Among the most significant changes: U.S. dairy farmers will have marginally more access to Canada’s market, a win for the U.S.; the mechanism used to resolve trade disputes is being preserved, despite strong U.S. opposition to it; Canadian and Mexican auto imports will have some exemptions from U.S. auto tariffs; and the new trade agreement will have a sunset clause—16 years, up from the five years the U.S. had demanded. The agreement must be approved by the legislatures in all three countries, which is by no means assured. Until then, nafta remains in place.

The new agreement shows not only how Trump is willing to risk alliances to get the kinds of agreements he believes benefit American workers, but also how, despite protests, U.S. partners have little choice but to go along with much of what the world’s largest economy wants. It also shows how, ultimately, Trump is starting to refashion the Western global order, which the U.S. constructed in the wake of World War II, to align with his own worldview: more transactional, more bilateral, and less reliant on permanent alliances.

Take Sunday’s trade agreement: U.S.-Canadian relations were hurt by the impasse as Trump, who is deeply unpopular in Canada, imposed steel and aluminum tariffs on Canadian imports (which don’t appear to have been lifted under the new agreement); called Trudeau “meek and mild” and “dishonest & weak”; and said he rejected Trudeau’s request for a meeting at the U.N. General Assembly (the Canadian leader denied he sought a meeting with Trump). For the first time ever, a majority of Canadians hold an unfavorable view of the U.S., which is not only a nato ally, but also the country’s No. 1 trading partner. Indeed, the Canadian Chamber of Commerce, in a statement following the announcement of the trade agreement late Sunday, said it was “delighted,” but added, “Canada must remember the lesson this turbulent period has provided: We must never again allow ourselves to be overly-dependent upon one trading partner.”

Read how Trudeau reached his breaking point with Trump.

While this statement will no doubt be pounced on by Trump’s critics as indicative of how the president alienates America’s allies and trading partners, the fact remains that the U.S., Canada, and Mexico have a deal that succeeds nafta. There are other examples of this strategy: One of Trump’s first acts as president was to withdraw the United States from the Trans Pacific Partnership trade agreement, which included the region’s largest economies and was viewed as a counterweight to China’s growing influence in the region. The pact’s remaining members are staying in the accord, hoping the U.S. eventually rejoins. But since the withdrawal, the U.S. has signed a bilateral free-trade agreement with South Korea and entered into talks on one with Japan; both countries would rather deal with Trump than with a resurgent China, which they fear. Trump has also said the U.K.—which is negotiating a divorce settlement with the European Union, prompted by Brexit—will have a preferential free-trade agreement with the U.S., and he has added that India has sought a bilateral free-trade agreement as well. Neither of these deals may ultimately materialize, but their very discussion shows just how much the world still needs the United States, not to mention the president’s good graces, to survive.