The Breitbart Embassy is closed.

If anything symbolized the end of an era for the scrappy, youthful crew of Breitbart News, it was the loss of Steve Bannon’s grand Capitol Hill town house. Once the de facto headquarters of Breitbart’s legendary ragers, it had more recently become the decorous nerve center for Bannon’s attempt to do the D.C. power-player thing—fete Washingtonians with Dean & DeLuca canapes and hold them captive with his megalomania. But when Bannon stepped down from Breitbart earlier this week after he seemed unable to outrun the comments he had made about Donald Trump Jr., among other things, in Michael Wolff’s book, he took its D.C. office in the divorce.

Breitbart’s young writers and editors weren’t too fazed. They are, after all, a digital-savvy nomadic bunch, a group used to churning out copy regularly from wherever they can park a laptop and get a Wi-Fi signal. Many hadn’t even used the Embassy in a while. But there was something symbolic about having an office near the beating heart of power, where reporters huddled around a giant table, grinding away on their laptops, hoping to foment a political revolution. And then the heart of Breitbart disappeared.

In the hours after the news broke of Bannon’s firing, the leadership of the site—including co-founder Larry Solov and editor-in-chief Alex Marlow—quickly instituted omertà, telling the writers not to talk to journalists outside the company. And with good reason: Breitbart needed to regroup. Bannon had become the face of the brand, to the point that the rest of the world could barely differentiate between him and the site itself. With Bannon gone, so was the site’s mission, in many people’s eyes. The leaders of several conservative publications told Politico that Bannon’s agenda had slowly eaten away at the late Andrew Breitbart’s fire-breathing conservative legacy over the years, leaving the site adrift. Everyone from Matt Drudge to Trump Jr. has called for the site to return to its roots and continue fighting the familiar culture wars of 2012-era America. And several figures in the Cult of Andrew agreed. “You can’t be a leader if it’s all about you. Andrew, he took care of people,” said Kurt Schlicter, a Breitbart acolyte who left the site over a falling-out with Bannon. “He would sit at a bar with a guy with a blog with five readers and talk to him for hours about it. You think Steve Bannon would let a guy with five blog followers in the same room with him?” (Representatives for Breitbart and Bannon did not respond to requests for comment.)

But restoring Breitbart to its insurgent roots is easier said than done. To start with, it’s hard to wage an insurgency when the insurgents’ candidate is in the Oval Office. And though Bannon’s political aspirations certainly affected the site, he and Andrew Breitbart were much more similar than some are now suggesting: charismatic bomb-throwers, giving zero fucks, aggrieving liberal snowflakes with a steady diet of stories on black crime and Muslim interlopers. The current generation, in comparison, occasionally seems lost as it tries to reason through its position in a world with Trump in the White House and its leaders gone. Breitbart now consists of a suite of rented offices in Los Angeles, a Slack channel, and several dozen slightly bewildered millennials with the expectations of the far right weighing heavily on them.

After Andrew Breitbart died, lower-level employees immediately grabbed for better titles and more power. This time around, though, anyone looking for a right-wing Game of Thrones power struggle will leave sorely disappointed. After Bannon’s ouster, it became instantly clear that Marlow was in charge. His ascendancy post-Bannon was essentially secured after Matt Drudge published a tweet calling Marlow, Andrew Breitbart’s first hire, his intellectual heir. “[It’s a] 99 percent surety that Marlow consolidates power,” said a source close to the company. Solov, a low-key Californian averse to confrontation, would continue to run operations. Considering the personalities within Breitbart, that’s a smooth transition: despite his outsize Hill reputation as a loose cannon unnervingly loyal to Bannon, multiple sources in the company told me that political editor Matt Boyle was uninterested in making power plays, preferring to continue chasing cucks down the halls of Washington than providing a grand strategic direction for a site dedicated to tearing down liberal culture.