When Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein appointed Mueller in May, the announcement drew varied conservative reactions. For some people, the special counsel’s probe was unnecessary, a validation of a preposterous conspiracy theory about Donald Trump’s presidential campaign colluding with Russia. Others argued that the appointment of a special counsel was constitutionally dubious. But some Trump backers welcomed Mueller’s appointment, seeing the former FBI director as a man of integrity who would finally clear the president. Newt Gingrich was one notable example:

Robert Mueller is superb choice to be special counsel. His reputation is impeccable for honesty and integrity. Media should now calm down — Newt Gingrich (@newtgingrich) May 18, 2017

Gingrich was right about Mueller’s reputation in Washington: He was a celebrated former FBI director, a longtime Republican, and an appointee of both Democratic and Republican presidents. And Rosenstein, who appointed him, was another example of a lifelong Republican, appointed by Trump, who had an impeccable reputation for fairness. (Incredibly, Trump would later disclaim Rosenstein and suggest he was a Democrat.) In an environment of hyper-polarization, Mueller seemed to be one of the few people in D.C. who had the gravitas and reputation to satisfy both sides.

In hindsight, this was hopelessly naive. Trump’s black-hole-like gravity is such that it overwhelms even reputations for probity and impartiality built up over decades. Not for everyone—many people retain their previous impression of Mueller—but another group quickly jettisoned it. That group is not defined ideologically—in no meaningful way is there a specifically and broadly held small-c conservative critique of Mueller. (Almost no one is still questioning the authority to appoint him.) Nor is there really a universally Republican critique of the probe. Senator Chuck Grassley, for example, is demanding answers about Strzok while also saying Mueller’s probe should be allowed to do its work.

The opposition to Mueller is partisan, but not in that it pits Republicans against Democrats. Its partisans are loyal first and foremost to President Trump. And in the inexorable logic of fiercely loyal partisans, they can only interpret other people’s actions through the same lens. Hence they have decided that Mueller, despite no real evidence in favor of the proposition and plenty of circumstantial evidence against it, must also be entirely partisan. (The same partisan impulse is at work in support for Roy Moore in the U.S. Senate race in Alabama.)

Gone by the wayside are some of the earlier critiques. Back in May, when Mueller started his work, Trump partisans could still argue with a straight face that there was no collusion between the Trump campaign and Russia, there was no evidence of collusion, and there would never be any evidence of collusion. Even if it eventually emerges that there was no criminal act involving collusion, it has become impossible to claim that the special counsel’s probe is purely a fishing expedition. The July revelation of a June 2016 meeting at Trump Tower with a Russian lawyer established that if there was no collusion, it was not for want of trying. Trump and others abandoned the talking point that there was no collusion and adopted a new one: Collusion is totally normal and appropriate! George Papadopoulos and Michael Flynn have since both pleaded guilty to lying about their contacts with Russian officials—in the former case, contacts that occurred during the campaign. Carter Page testified to the House about extensive contacts with Russians.