Minnesota voters have proved, once again, they are odd and fascinating people.

When Republican presidential voters in other states on Tuesday decided they liked Donald Trump, Minnesotans said they preferred Marco Rubio. And when most Democrats elsewhere were falling for Hillary Clinton, Minnesota Democratic-Farmer-Laborites (who even have a unique name for their Democratic Party) went with Bernie Sanders. Related Articles Stassen-Berger: Want to win at politics? Know the rules

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But there’s more to know about the results from Super Tuesday than just the singular decisions they made about their favorite candidates. Here are four key take-aways beyond the caucus night news:

TURNOUT ≠ TRUMP

Minnesota Republicans, like their party-mates in other presidential-picking states, shattered previous caucus turnout records. About 115,000 Republican voters gathered in high schools and churches, city halls and community centers to cast ballots in the presidential preference contest.

That energy blows away any previous Republican caucus records. The previous top turnout year was in 2008 when, as in 2016, there was an open race for president. That year, just about 62,000 Republicans went to caucus locations. No previous year even comes close to matching the record, according to historic records.

In other states, Trump, a “tell it like it is” unconventional candidate, has gotten — and taken — credit for bringing new Republicans to the fold.

“We have expanded the Republican Party,” Trump said Tuesday night. “We are going to be a much bigger party and you can see that happening.”

But Minnesota’s record turnout did not come from new people joining the fold to vote for Trump. Indeed, even if you subtract every Trump vote from the caucus night turnout, the GOP would have had nearly 90,000 people turn out. That, too, would have beaten the previous records.

ENDORSEMENTS SPLIT MESSAGES

In the presidential contest, Hillary Clinton garnered the vast majority of Democratic endorsements, and Marco Rubio won the vast majority of Republican backing from elected officials and other power players. But in the final votes, Clinton did poorly and Rubio did well.

The split result may be a function of timing. Rubio’s much-touted endorsements from U.S. Rep. Erik Paulsen, former Gov. Tim Pawlenty and former U.S. Sen. Norm Coleman arrived only a week before caucus day. Even his earliest Minnesota congressional endorsement, from U.S. Rep. John Kline, was made only a month before Super Tuesday.

That means the supporters had a better feel for the electorate and the field of candidates on the menu.

In contrast, most of Clinton’s high-profile backers have been with her for months or even years, some even before it was clear that Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders would enter the race. Although the early endorsements, particularly from super delegates, may have been helpful to Clinton as she built her base, they now leave her Minnesota backers in conflict with the mood for Democratic activists. That conflict may be costly for Democrats in coming elections.

LOCATION, LOCATION, LOCATION

Sanders beat Clinton in all eight Minnesota congressional districts, from those bordering Canada to those cozying up to Wisconsin and Iowa. But his victories were particularly glaring in the district that includes Minneapolis, home of Minnesota’s sole Sanders congressional supporter, U.S. Rep. Keith Ellison, and where more than 61,000 people caucused. He also did well in the most rural districts of Minnesota. One of Sanders’ best areas? Northern Minnesota, which he visited multiple times and where Clinton has not traveled for eight years.

The Republican maps tells a different tale. Rubio, whom supporters view as electable but not rigid, won the bulk of his victories in areas close to the Twin Cities and its suburbs. His single best showing came from Minneapolis’ Senate District 60, near the University of Minnesota campus. In that district, Rubio won 64 percent of the vote. Texas Sen. Ted Cruz, who came in second to Rubio in overall voting, did best in the outstate counties, beating or tying his rivals in about half of the state. But those areas have too few votes for him to overcome Rubio’s significant advantages in the populous urban and suburban areas. Trump outpolled his rivals only in a smattering of small counties far away from the metro area.

IT’S ALL ABOUT THE DELEGATES

For all the talk about “coming in first” in the state’s presidential voting (including in this column), the primaries and caucuses unfolding across the country are really partisan activities to decide delegate allocations for party conventions. The eventual Republican Party nominee needs 1,237 to win; the Democratic nominee needs 2,383.

Delegate math is complicated but in Minnesota the result was clear: The statewide winners won the most delegates.

That is not guaranteed: Candidates have to do well statewide, as well as in a majority of districts, to win a high number of delegates. Theoretically, a candidate could see huge turnout in one district, thereby winning the state, but lose all the rest of the districts and therefore net few delegates. But that theory did not occur in practice in Minnesota.

The DFL projected Wednesday afternoon that Sanders would net 47 delegates after Tuesday night’s voting and Clinton would receive 30. Sanders’ victory in the state was so lopsided that even with Clinton’s backing from super delegates — Democratic party leaders who automatically get a vote at the party’s convention — the self-proclaimed Democratic Socialist will have the majority of Minnesota’s delegates on the first convention ballot. Minnesota has 16 super delegates, 11 of whom have declared Clinton backing. One is backing Sanders. The rest have not yet decided on a favorite.

Minnesota Republicans, who do not have super delegates, will send 17 Rubio-backing delegates to the national convention this summer. Cruz will get 13 delegates and Trump will have eight.