On almost every front, the campaign now offers a stark contrast between the turbulent passion of Trump’s backers and the steely rejection of Trump by almost all institutions of elite leadership, across party lines.

He’s inspiring rapturous support from populist conservative media outlets (like Breitbart.com), and condemnation from even staunchly Republican newspaper editorial boards (like the Dallas Morning News). After much delay, Trump is now steadily raising dollars from small online donors drawn to his bristling message. But most of the GOP fundraising infrastructure has renounced him—even as Clinton has attracted huge financial support not only from traditionally Democratic donors but also some Republican-leaning ones. A detailed Wall Street Journal analysis last week found her drawing nearly 90 percent of the donations made by employees of major industries like finance and health care that four years ago directed most of their contributions to Mitt Romney. The top 10 firms whose employees are donating the most to Trump included a “five-acre hog farm,” a garlic producer, and an Anchorage-based “clothing and home-furnishings retailer.”

Likewise, polls suggest the blue-collar whites underpinning Trump’s support may be more isolated than ever from other voters. This week’s ABC/Washington Post national poll showed Trump leading Clinton among whites without a college degree by a resounding two-to-one. But the survey showed Clinton leading among college-educated whites—a group no Republican nominee has lost since 1952. In the poll, Clinton ran 17 percentage points better among whites with a college degree than those without one—more than double the widest gap between those groups in any previous election (a mark set by President Obama in 2008). Similarly, the poll placed Clinton’s support among minorities nearly 50 points higher than her support among blue-collar whites (roughly matching the two groups’ historic degree of separation in 2012).

These contrasting demographic patterns virtually guarantee more geographic separation too. America’s largest 100 counties are crowded with minority and white-collar voters and Obama in 2012 won them by a crushing margin of nearly 12 million votes. He lost the other 3,000 counties to Romney by about seven million votes. That gap between the largest places and everywhere else was nearly 50 percent bigger than it was as recently as the 2000 election. Few observers would be surprised if Trump suffers even greater repudiation in the largest metros and outpaces Romney beyond them—thus widening the electoral distance between town and country. “This election will play out with an historic and unprecedented gap between the college and blue-collar [whites], and the city-rural divide is where” that will manifest, said the Democratic pollster Stanley Greenberg.