After Republican leaders ignored the bill in earlier spending fights, it looked like Collins might finally get her vote as part of the omnibus. But top Republicans made an additional demand that the longstanding prohibition on federal funding of abortion—known as the Hyde Amendment—be extended to include any insurance plan purchased using Obamacare subsidies. Democrats balked. “This is a change to the current status quo and would have the effect of ending abortion coverage on the individual private market. That is their goal,” Pelosi spokesman Drew Hammill told me. Democrats also objected to a provision Republicans added that would have allowed states to regulate short-term insurance plans that didn’t comply with Obamacare’s consumer protections.

With conservatives opposed to the bill, it would be unable to pass the House without Democratic support. So Ryan and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell kept it out of the broader spending package, angering its Republican backers. “It is extremely disappointing that Speaker Ryan chose not to include our health insurance legislation in the government funding bill due to opposition from Leader Pelosi,” Collins tweeted Wednesday night after the legislation was released. She warned that Congress was missing its last, best chance to act: “The Omnibus is the last opportunity to prevent these rate increases from taking effect and to help stabilize the market.”

Other Republicans insinuated that the Democratic opposition was about more than abortion politics. “This is a phony excuse,” Alexander said. While for months it was Democrats demanding that Congress act to prevent Trump from cutting off the subsidy payments to insurers and “sabotaging” Obamacare, his decision to do so had an unexpected outcome: It triggered more generous subsidies for many plans after insurers increased priced, and that cost was borne directly by the government. Restoring the payments to insurers could thus increase costs for some consumers while reducing them for others.

And with Democrats anticipating a strong midterm election, they are more confident that voters who do see their premiums go up will blame Republicans. “I’ve never been more disappointed in my Democratic colleagues of sitting on the sidelines and watching hard-working Americans pay a price in premiums cause they’re trying to win a political argument,” Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina said on Wednesday. “This is phony, I hope you lose votes, I hope you lose seats. You’re not worthy of governing this place.”

Democrats dismissed the suggestion. “I know many Republicans have said this is the end of the road for bipartisan negotiations on health care—but if it is, that’s only because they have chosen that route,” Murray said in a Senate floor speech on Thursday.

But whether overtly or not, Democrats’ improved standing ahead of the 2018 campaign may be causing them to drive a harder bargain with Republicans both on immigration and health care. It’s a considerable risk. While a majority in the House or Senate will give Democrats far greater leverage to fight for the Dreamers and Obamacare in 2019, falling short in November could cause them to regret the offers they’re leaving on the table now.

We want to hear what you think about this article. Submit a letter to the editor or write to letters@theatlantic.com.