.

Since then, it has become the driving force in a radically right-wing coalition government with the anti-establishment Five Star party.

The League is led by Matteo Salvini, who has become Italy’s interior minister and deputy prime minister and is now regarded as the country’s most popular politician.

Relentless in his anti-immigrant actions and describing refugees as “rapists” and “drug dealers,” Salvini has become one of Europe’s most prominent nationalist leaders.

Poland

Polish democracy has been under siege ever since the far-right Law and Justice party won a majority government in 2015.

The government has packed the country’s courts with loyalists, restricted freedom of the media and undermined opposition civic groups.

It passed a widely condemned law making it illegal to blame Poland for crimes committed during the Holocaust, and enacted anti-refugee policies.

Condemned by the European Union, Poland has relied on the strong political support of Hungary, whose government has also been accused of authoritarianism.

Sweden

The Sweden Democrats, an anti-immigrant party founded by neo-Nazis in the 1980s, is expected to obtain record support in the country’s election next weekend.

The far-right party may end up in second place, with one poll even putting them tied for first.

If this happens, it would be stunning in a country internationally known for a long-held openness to refugees.

Exploiting a growing public backlash, the Swedish Democrats have downplayed the racist attacks from their past, focusing instead on the costs of welcoming migrants and the crime they allegedly bring.