Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Turkey's prime minister, might be looking rattled following days of protests demanding his resignation. But at Kardesler Berber, a small barber shop in the conservative neighbourhood of Kasimpasa, Hayri Göz is having none of it.

"There are no problems in Turkey," says the barber, stirring a small pot of shaving soap.

Kasimpasa is Erdogan's home territory, the poor central district where he grew up only a stone's throw from Taksim Square, the centre of the protests. The stadium of the local football club, Kasimpasa Spor, was recently renovated and renamed after him.

The prime minister comes to the barber regularly for a shave and a trim. To Göz and his customers, he is a local hero. "Everything changed for the better when the AKP came to power 10 years ago," the barber says of the ruling Justice and Development party. His colleagues nod. "Before that, the streets were drowning in rubbish; water and electricity cuts were frequent. Erdogan improved the health sector. School books are free now."

One customer adds: "And the roads are so much better. I can get from one place to another in 15 minutes now, whereas the same way used to take me at least two hours.

The AKP built more roads and tunnels; that helped a lot."

Kaan Kandemir, a neighbourhood leader, remembers the time when he moved to Istanbul from the conservative Black Sea town of Rize, home to the prime minister and many other high-ranking AKP politicians: "I came here to go to university, and back then this city was underdeveloped, the infrastructure poor. But now Istanbul is one of the most popular cities in the world."

Nurettin Yanik, the owner of a nearby tea house whose family hails from the same Black Sea village as Erdogan, says that Turkey owes all its successes – economic growth, political clout and strategic importance – to Erdogan. "Not a single decision is made without Turkey's consent. Ten years ago, people were barely able to find Turkey on the map."

He is not concerned by the events of the last few days. "These protests will be over in a few days. The AKP is too strong to be easily toppled," he says.

Kandemir blames the main opposition Republican People's party (CHP) for using the protests in Taksim Square to undermine the AKP: "For years, the CHP profited from terrorism and the conflicts in Turkey. They are afraid of peace, so they try to stir the pot."

Referring to the ongoing peace negotiations between the Turkish government and the Kurdistan Workers' party (PKK) aimed at settling a 30-year conflict in the south-east of the country, he adds: "For five months, not a single soldier has died. Is that bad?"

But not everyone in Kasimpasa shares the barber's loyalty. "His response should have been much more measured," says Osman Sun, a shop owner. "The protesters defended their rights. The only reason that it grew into this uprising is the violent reaction of the police. That was unnecessary."

He is worried that the situation might spiral out of control: "Erdogan poured water on the mills of the provocateurs, of illegal organisations and groups that might want to take advantage of the chaos to push their own agenda. It has happened before in Turkey, and we all still remember the 1980s."

But Kandemir blames the CHP and old-guard secularists loyal to the memory of the republic's founder, Ataturk, for their revanchist stance, trying to regain lost ground. "They talk of freedom, but before 2000 they discriminated against everyone who wanted to practise their religion. Women wearing headscarves could not attend university, religious parents could not attend the oath ceremonies of their own sons in the army. They looked down on us."

He recounts a similar experience of his own: "In 1983, after I had just finished middle school, I wanted to enrol in a military cadet academy. But my application was turned down because my father worked as an imam in a mosque. I took that very hard."

In his eyes, the protests are merely the last throes of disgruntled secularists: "They lost at the elections, and desperately try to gain ground again. But like this?"

Does he agree with Erdogan, who called the protesters looters and bums? Kandemir laughs.

"They are all looters, the whole lot of them. Traitors!" Growing more serious, he continues: "No, I don't think that. We are all citizens of this country, after all, and violence will not bridge our differences."

For Göz, the barber, the faith in Erdogan in this corner of the huge city is unshakable. "I know him personally, and that's why I know we can trust him. He is a good person, and he loves to serve the people."