The "Policy Wonks" behind Covert Warfare and Humanitarian Fascism

From the 1980s to today, an elite group of Western intelligence operatives have backed low-intensity guerrilla warfare in certain African ‘hotspots’. Mass atrocities in the Great Lakes and Sudan can be linked to Roger Winter, a pivotal U.S. operative whose ‘team’ was recently applauded for birthing the world’s newest nation, South Sudan. Behind the fairytale we find a long trail of blood and skeletons from Uganda to Sudan, Rwanda and Congo. While the mass media has covered their tracks, their misplaced moralism has simultaneously helped birth a new left-liberal ‘humanitarian’ fascism. In this falsification of consciousness, Western human rights crusaders and organizations, funded by governments, multinational corporations and private donors, cheer the killers and blame the victims–and pat themselves on the back for saving Africa from itself. Meanwhile, the “Arab Spring” has spread to (north) Sudan. Following the NATO-Israeli model of regime change being used in Central & North Africa, it won’t be long before the fall of Khartoum.

The fantasy is one of human rights princes and policy ‘wonks’ in shining armor and the new kingdom of peace and tranquility, democracy and human rights, that they have created. That is what the United States foreign policy establishment and the corporate mass media–and not a few so-called ‘human rights activists’–would have us believe about the genesis of the world’s newest nation, South Sudan.

“In the mid-1980s, a small band of policy wonks began convening for lunch in the back corner of a dimly lit Italian bistro in the U.S. capital,” wrote Rebecca Hamilton in the recent fairytale: “The Wonks Who Sold Washington on South Sudan.” Hamilton is a budding think-tank activist-advocate-agent whose whitewash of the low intensity war for Sudan (and some Western architects of it), distilled from her book Fighting for Darfur, was splashed all over the Western press on 11 July 2012.

The photos accompanying Hamilton’s story show a happy fraternity of ‘wonks’–what exactly is a ‘wonk’?–obviously being your usual down-jacket, beer- and coffee-slurping American citizens from white America, with a token black man thrown in to change the complexion of this Africa story. Their cups are white and clean, their cars are shiny and new, their convivial smiles are almost convincing. There is even a flag of the new country just sort of floating across Eric Reeves’ hip.

Because of Dr. Reeves’ ‘anti-genocide’ work in Sudan, Boston College professor Alan Wolfe has written that the Smith College English professor is “arrogant to the point of contempt.” (I have had a similar though much more personal experience of Dr. Reeves’ petulance.)

The story and its photos project the image of casual, ordinary people who, we are led to believe, did heroic and superhuman things. What a bunch of happy-go-lucky wonks! Excuse me: policy wonks! And their bellies are presumably warmed by that fresh Starbucks ‘fair trade’ genocide coffee shipped straight from the killing fields of post-genocide [sic] Rwanda… where, coincidentally, Starbucks reportedly cut a profit of more than a few million dollars in 2011.

This is a tale of dark knights, of covert operators and spies aligned with the cult of intelligence in the United States. Operating in secrecy and denial within the U.S. intelligence and defense establishment, they have helped engineer more than two decades of low intensity warfare in Sudan (alone), replete with massive suffering and a death toll of between 1.5 and 3 million Sudanese casualties–using their own fluctuating statistics on mortality–and millions upon millions of casualties in the Great Lakes of Africa.

Behind the fantasy is a very real tale of war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocides real and alleged, and mass atrocities covered up by these National Security agents with the aid of a not-so-ordinary English professor–their one-man Ministry of Disinformation–Dr. Eric Reeves.

“After ordering beers, they would get down to business: how to win independence for southern Sudan, a war-torn place most American politicians had never heard of.” Rebecca Hamilton thickened the plot, delving deeper into the intrigue and the extra-ordinariness of this happy Council of Wonks. “They called themselves the Council and gave each other clannish nicknames: the Emperor, the Deputy Emperor, the Spear Carrier. The unlikely fellowship included an Ethiopian refugee to America, an English-lit professor and a former Carter administration official who once sported a ponytail.”

How quaint! How absolutely Clark Kent! From the photo, I immediately recognized three of the five Council of Wonks members posed casually next to a car in some nondescript parking lot somewhere in America. There is John Prendergast, Eric Reeves, Brian D’Silva, Ted Dagne and… Roger Winter. (Not ‘Roger Miller’: the massive Reuters syndicate can’t even get the wonk’s name right.)

“The Council is little known in Washington or in Africa itself.” Rebecca Hamilton deepened the intrigue. “But its quiet cajoling over nearly three decades helped South Sudan win its independence one year ago this week. Across successive U.S. administrations, they smoothed the path of southern Sudanese rebels in Washington, influenced legislation in Congress, and used their positions to shape foreign policy in favor of Sudan’s southern rebels, often with scant regard for U.S. government protocol.”

Smoothed the path of the Sudanese rebels? That’s an understatement. That’s not all they did.

Wonks? What is a wonk anyway? Sounds excessively benign. Even charming. Not being an English professor-cum-genocide-savior or a national security operative or a gun-running covert intelligence asset myself, I looked the word up in my American Heritage dictionary, but it doesn’t exist in my (apparently) antiquated copy. Seems the word ‘wonk’ is about as new as the country of South Sudan.

wonk /wäNGk/

Noun A disparaging term for a studious or hardworking person. Can also be a “policy wonk“–A person who looks into all the technical details of implementing a political policy, usually a back-room boy either in a political party or working for the government. The sound a goose makes when hit over the head with a shovel. A term for masturbation in internet chat sites.



Synonyms: bookworm, dink [slang], dork [slang], geek, grind, swot [British], weenie, nerd.

“Look at the names mentioned by the story,” says Dr. Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro, one of many former Rwandan government officials who continues to be harassed by the regime of president Paul Kagame in Rwanda and watched by U.S. Homeland Security. “All of them have a good cover. They move from one job to another easily. The story suggests they are somehow unrelated to the U.S. government even though their employer is the U.S. government.”

What does this Roger Winter know about the Rwandan rebel ‘Zero Network’ and alleged CIA involvement in shooting down the presidential plane on April 6, 1994–assassinating the presidents of Rwanda and Burundi, their top aides and the French crew? Was Roger Winter involved in the October 23, 1993 assassination of Burundi’s Hutu president Melchior Ndadaye?

“It is also known that Roger Winter, an influential American politician, was present at Paul Kagame’s headquarters at Mulindi [Rwanda] a few days before the offensive launched in the night of April 6-7, 1994,” reported Bernard Lugan, a prominent French historian and the editor of the online journal L’Afrique Réelle.

“Whoever shot down the plane, the killing began within hours, as Kagame and his Tutsi army fought their way toward Kigali to stop the genocide they had helped provoke,” wrote U.S. scholar-diplomat Stephen Weissman in 2004. While selling the establishment mythology where Kagame ‘stopped the genocide’–which the RPF actually provoked and supported–Weissman also elaborates a very serious point. “Traveling with them, by his own account, was at least one American–the refugee’s [Paul Kagame’s] friend Roger Winter. Should Congress ever investigate America’s role in the Rwandan holocaust, Mr. Winter would be a star witness.”

“Roger Winter was the chief logistics boss for [RPF] Tutsis until their victory in 1994,” said Ugandan dignitary Remigius Kintu, “and he was operating from 1717 Massachusetts Avenue NW in Washington D.C. This was the nerve center of the operations against Rwanda.”

Storyteller Rebecca Hamilton set out to save Sudan from itself during her “Save Darfur” days at Harvard University, circa 2004, where she organized the campaign to divest Harvard from corporations doing business with Khartoum.

Since then, doors have opened for Rebecca Hamilton everywhere she goes–though she was once detained in Khartoum. Surprised to be suspect as a ‘journalist’, Hamilton later chronicled her six-hour ordeal in the Atlantic Monthly, where she positioned herself as an innocent journalist detained by the Government of Sudan’s “dreaded internal security agency”. With her cell phone on mute she texted her husband to “contact [my] employer in Washington”–but she didn’t tell us who that employer in Washington is.

A “special correspondent for the Washington Post in Sudan,” Rebecca Hamilton is also supported by the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting and the New America Foundation. These institutions serve and advance the ever expanding Anglo-American Zionist Empire–multinational corporations and investment banks and currency speculators like Soros and the German Jewish firm Warburg Pincus. These entities have deep ties to establishment news corporations and their use of qualifiers like ‘Pulitzer’–perceived to be synonymous with truth and integrity in investigative reporting–only serve to blind the ‘news’ consuming masses to these institutions’ hidden agendas.They are also deeply tied to powerful Christian and Jewish interests, and lobbies.

The New America Foundation is funded by all the big foundations (Ford, MacArthur, Pew, Bill & Melinda Gates, Rockefeller, Carnegie, Open Society) and the U.S. Department of State donates hundreds of thousands of dollars (in the $299,000 to $999,999 category) annually. Members of their ‘Leadership Council’ and ‘National Security Advisory Council’ include the prominent Council on Foreign Relations member Fareed Zakaria. An editor-at-large at Time, a Washington Post columnist and the host of CNN’s foreign-affairs show, Zakaria is also director of The Aspen Institute. Zakaria was a columnist for Newsweek and editor of Newsweek International from 2000 to 2010. On August 10, 2012, Zakaria was suspended from several media positions for plagiarism.

Back in 2008, the New American Foundation funded another major agitprop piece on Roger Winter by Eliza Griswold in the New York Times Magazine. Another sanitized story, a bit more honest though, “The Man for a New Sudan” makes it clear that Roger Winter effectively served as a military

commander for the SPLM in Sudan. Like Rebecca Hamilton’s wonk fare, it is a story of a white knight in shining armor fighting his way to martyrdom, hand and foot, suffering and sandstorms, rag-tag rebels and roughshod rebellion, against the evil and superior Khartoum government.

What western ‘news’ consumers fail to understand is that these left-liberal institutions hone and tune the ‘news’ that appears in venues across the political spectrum. ‘News’ stories like “The Wonks Who Sold Washington on South Sudan” are produced with the understanding that they will: [a] serve corporate interests; [b] advance themes of democracy and freedom; [c] shield western power brokers from criticism and scrutiny; [d] whitewash western war crimes; [e] demonize anyone perceived to be hostile to the western economic and financial systems; and [f] support economic, political and/or military warfare all over the world.

These hegemonic objectives are achieved by overt and covert means, including: conventional warfare; intelligence operations; low intensity warfare; psychological operations or Psy-Ops; assassinations; coup d’etats; subversion; ‘democracy promotion’; election-rigging; and other illegal tax-payer funded foreign interventions.

Clean-cut American ‘media’ personalities and ‘journalists’ like Rebecca Hamilton and Eliza Griswold and Nicholas Kristof are used to

manufacture domestic consent–to inculcate ignorance, apathy, confusion, complacency and patriotism–in the English-language (U.S., Canadian, European, Australian) infotainment consuming masses. They are also used to make us more ethnocentric. This is primarily achieved through emotionally potent oversimplifications: facts don’t matter.

The propaganda techniques used by these mainstays of American Freedom [sic] are no more or less manipulative and sinister than those we associate with Russia or China or the so-called ‘Axis of Evil’ states (Cuba, Iran, Iraq, Libya, North Korea, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen). Like the bloodied victims (whether foreign civilians or U.S. troops), tortures, massacres and other war crimes and crimes against humanity are whited-out from the pages and screens of Western ‘news’ venues, leaving us with sanitized fantasy tales reinforcing our own sense of truth and justice, and the inherent goodness we all want to believe in.

“The lives of countless men, women and children depend on the truth,” says war correspondent John Pilger in his documentary film The War You Don’t See. Like the non-coverage of the ongoing western-backed terrorism in Burundi, Congo, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Somalia and Uganda, “The Wonks Who Sold Washington on South Sudan” is a propaganda piece covering up the war we didn’t see–and the war we don’t see–in Sudan. The strategy to fracture and divide Sudan is similar to the strategy at work in the Congo, and it echoes the RPF’s strategy of ‘fight and talk’ used to achieve regime change in Rwanda, 1990 to 1994.

In the low intensity wars waged against Sudan (1989-2006), Uganda (1980-1985), Rwanda (1990-1994) and Congo-Zaire (1996-1997), it was not enough to try to destroy the organized military forces of the legitimate governments in power; a movement or group responsive to U.S. interests had to be created, legitimated, and presented to the target (domestic) populations as viable alternatives to the governments to be overthrown or replaced. For such purposes the U.S. and its allies (primarily U.K. and Israel) sponsored the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), the National Resistance Movement (NRM), Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), and the Alliance for the Democratic Liberation of Congo-Zaire (ADFL). (Such terrorism has also occurred in northern Uganda–where Museveni’s soldiers targeted the Acholi people.)

These propaganda stories and the institutions that manufacture them also whiteout all Israeli ties to the carnage. Israel routinely advised and trained the security forces of the Mobutu regime in Zaire and the Hissen Habre regime in Chad and they backed both Idi Amin and Museveni in their guerrilla wars. Israeli MOSSAD agent David Kimche worked alongside Roger Winter to aide the RPF victory in Rwanda. Israeli commanders were spotted on the battlefields of eastern Congo-Zaire and the Israeli firm Silver Shadow reportedly armed the Ugandan People’s Defense Forces in their alliance with the Congolese warlord Jean Pierre Bemba and his ruthless Movement for the Liberation of Congo.

Israel backed the SPLM with defense and intelligence cooperation for decades. Israel backed the ‘rebels’ in Darfur, both the Sudan Liberation Army–an extension of the SPLM–and, more significantly, the so-called Justice and Equality Movement. Tanks and artillery equipment were off-loaded at the U.S. military port of Mombasa, Kenya, and driven across Kenya and South Sudan.

Israel’s support for the new South Sudan is no longer covert. In April 2012, just before the full-scale SPLA offensive in the disputed Heglig border region, Israeli and South Sudanese newspapers reported that Israeli aircraft have been delivering military hardware and mercenaries (from other African countries) in South Sudan to fight against the Khartoum government. South Sudanese soon after shot down a Sudanese MiG-29 fighter jet: the SPLA claimed that Khartoum “didn’t know we have that capacity.”

In December 2011, Salva Kiir, South Sudan’s new warlord president, chose Israel for one of his first official visits. In November 2011 Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu hosted the leaders of Uganda and Kenya. During his December visit, Kiir held meetings with President Shimon Peres, Benjamin Netanyahu and Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman. These are the same players backing the Dan Gertler companies behind the dictatorship of Hyppolite Kanambe (alias Joseph Kabila) and the Western-backed plunder and depopulation in the Congo.

On July 23, 2012, in return for decades of covert Israeli support for the SPLA’s low-intensity war, the SPLA regime running the new South Sudan signed over Sudan’s water rights and “infrastructure development” to Israel. The deals were sealed by Israeli government and agents for Israeli Military Industries (IMI)–an aerospace and defense contractor fully owned by the Israeli government, and a prime U.S. military supplier.

Meanwhile, the United States has routinely deployed covert forces in the Great Lakes, Chad, Ethiopia, Sudan, Somalia, Mali, Niger–all over the place. In October, 2011, president Barack Obama announced that the Pentagon was sending “100 armed advisers” to Uganda. An insult to the people’s intelligence, these are not “armed advisers”–they are U.S. Special Forces. But U.S. forces are all over the region, from Camp Hurso in Ethiopia and Camp Lemonnier in DJibouti to the new AFRICOM base in Kisangani, Congo. Evidence of the Special Forces is obliterated by most news agencies. If and when the presence of the U.S. military is revealed, it is casually noted, downplaying their presence, as if it were routine.

For example, the Pentagon’s special “conservationist” J. Michael Fay dropped a bombshell in disguise in the story “Ivory Wars: Last Stand in Zakouma” in the March 2007 print issue of National Geographic. Ostensibly about elephants in Zakouma National Park in Chad, the story is more imperialist anti-Islamic propaganda related to the Arab militias on horses, hailing out of Darfur, known as Janjaweed. “I saw a large helicopter to the southeast.” Fay builds the drama for the reader. “It made straight for our truck. We could run, but we couldn’t hide. It was a Russian-made Mi-17 with a missile launcher, the same type that had mistakenly fired the day before on a column of Chadian and American soldiers north of the park.”

Looking at the map, north of the park could be Chad or Sudan. What is a column of American soldiers doing in Chad? Or is it Darfur? Well, obviously! They are saving elephants!

A few days later, Fay reports “[a] pair of French military Mirage fighter jets running sorties toward Sudan (more than a thousand rebels were retreating there) buzzed the Tinga, spooking a herd of elephants I was watching at the pool.” Oh, and, by the way, “Marc Wall, the U.S. Ambassador to Chad, just happened to be visiting the park.”

The article reveals all without revealing anything. The presence of French fighter jets, American soldiers, the U.S. Ambassador–who is out for a “safari”–provide proof of highly organized military campaigns that are rendered invisible by the propaganda system.

“Nationhood has any midwives,” reads the long caption appearing with many of the Council of Wonks story photos. But if the Council of Wonks are the ‘midwives’ of South Sudan’s birthing process, their result has been a bloody abortion and a grotesquely deformed progeny whose ‘leaders’ are promoting ethnic hatred and selling the place off to the highest bidder.

Tirelessly and furiously pumping out disinformation, day in and day out, year in and year out, for several decades now, the happy cabal of Washington wonkshas paved the public mind with hysterical accounts of Arab and Islamic terrorism and African tribalism. They have blinded U.S. taxpayers to the unholy truth that our tax dollars have been used to covertly fund, arm, supply and re-supply at least four massive guerrilla insurgencies that have shattered five sovereign countries, terrorized scores of millions of people, and drenched Sudan and the Great Lakes in blood and skeletons.

In January 2011, the SPLA and governor Kuol Manyang Juuk of South Sudan’s Jonglei state diverted 1000 guns meant for graduating police and delivered them to Murle tribesmen so that the Murle could fight their rival the Lou Nuer community. SPLA Commander-in-Chief General Salva Kiir–the first president of the newly independent [sic] South Sudan–was reportedly aware of the diversion of weapons. Following the SPLA’s redistribution of weapons last July, massive ethnic violence in Jonglei state has created perhaps as many as 100,000 internally displaced people (IDPs), with ongoing clashes in the spring of 2012.

“The SPLA is looting everywhere,” says Mr. Chuol, accusing the SPLA of behaving like an army of occupation and terror. “They are taking everything for themselves, acting like they are heroes. They are torturing, raping, and killing people, and burning down villages.”

The fairy tales about Roger Winter and Eric Reeves and the Council of Wonks have airbrushed such inconvenient truths from history. “South Sudan is primarily the creation of its own people,” continues the ever-repeated Reuters caption, drumming home the new-old Madeleine Albright and Hillary Clinton propaganda line about ‘Africa by and for Africans’. “It was southern Sudanese leaders who fought for autonomy, and more than two million southern Sudanese who paid for that freedom with their lives.”

“The reality,” says Mr. Chuol, whose family and friends have suffered from the recent violence, “is that the U.S. and U.N. are abandoning the people of South Sudan, because they only want to focus on the problems of the Bashir government in Khartoum.” The divide and conquer politics of Empire would dictate that rebel factions be set at each other’s throats, enabling greater western penetration and control of the new South Sudan.

Of course, no propaganda piece would be complete without the patriotic accolades for former U.S. President George W. Bush, who “set out to end Africa’s Longest-running civil war, [and] also played a big role,” Rebecca Hamilton tells us, “as did modern-day abolitionists, religious groups, human rights organizations and members of the U.S. Congress. But the most persistent outside force in the creation of the world’s newest state was the Council, a tightly knit group never numbering more than seven people, which in the era before email, began gathering regularly at Otello, a restaurant near Washington’s DuPont Circle.”

From the very first days of their insurrection, the SPLM has committed massive atrocities, including war crimes, crimes against humanity and acts of genocide. It was the same story with Museveni’s NRM guerrillas in Uganda, Kagame’s RPF guerrillas in Rwanda, and with the Ugandan and Rwandan ADFL guerrillas in Congo-Zaire.

Roger Winter was involved with each of these four major guerrilla campaigns. From the early 1970’s to the present day he has moved in and out of foreign countries under the cover of the United States Committee for Refugees (USCR) and United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and other entities.

“Starting in the early 1980’s, the United States began to reorganize the military establishment to conduct low-intensity warfare campaigns. The Joint Chiefs of Staff formed special low-intensity conflict divisions within the Department of Defense and within each military service, and also reintroduced political and psychological warfare branches. The Pentagon even drafted a Psy-Ops ‘master plan’ at the behest of a presidential directive, and the National Security Council set up a top-level ‘board for low intensity conflict’.”

Getting beyond the infantile nonsense about “Emperor” and “Deputy Emperor” and “Spear Carrier,” the roles of our Council of Wonks in creating conflict, shipping weapons, covering massacres, and producing propaganda for these insurgencies are not completely clear. The military and intelligence hierarchies they operate within are equally non-transparent.

Rebecca Hamilton tells a happy story of the origins of the Council of Wonks. It begins in 1978, when Brian D’Silva studied at Iowa State University alongside “an intensely charismatic southern Sudanese man named John Garang, who had been dreaming of a democratic Sudan… After graduation, D’Silva went with Garang to Sudan to teach at the University of Khartoum.”

D’Silva was a Ford Foundation visiting professor at U-Khartoum, but Rebecca Hamilton drops the reference to Ford, a known conduit to the covert U.S. intelligence sector and foreign interventions. D’Silva joined the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to work in Sudan in the 1980’s. D’Silva’s old schoolmate is John Garang, “a conscript in the Sudanese arm [who] led a mutiny of southern Sudanese soldiers,” Hamilton tells us. Enter the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Movement (SPLM), “which led the fight for southern autonomy.”

In the early 1980’s, Sudan was run by the CIA’s man Jaafar Nimeiri, who was ousted in 1985, and USAID maintained tight ties with the CIA. From 1985 to 1989, the Reagan Administration maintained a strong allegiance to the unstable Islamic government prior to the ascension to power of Omar al-Bashir. USAID at the time was deeply involved in agriculture, especially interventions in plantations and gum arabic production. Gum arabic is essential for soft drinks (Coke, Pepsi, Fanta) and beer, and for ice cream and other foods, and Sudan has a near monopoly. Gum arabic imports were exempt from president Clinton’s trade embargo of October 1997. Rep. Bob Menendez (D-N.J.) sponsored the gum arabic loophole and Rep. Donald Payne (D-N.J.) backed it: N.J. is home to three major corporations importing gum arabic. USAID operations became more and more untenable from 1985, and were completely displaced in 1989 under the Islamic government of Omar al-Bashir. Such facts are unmentioned by Hamilton–heretical to a fairytale of U.S. policy wonks who “dreamed of democracy” in Sudan. Then as now, Brian D’Silva operated under the USAID cover.

Of course, Sudan is also about oil. While the Council of Wonks minister of propaganda Dr. Eric Reeves was screaming about genocide in Darfur, he was also denying that massive petroleum reserves up for grabs in Darfur.

In his Washington Post article titled “Regime Change in Sudan,” Dr. Eric Reeves called for the overthrow of the government of Sudan, by any means necessary, and noted that some “governing body” needed to be created to take its place. This is exactly what has happened in other “Arab Spring” countries–Libya, Egypt, Yemen–and was the modus operandi for the U.S. invasions and occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq. These are effectively coup d’etats.

“A proportionately representative interim governing council must be created externally but be ready to move quickly to take control when the NIF [National Islamic Front] is removed by whatever means are necessary,” Dr. Eric Reeves opined.

Like the International Rescue Committee (IRC), the U.S. Committee for Refugees (USCR) has a euphemistic name suggesting humanitarian motives, but both are deeply connected to the U.S. intelligence and defense community, and their work with ‘refugees’ is more about selectively monitoring populations on the move, gathering intelligence on political dissidents, identifying points of leverage or intervention in complex emergencies.

Roger Winter then meets Francis Deng, “a respected legal scholar” at a prominent U.S. think tank, and, Hamilton tells us, Deng “calls up a cousin in the rebel movement to ensure that on future visits, Winter would have access to all the so-called liberated areas—the parts of Sudan held by the rebels—where he could gather direct testimony on the impact of the war.”

Nonsense. Like all Alice in Wonderland fairytales, the rabbit hole goes much deeper than we are told here. The true facts remain hidden in classified documents, waiting for some enterprising muckracker–completely unlike Rebecca Hamilton or Nicholas Kristof—to excavate by FOIA from the bowels of the U.S. National Security apparatus.

“By the mid-1980s,” Rebecca Hamilton tells us, “these three future Council members–D’Silva, Deng, and Winter–were working in the United States as proxies for John Garang, trying to open doors for the SPLM in Washington.” Enter John Prendergast, “a wayward college graduate in search of a cause” who had been traveling in the Horn of Africa.”

By the early 1990s, the group’s work was starting to pay off.” Rebecca Hamilton distills the fairy tale down to platitudes. Ted Dagne “was seconded from the Congressional Research Service to the House of Representatives Subcommittee on Africa, where he began to build allies for the southern Sudanese cause… By the mid-nineties, five men–Dagne, Deng, D’Silva, Prendergast and Winter–were meeting regularly at Otello’s.”

Another key player in the covert network, and Roger Winter’s protégé, was Susan Rice, William Jefferson Clinton’s Assistant Secretary of State on African Affairs political hit-man [sic] on Sudan and the Great Lakes.

According to Rebbecca Hamilton, John Prendergast “applied to work for Susan Rice”–sometime in the 1990’s–and “she hired him.”

The Prendergast history is intentionally vague. “At 33, he was former President Bill Clinton’s director of African Affairs at the National Security Council,” wrote a Philadelphia magazine. It was 1996. The Clinton administration was sponsoring the invasion of Congo-Zaire, and famine was sweeping south Sudan–due in part to the SPLM using food as a weapon of war–but this is a clean and shiny profile of John Prendergast. Susan Rice hired Prendergast after his gig at the National Security Council, making him one of her special advisers at the U.S. Department of State.

“While you sing [John Prendergast’s] praises, the Congolese people who have been dying since 1996 have NO use of JP, though he might go by there and spread some crumbs around from the money he raises and lives by.” Dr. Yaa-Lengi Ngemi, Congolese author of Genocide in the Congo, sent a letter to the posh Philadelphia tabloid.

“WHY? Let me put it this way for you to understand: It’s like raising money to feed someone in chains and who is being tortured everyday instead of denouncing and getting rid of the brutes torturing the man.”

Prendergast later worked for the International Crises Group, another intelligence think tank and agitprop NGO fronting for factions close to the U.S. government–described by Rebecca Hamilton as “an independent research group”. Operating behind front groups like ENOUGH and Raise Hope for Congo, John Prendergast has been long involved in supporting and covering up the western defense and intelligence sector’s involvement in low-intensity conflicts in Africa. Like the so-called “non-government organizations” or “NGOs” named RESOLVE, Save Darfur, Raise Hope for Congo, STAND (Students Taking Action Now: Darfur), United to End Genocide, the Genocide Intervention Network and many more, these groups morph and reconfigure, always drawing massive funds from specious U.S. government front organizations like the Center for American Progress. Their brochures are fancy, full color productions, their organizing is funded, their messages are simple–as appealing as the Kony2012 video–watered-down-and-feel-good campaigns that displace the true grass roots movements for social justice in Africa.

Rebecca Hamilton also deleted the key fact that Susan Rice and John Prendergast worked together to create the Pentagon’s prized Africa Crisis Response Initiative (ACRI)–a euphemistically named entity created to project U.S. power in Africa–run by U.S. Army Special Forces Command (SOCOM).

“By the late 1990s, Washington was not just providing humanitarian assistance to the southern Sudanese,” Rebecca Hamilton’s agitprop reports. “It was also giving leadership missions and training, as well as $20 million of surplus military equipment to Uganda, Ethiopia and Eritrea, who all supported the southern rebels. Prendergast said the idea was to help states in the region to change the regime. ‘It was up to them, not us,’ he said in an interview…”

Africa by and for Africans! Notice how Rebecca Hamilton distances the U.S. government from the already 15 plus years of covert low-intensity warfare facilitated–since the early 1980’s–by Roger Winter. The military equipment is also described as ‘surplus’–a ploy of plausible denial and disinformation that further downplays the covert support for a nasty and bloody low-intensity war in Sudan. Of course, there is no mention of Roger Winter’s role in the low-intensity wars in Africa’s Great Lakes countries.

“The Council’s Deputy Emperor, Eric Reeves, joined in 2001.” Rebecca Hamilton writes. “Reeves was a professor of English literature at Smith, a small college in Western Massachusetts. He had no background in Sudan. But after reading about the humanitarian conditions in the south and attending a lecture Winter gave at the college, Reeves became the Council’s most prolific writer. He published hundreds of opinion pieces and blogged detailed reports brimming with moral outrage against Khartoum.”

Dr. Eric Reeves is perhaps America’s greatest emotional manipulator. Reading his texts, one is overwhelmed by superlatives and assaulted by inflammatory emotional language. “The brutal regime in Khartoum, the capital of Sudan, has orchestrated genocidal counterinsurgency war in Darfur for five years, and now is poised for victory in its ghastly assault on the region’s African populations.”

Add the delusions, the outright lies and invented facts provided from the field by the other members of the Council of Wonks, the arrogance and brow-beating of anyone who dissents against him, and the patriotism, and it is clear that Reeves demonstrates what Wilhelm Reich described as fascism.

And then there is his petulant behavior. Reeves tolerates zero criticism or divergence from the party line. If he doesn’t want to hear what someone has to say, and his mind is closed to alternative perspectives, he quite literally throws a temper tantrum: even Rebecca Hamilton wrote how he stormed out of a Save Darfur meeting.

Dr. Eric Reeves refuses to sit on any panels with anyone who deviates from his sacred script, and he can be downright nasty. For example, on July 6, 2006, at Dr. Reeves’ own Smith College, Reeves refused to participate in a panel on Darfur titled “Intervention, Regime Change and the Politics of Genocide” and he did not attend the event. The head of Smith’s African Studies, Dr, Eliot Fratkin, was one of the panel members, as was this journalist. (Dr. Fratkin applauded the panel, at its conclusion, but Fratkin changed his position overnight and distanced himself the following day.)

At Smith College on December 9, 2010, when a journalist interrupted Reeves during the question and answers session following Reeves’ lecture on Darfur, Reeves went berserk: the journalist was assaulted by the event organizers, and Smith College security issued the journalist a “No Trespassing for Life” notice for three colleges: Smith College, Mt. Holyoke and Hampshire College.

The mass media spread Reeves’ Sudan propaganda far and wide, and whole social movements have been engineered–from Mia Farrow and George Clooney to the Darfur Action Group of the Northampton (MA)-based Congregation B’Nai Israel Church to the Holocaust Memorial Museum–to mobilize constituencies and misdirect public action. The political calculus at work is based in a left-liberal hawkishness that has lost its moral compass, and this misplaced moralism is a cultural phenomenon that serves the powerful forces of Empire.

This is what I call humanitarian fascism. The cover story is full of fictions, little lies and outright disinformation. While the resumés of most development and policy experts are typically findable on-line, the details of Prendergast, Dagne, D’Silva and Winter’s careers are not so easily discoverable.

For example, in the late 1980’s and early 1990’s, John Prendergast worked in southern Sudan for several so-called non-government organizations that, in fact, have very close ties to the foreign policy and intelligence establishment: Bread for the World and Human Rights Watch.

Access to south Sudan was facilitated through the so-called ‘humanitarian’ wing of the SPLM, the Sudan Relief and Rehabilitation Association (SRRA). From Nairobi–a hub for U.S., British and Israeli defense and intelligence interests in East Africa and the Horn–western agents fly to Lokichogio, on the Kenya-Sudan border, where a United Nations base offered support for the billion dollar western misery-cum-missionary enterprise, Operation Lifeline Sudan.

Very euphemistically named, Bread for the Worldis a Christian faith-based organization close to the heart of the Christian Coalition. Past and current Bread for the World directors have included U.S. Rep. Donald Payne (D-N.J.)(d. 2012) and Rep. Frank Wolf (R-VA). Other directors include Clinton White House insiders Mike McCurry and–president Barack Obama’s current Secretary of Defense and former CIA director (2009-2011)–Leon Panetta.

“In 1995, Christian Solidarity International initiated a controversial program in Sudan called slave redemption,” wrote Rebecca Hamilton. “The Zurich-based human-rights organization began paying slave traders for the freedom of southerners captured in raids by government-backed militias from the north. Christian Solidarity took journalists and pastors from the black evangelical community along on their missions, and stories of modern-day slavery filtered into church congregations and the U.S. media.”

Many Jewish and Christian political organizations and think tanks have supported the long years of covert low-intensity warfare in Sudan. The religious propaganda produced by the policy wonks sold western minds to support a Jewish and Christian fundamentalist war against Islam that would otherwise never have existed. The slavery campaigns amounted to one massive fabrication after another, Psy-Ops used against western ‘news’ consumers and the Christian and Jewish masses.

Intelligence operatives Ted Dange, John Prendergast and Roger Winter shuttled U.S. politicians to SPLM territory to see the misery for themselves–misery that the Council of Wonks’ Dr. Eric Reeves always attributed to a “genocidal counterinsurgency by the Government of Sudan.” Nicholas Kristof took the flag and ran with it in such massive disinformation pieces as “The Secret Genocide Archive.” Nicholas Kristof was rewarded with a Pulitzer Prize for his Sudan agitprop.

Roger Winter took Rep. Frank Wolf (R-VA) and another member of Congress (unnamed by Rebecca Hamilton) to meet SPLM commander John Garang on one of his visits to rebel-held areas of Sudan in 1989. Ted Dagne’s “network of southern Sudan allies in Congress solidified,” Rebecca Hamilton wrote. “He organized trips into SPLM-held areas for bipartisan delegations, including Tennessee Republican Sen. Bill Frist and the late New Jersey Democratic Rep. Donald Payne.”

Donald Payne served on numerous top-level Congressional committees involved in African Affairs and he accompanied the Clinton’s on the victory tour in Africa in 1998, he was arrested for protesting in front of the Sudan Embassy in 2001, and supported the Genocide Intervention Network, one of the Prendergast-linked intelligence agitprop groups. Payne was tied to numerous other Christian-right charity organizations–like Servant’s Heart–working in Africa, and to the Africa Society, a pro-business intelligence and propaganda front group.

Bread for the World director and former senator Bob Dole (R-KA) worked for years to advance the interests of mid-western U.S. grain corporations, esp. Archers Daniels Midland. U.S. lobbyists for big agribusiness seeking vast landholdings in Sudan worked out of Dole’s office and frequently traveled to Sudan. Dole also used and manipulated the World Food Program as an imperial tool to both leverage foreign markets and protect domestic ones.Famines, starvation, internally displaced people and refugees flows are these organizations’ stock in trade, and the war in south Sudan simultaneously took land out of agricultural production and created a market for U.S. corporations to dump surplus and sub-standard grains for a profit. Many of these organizations are today connected to Yoweri Museveni–former co-chair of the euphemistically named Partnership to Cut Hunger and Poverty in Africa (PCHPA)–and they operate in tandem with USAID, which is really just a Christian-based “soft policy” wing of the Pentagon that uses food as a weapon under the disguise of charity. Many of USAID’s programs are highly invisible.Donald Payne and Roger Winter were decorated by Rwandan president Paul Kagame at the July 4, 2012 celebration of the 16th Anniversary of the RPF’s victory in Rwanda. Donald Payne, then 76, received only the UMURINZI “Campaign Against Genocide Medal for being “among ‘very few’ people in the world who recognized the Tutsi Genocide as the governments, media and individuals continued to debate.” Roger Winter, then 67, received both Rwanda’s URUTI Liberation Medal and UMURINZI medal.”Roger Winter is one of Kagame’s most ardent supporters, and one of the most biased, and least credible,” says Rene Lemarchand, long-time Central Africa expert and former USAID consultant (1992-1998). “It is not for nothing that Winter has been decorated by [Paul] Kagame for his past services as a praise-singer (griot) on behalf of his patron. He played a key role in 1992 in putting Kagame in touch with high-ranking bureaucrats in the U.S. State Department, and he kept in close touch with the RPF in subsequent years. I would trust him about as far as I can throw a piano. I believe you’re right in saying that Winter worked as a U.S. intelligence operative. That’s my gut feeling but I cannot prove it.” “The silence is fathomless and overwhelming and eventually there will be no more sounds from this region,” wrote Roger Rosenblatt in a July 1993 Vanity Fair feature article (later published as a book) that sold the U.S. policy line on Sudan in 1993. The article is a sales pitch, a provocative pornography of misery and violence meant to tug on western heart strings and open purses for western charity NGOs. Whether by accident or intention, depopulation of indigenous lands is one of the objectives of Empire, enabling foreign interests to more easily steal and occupy the land. “No side has a claim on morality in these wars.” Rosenblatt prepares the argument for our SPLA support, taking the side sanctioned by the popular insanity, and in sync with the National Security apparatus. This is, after all, a war for public opinion at home, as much as for Empire in Sudan. “When [Government of Sudan] military convoys lose vehicles to rebel mines, they usually burn the closest village and murder its inhabitants.” Rosenblatt is unwilling to expose the SPLM tactics in low-intensity warfare, where the people are used as human shields. “Soldiers routinely rape women displaced from their homes by the fighting; the SPLA has also been accused of rape and kidnapping.” The GoS soldiers are guilty of rape, while SPLA soldiers are only accused. “Both the government and the SPLA have menaced relief operations and blown up trucks carrying food and medicine.” So there are, in fact, two warring factions in this war! “The government has amputated the limbs of prisoners of war; so has the SPLA.” “Yet nearly everyone [sic] agrees that the Bashir government has been the main persecutor in the wars.” Roger Rosenblatt’s script is still in use today! “Muslim fundamentalists armed and inspired by Iran, they are the theocratic cleansers of their country–a twist on the ethnic cleansers in Bosnia. They seek to “Islamize” the Sudan–as indeed Iran may seek to Islamize the entire Horn of Africa–by converting or killing off all the Christians and animists in the South. Their weapons are famine, political repression, the torture of dissidents, and outright slaughter.” Yet nearly everyone does not agree. To conclude the upside-down and backwards charade, Rosenblatt proffered the thesis that “the U.S. government provided only intermittent humanitarian aid to the Sudan, either because it is loath to interfere with a sovereign government (this is how the political situation in Sudan differs from Somalia) or because there is no obvious geopolitical advantage in doing so in the post-Cold War environment.” No obvious geopolitical advantage! No geopolitical interests! No strategic interests! “The silence is fathomless and overwhelming,” indeed, and if “eventually there will be no more sounds from this region,” it will be due to the massive corporate depopulation land-grab [Lebensraum] by Wall Street bankers, industrial philanthropists and other white collar predators. The example of Jarch Capital comes quickly to mind. Wall Street banker Philippe Heilberg’s Jarch Capital, an investment firm, acquired 400,000 hectares in South Sudan in the last few years. These landholdings the size of Vermont were acquired in a deal with SPLM warlord Gabriel Matip. Jarch Capital came under some mild scrutiny when it was learned that Jarch executives include a former Clinton era Pentagon agent named Gwenyth Todd, and Joseph Wilson. In 1997, just before Clinton destroyed Sudan’s Al-Shifa pharmaceutical factory with cruise missiles, Joseph Wilson ran the National Security Council’s East Africa Desk. Working under him was none other than National Security Council agent John Prendergast, America’s humanitarian poster boy for Sudan and George Clooney’s sidekick. “Whatever the causes of the war, it is southern civilians who have paid most dearly for it, and continue to pay,” wrote Human Rights Watch in a November 1994 report. “In this second civil [sic] war, even the adults are hard pressed to survive where displacement, asset destruction, famine and disease are constantly recurring. Children, always the most disadvantaged in any war, have been additionally punished in Sudan by being separated from their families, where they might find a modicum of adult protection, supervision and concern. They remain at greater risk than adults.” John Prendergast was one of several key researchers for the HRW report, based on research at refugee camps in Kenya, Sudan and Uganda from January to June 1993, and interviews in conducted in London, Cairo, Nairobi and Washington DC. The report concluded that “the SPLA has engaged in recruitment of boy soldiers and in the separation of children from their families… Since 1987 the SPLA has maintained large camps of boys separate from their relatives and tribes in refugee camps in Ethiopia and in southern Sudan. From these camps the SPLA has drawn fresh recruits as needed, regardless of the age of the boys.”Not only were the SPLA “lost Boys” camps used for military recruitment: they were also places of death. Conditions were abhorrent. While the Operation Lifeline Sudan was paying huge salaries to western ex-patriots, and while Christian NGOs were shipping bibles to remote locations suffering famine, boys were living in absolute misery in these camps. Scores of thousands of children have died due to the indirect causes of the U.S. covert war. Roger Winter and the low-intensity SPLM war created the so-called “Lost Boys of Sudan”–not the Khartoum government, as we are always led to believe. The Council of Wonks are all well aware of the atrocities committed by the SPLM. Like Human Rights Watch, and sometimes working for them, sometimes not, John Prendergast wrote about the SPLM campaigns of terror in south Sudan. In his book, Frontline Diplomacy: Humanitarian Aid and Conflict in Africa, for example, Prendergast explores how the SPLM uses food as a weapon, how they shuttle refugees around for their strategic and tactical advantage, using people as human shields, attacking relief organizations and enforcing starvation to leverage foreign intervention. Over the years however, Prendergast went silent on SPLM abuses. The government think tank U.S. Institute for Peace (USIP) funded Prendergast’s Frontline Diplomacy project, just as they funded Philip Gourevitch to travel back and forth to see his friend Paul Kagame and produce the ‘non-fiction’ propaganda book We wish to inform you that tomorrow we will be killed with our families: Stories from Rwanda (Verso, 1999). The USIP funded other Sudan and Rwanda propaganda, conferences and policy papers. Speaking at a USIP conference titled “Religion, Nationalism and Peace in Sudan” on September 16-17,1997, Roger Winter reportedly demanded full-scale backing from the U.S. government for a war “to bring down the Khartoum government” in Sudan, adding, “even though I know it will bring about a humanitarian catastrophe.” John Prendergast and Ted Dagne were on the same panel as Winter, and Council of Wonks member Francis Deng spoke on another panel. Over the past few decades, the human rights agencies became and more and more muted about crimes committed by the U.S., the U.K. or Israel–if mentioned at all–with resources and public relations increasingly concentrated on documenting the crimes of ‘enemies’ that are in the way of Empire. “The grand narrative of human rights contains a subtext which depicts an epochal contest pitting savages, on the one hand, against victims and saviors, on the other,” writes Professor Makau Mutua. SPLM war crimes and crimes against humanity are documented in stark detail in the March 1990 Human Rights Watch/Africa Watch report “Denying ‘The Honor of Living’: Sudan, a Human Rights Disaster”. Between 1984 and 1989, the SPLM attacked southern Garrison towns, disappeared and tortured, and shot civilian airliners out of the sky. In 1986, the SPLM attacked Ugandan (mostly Acholi) refugees in southern Sudan–forced out of Uganda by Museveni’s NRM low-intensity war there–killing refugees and forcing at least 35,000 refugees back to insecurity in Uganda. In 1989 the SPLM attacked Ethiopian refugee camps on the Ethiopian border. Both instances were violations of international humanitarian law. As Operation Lifeline Sudan grew in scope, so too did the scale and magnitude of the crimes committed by the SPLM–and the sophistication of the western intelligence apparatus at hiding them. The Council of Wonks and the ‘human rights’ establishment and the misery industry increasingly closed their eyes to SPLM atrocities, funded by western taxpayers, and increasingly honed and

tuned the propaganda corps to demonize the Government of Sudan in keeping with the savior versus savage narrative at work behind the new humanitarian fascism. Did the SPLM reform itself in the mid-1990s and post-2000 era? Starting in 1999, from his offices at Smith College, policy wonk Eric Reeves screamed louder and louder–ever more hysterical by the day–about the Government of Sudan’s bombing campaigns, the climbing death tolls, the genocide, and about our moral imperative to facilitate “regime change” in Khartoum by any means necessary. Meanwhile, John Prendergast became increasingly silent about SPLM terrorism in Sudan in direct proportion to his proximity to the U.S. government. The closer Prendergast got to the National Security apparatus–and the perks of power and private profit–the quieter he became. Ditto with Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International and the western human rights corpus. The massive tome Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda (1999), researched and written by Human Rights Watch agent Alison Des Forges, offers a scant 43 pages (out of 793 pages) on crimes committed by the “highly disciplined” RPF, and these crimes are often downgraded to allegations or unverified reports. Roger Winter is not once mentioned in the book. Alison Des Forges also worked as a consultant to USAID. Similarly, the 343-page Human Rights Watch book Behind the Red Line: Political Repression in Sudan (1996) offers a mere 20 pages (out of 343 pages) attending to SPLM crimes, and these 20 pages also include further “Crimes by All Parties to the Conflict.” As human rights and so-called humanitarian NGOs have evolved, they have become ever more focused on presenting western civilization as saviorsand our proxy forces as victims, in a contest with savages. In the case of the governments (and people) we wish to overthrow, the ‘savages’ are the Arab Government of Sudan, the Hutu government of Rwanda, and so on, and so forth. It is all too easy for affluent westerners to adhere to this narrative. It is “a project for the redemption of the redeemers,” writes Makau Mutua, “in which whites who are privileged globally as a people–who have historically visited untold suffering and savage atrocities against nonwhites–redeem themselves by ‘defending’ and ‘civilizing’ ‘lower,’ ‘unfortunate,’ and ‘inferior’ peoples.” Hamilton reports that Smith College professor Eric Reeves began working with the policy wonks–and the implication is he began working on Sudan–in 2001 after Roger Winter spoke at Smith College. In fact, it was the other way around: Eric Reeves began screaming about “genocide in Sudan” in 1999. If his Sudan crusade was inspired by Roger Winter, he has changed his story. “When the former executive director of the U.S. branch of Doctors Without Borders, Joelle Tanguy, told Reeves she thought Sudan needed a champion, she probably didn’t expect it to be an English prof from Northampton, Massachusetts.” John Prendergast wrote this while eulogizing Eric Reeves in his book Not On Our Watch: The Mission to End Genocide in Darfur and Beyond. “Fighting cancer and frequently working from his hospital bed, he has waged an often lonely but always Herculean struggle to ensure that the American public is aware of what is happening to the people of Sudan…” Reeves has stated he met Joelle Tanguy and adopted the Sudan cause “early in 1999”. On April 1, 1999, Smith College hosted a lecture by Roger Winter organized by Eric Reeves. “Winter ‘is a really distinguished presence in the world of humanitarian agencies,’ says Smith English professor Eric Reeve, an organizer of the event…” On October 30, 2000, Smith College hosted a special ceremony where Roger Winter and the U.S. Committee for Refugees honored Reeves with an award recognizing Reeves “for his widely published work calling attention to Sudan’s vast and ongoing humanitarian crisis.” In Eric Reeves’ hysterical perspective, virtually all violence in Sudan is attributed to the “genocidal counterinsurgency by the [Khartoum] Government of Sudan.” Reeves’ disinformation–especially his inflation and fluctuation of mortality estimates in Darfur (2003-2010)–has been roundly debunked. The charge of genocide in Darfur was equally specious–meaningless in the context used by Eric Reeves and Nicholas Kristof. In 2006, the U.S. Government Accountability Office in collaboration with the National Academy of Sciences convened twelve experts to review six sources of data on mortality in Darfur. The GAO study, reported to the U.S. Congress in November 2006, questioned the validity of three of the six ‘expert’ international sources providing estimates of mortality on Darfur, offering a “devastating critique of assumptions, source data and extrapolations behind the findings of the two most prolific high-end researchers associated with Save Darfur…” One of these high-enders was professor John Hagan, who authored the highly politicized “Atrocities Documentation Report” produced by an NGO called the Coalition for International Justice. The second high-end researcher was Dr. Eric Reeves. “Nine of the experts found Hagan’s source data ‘generally’ or ‘definitely’ unsound, while ten experts said the same of Reeves’ source data. Ten said Hagan’s assumptions were ‘somewhat’ or ‘very unreasonable,’ and eleven said so with regard to Reeves. Eleven said Hagan’s extrapolations were ‘somewhat’ or ‘very inappropriate,’ and all twelve said so in reference to Reeves.” Worse still, the escalation of Save Darfur hysteria occurred in 2006, even as the violence in Darfur had greatly receded. Reeves’ mortality estimates went up and down and up again, and he paid no attention to the GAO critique, but continued to scream about between 400,000 to 500,000 dead due to the “genocidal counterinsurgency” by the Government of Sudan. Given the cloudy assessments of the actual mortality–somewhere between the Government of Sudan’s estimate of 10,000 and other reasonable estimates of around 200,000–the hysterical behavior of Dr. Eric Reeves is shocking. Of course, behind Reeves was the Council of Wonks. To his credit, Dr. Eric Reeves specifically acted as Minister of Disinformation for the Council’s anti-Sudan campaign: he had nothing to do with the low-intensity wars in Uganda, Rwanda or Congo. Or did he? While the (extremely conservative) International Rescue Committee estimates of death tolls in the neighboring Congo were coming in at 3.9 million dead by 2004 and 5.4 million dead by 2007–some 45,000 Congolese dying every month–Reeves was inflating mortality statis on Darfur, monopolizing attention, getting shriller and shriller by the day, focusing the global consciousness on Darfur. Like Mahmood Mamdani–whose analyses of Reeve’s manipulation of Darfur mortality stats was utilized above–Dr. Eric Reeves has protected Yoweri Museveni and Paul Kagame from scrutiny; the former by defecting attention from the SPLM’s covert supply chain in Uganda, the latter by whitewashing the Rwandan Defenses Forces’ (formerly known as the Rwandan Patriotic Front) combat operations under the African Union flag in Darfur. By falsifying consciousness on Sudan, Dr. Eric Reeves was also falsifying consciousness about the Great Lakes. Roger Winter and Ted Dagne and the other Council of Wonks members were Reeves’ primary sources of information, and Reeves accepted their data and perspective all too happily. His reports, appearing anywhere and everywhere in the U.S. media, reeked of hysteria and outright lies. Reeve’s understanding of a greater geopolitical context, such as the political fault lines of front line states (Chad, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda) involved in Sudan’s war (or the international geopolitical importance of countries like Libya) was unnecessary for the mission of propagandizing the western public and providing cover for the covert low-intensity war prosecuted by the SPLA and backed by Washington. “To this day [Reeves] carries his draft card from the Vietnam war in his wallet,” wrote Rebecca Hamilton in Fighting for Darfur, “its status is marked ‘1-0’–conscientious objector.” The irony is thick as the blood in South Sudan. While the media always underscores Reeves’ supposed morality–was it a commitment to non-violence or a refusal to support an imperialist war?– Reeves openly advocated more conventional U.S. military war against Sudan. His draft card in his wallet offers proof of his saintliness. Dr. Reeve’s struggle with leukemia is also invoked as irrefutable evidence of his saintliness. Reeves’ statements before the U.S. Congress sound like pro-SPLM military briefings. “The SPLA has not, so far, successfully attacked in a major way the oil infrastructure.” Reeves is responding to U.S. Congressman Ed Royce, Chair of the U.S. House of Representatives Africa Subcommittee in March 2001. “There have been attacks on the oil pipeline as it approaches Eritrea. There have been attacks and seizures of individual wells, but the security is very, very extensive. The scorched earth warfare that the government of Sudan has conducted has created a cordon sanitaire that has made it virtually impossible for the SPLA to deploy resources that would allow for major military attack on the infrastructure in the Unity and Heglig fields.” There is no rest for the wicked, and so the Council of Wonks will not stop their war until the National Islamic Front Government of Sudan is gone. It doesn’t matter how messy it gets. “Security cooperation between Khartoum and Washington [Central Intelligence Agency] and London [Secret Intelligence Service (MI6)] has increased sharply in volume over the past two years, for instance in the number of documents handed over and the numbers of joint liaison meetings,” reported Africa Confidential. The article stated obvious facts that the policy wonks have hidden. “Some Western strategists regard the longer term plan to engage the NIF regime on security, and also more widely in peace negotiations with the Sudan People’s Liberation Army, as regime change by stealth.” The same AC article reported: “Western intelligence sources briefed journalists that some teams of U.S. Special Forces units were operating in northern Sudan in pursuit of terror cells and Al Qaida units.” In a speech before the U.S. House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health and Human Rights on June 16, 2011, Roger

Winter, described as “the former U.S. special envoy to Sudan,” called for immediate military action against Khartoum in order to strengthen the South Sudan army and, ostensibly, to halt attacks on civilians. “Take a military action against a Khartoum military target now,” Winter said, adding that the goal would be “to strengthen the SPLA in meaningful ways as a deterrent against Khartoum aggression, provocation and attacks against civilians.” Like Reeves and the other members of the Council of Wonks, Winter blames all the violence on Khartoum and he inflates mortality estimates out of thin air. “Winter said that any commitments made by the Khartoum government are unreliable and that the government’s actions had led to the death of three million people.” [35] No matter their hysteria, their warmongering, or their lack of credibility, these guys continue to be widely celebrated and published. Evidence suggests that the system appreciates them precisely because they obfuscate reality and inculcate necessary illusions. “We are, once again, on the verge of genocidal counterinsurgency in Sudan,” screamed the mad doctor and indefatigable dink at Smith College, in his June 13, 2011 Washington Post Op/Ed titled “In Sudan, Genocide Anew?” “History must not be allowed to repeat itself.” Irish Catholic gun-runner Daniel Eiffe is another shady intelligence operator who is never mentioned by Dr. Eric Reeves, and certainly a friend of Roger Winter and the Council of Wonks. “This year, the Republic of South Sudan officially became a state,” reported Eoin Butler, in the Irish Times, “thanks in no small part to a diminutive former priest from County Meath [Ireland], who also has gunrunning, renegade militancy and newspaper publishing on his CV.” “How did a diminutive priest [Daniel Eiffe] go from providing humanitarian aid for the victims of civil war, to taking up arms in support of one side?” Butler asks. Eiffe is the publisher of the Sudan Mirror, a pro-SPLA and pro-Christian South Sudan newspaper published with the support of Trociare and other international AID agencies. In the early 1990’s, Eiffe was employed by Norweigan People’s Aid, a gun-running NGO that uses humanitarian relief as its cover. Eiffe organized weapons and logistics for the SPLA through Ugandan president Yoweri Museveni in Kampala, Uganda. USAID has funded Norwegian People’s Aid for years; USAID support in 2010, for example, was $8.5 million (while other U.S. government agencies gave NPA $6.9 million in 2010). The rebel priest ‘commander’ Dan Eiffe’s Sudan Mirror is also funded by USAID, ensuring that the people of the new South Sudan are properly educated about the wonders of their new found freedom and democracy. The Office of Transitional Initiatives (OTI), a subsidiary of USAID, in conjunction with the Sudan Development Trust (run by Eiffe) set up the Sudan Mirror and the Sudan Radio Service. USAID’s OTI also works with PACT, another U.S. government NGO ‘charity’ front staffed by former U.S. government officials, intelligence and financial planners, including a close relative of the Bush family. Eighteen months after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement [sic] that ended Sudan’s two-decade civil war had been signed, few Sudanese knew its details. This was precisely because the power brokers involved–including USAID and Roger Winter, U.S. government officials, and the leadership of the SPLA–do not represent the people or their best interests. “That began to change in April and May 2006, when USAID launched an initiative to help more than 150,000 people in five Southern Sudanese states access details of the agreement and participate more fully in implementing the peace. Documents in Arabic and English were distributed to all government officials in the south, and an official summary was developed and published in English and Arabic. The Sudan Radio Service created audio versions of the summary in seven languages–Moro, Arabic, simple Arabic, Toposa, Shilluk, Dinka, and Nuer–and the Sudan Mirror published 22,000 summaries to be included as supplements in its Easter edition.” The Sudan Mirror has also been supported by the Westminster Foundation for Democracy, a British government-backed organization, akin to the U.S. government’s National Endowment for Democracy (NED), International Republican Institute (IRI) and National Democratic Institute (NDI), all involved in “promoting democracy and human rights” through subversive and clandestine programs aligned with NATO intelligence and defense operations. Daniel Eiffe’s ties to Roger Winter and USAID are outlined in a 1998 expose by the right-wing Lyndon LaRouche publication Executive Intelligence Reveiw. “Eiffe himself operates out of Wilson Airport in Nairobi, Kenya, and has a forward base at Lokichoggio, Kenya, along the border with Sudan. Even in July, after the scandals around the NPA had exploded in Norway, Winter’s U.S. Committee for Refugees brought Eiffe to Washington to lobby for money, a stance that was endorsed in July 29 [1998] hearings by the Africa Subcommittee of the House of Representatives, in which Assistant Secretary of State Susan Rice called for funding non-governmental organizations operating outside of the United Nations’ Operation Lifeline [Sudan]–a clear reference to the NPA.” In a 2009 radio interview, Daniel Eiffe stated that in June [sic] 1998 he stood in the U.S. Congress and said to the congressmen and women: “Southern Sudan is apartheid at its worst. Apartheid is a tea party in comparison to what happens in Southern Sudan.” Eiffe confirmed that he was in Washington “meeting with Congressman Donald Payne, the head of the [Congressional] Black Caucus, he’s very close to Clinton, he’s a good friend of mine.” Donald Payne was one of the Council of Wonks closest collaborators. A few key details about the Council of Wonks’ Francis Deng are also in order. Sudanese diplomat Francis Deng is on the board of the ‘charity’ International Alert–which is also funded by the Westminister Foundation for Democracy. Other International Alert funders are USAID, Bread for the World, and the National Endowment for Democracy. In formulating the U.S. position on Sudan, Francis Deng worked closely with the prominent U.S. government official Elliot Abrams. “For example, on Sudan, we helped elevate the issue of religious persecution in southern Sudan,” said Abrahms, then chairman of the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, “and for that matter in northern Sudan, to get it more attention from the president and the National Security Council and the secretary of state and make it a larger item in U.S. foreign policy.” Elliot Abrams, Paul Wolfowitz, and retired U.S. Marine Corps officer Oliver North were pivotal players in the Iran-Contra affair–all were serving under the administration of then U.S. president Ronald Reagan. In Francis Deng we find another choice topic for a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request. Deng has the perfect cover: he has for many years been the United Nation’s Special Adviser to the Secretary General on Displaced Persons and, since 2007, the Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide. Deng began his long and distinguished career at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology: common sense suggests he is a Central Intelligence Agency spook. If Francis Deng is merely an honorable diplomat, then Americans are equally foolish in their acceptance of the drug-dealer-turned-Christian-savior cover story provided for Sam Childers–the infamous ‘machine gun preacher’ of south Sudan. A mercenary who could not possibly operate in south Sudan without the sanction of the U.S. and commanders Roger Winter and Dan Eiffe, Sam Childers has been backed by the Museveni regime and the SPLM–who put a unit of SPLA soldiers under Childers’ personal command. Childers exemplifies the countless fronts in which militarized Christianity operates in South Sudan with both open and clandestine U.S. support. Of course, machine-gun preacher makes a great ‘documentary’ film for oblivious propaganda consumers and arm-chair human rights patrons. “God protects me in Africa,” Sam Childers always says. Remember the trial of Henry Kissinger? Can a case be made that Roger Winter should be indicted and charged with war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide? Where was Roger Winter in the 1970’s? His public dossier suggests that he started with the U.S. Committee for Refugees in 1981, at the age of 38; he was director of USCR by the middle of the 1980’s and transitioned to USAID working in Sudan from 2001 to 2006. Then he became some kind of Special Adviser in south Sudan, and they even created a special office for him in Washington. Back in the 1980’s, Roger Winter also worked with USCR in Indochina at a time when U.S. intelligence and defense operations were assisting ‘refugees’ fleeing the Pol Pot regime after decades of U.S. state-sponsored terrorism there; these ‘refugees’ would have included a phalanx of political and military operatives who supported U.S. covert operations like ‘Phoenix‘. Winter’s ties to guerrillas in Central Africa pre-date the SPLM war in Sudan. In the early 1980’s Winter backed the National Resistance Movement (NRM) guerrilla war–led by Yoweri Museveni, Paul Kagame and other Hema-Tutsi elites–against the Milton Obote (2nd term) government in Uganda. Winter regularly visited Museveni’s NRM guerrilla’s in the bush. Winter is alleged to be one of the architects behind the false accusations blaming the Obote government for genocide in the Lowero Triangle. (The same tactic was used in Rwanda in 1992 to blame the Juvenal Habyariman government with genocide.) Most likely, Winter also advised the NRM in some of the nasty tactics in low-intensity warfare, including Psy-Ops and ‘pseudo-operations’–where NRM guerrillas disguised as government forces committed atrocities–terrorizing the population. The terror tactics seen in Uganda appeared later in Rwanda (1990-1994) and again and again in the bloody Congo wars (1995-present). The signature of Museveni and Kagame’s guerrillas is all over the Congo, where pseudo-operations and Psy-Ops have been used to blame RPF atrocities on someone else (FARDC, Mai Mai, FDLR, LRA, Interahamwe). For the duration of the 1980’s Winter advanced the militant plans of the Banyarwanda–Rwandan Tutsi elites who had ruled over the Hutu masses but fled Rwanda in the 1960’s and 1970’s. Roger Winter and the USCR even funded their propaganda tracts advocating guerrilla war. Working with the Tutsi diaspora, Roger Winter and the Association of Banyarwanda in Diaspora USA organized the International Conference on the Status of Banyarwanda [Tutsi] Refugees in Washington, DC in 1988, and this is where a military solution to the Tutsi problem was decided. The U.S. Committee for Refugees reportedly provided accommodation and transportation for the event. “Roger Winter is an intelligence operative,” says Dr. Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro, a former Rwandan government official who fled Rwanda under threat of death in April 1994. “Winter organized the meeting of the Rwandan [Tutsi] diaspora in Washington, D.C in 1988. The USCR was one of the contributors to the RPF journal Impuruza.” The best known of the RPF-Banyarwanda publications was Impuruza, created by Dr. Alexandre Kimenyi, a Rwandan Tutsi in the U.S., where it was published from 1982 to 1994. Like most RPF publications Impuruza circulated clandestinely in Rwanda amongst Hutu and Tutsi elite. This publication began the process of dehumanizing the Hutu people and set the stage for the ongoing genocide against them–a genocide facilitated by Roger Winter, funded by western tax-payers who have been betrayed by the military-industrial-media complex. “Winter followed the activities of the RPF in Uganda, including visiting the battlefield,” says Dr. Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro. “He visited RPF forces in Rwanda before April 6, 1994. I met him first in Washington in 1988. The second time I met him was in Chicago in 1995 at a conference on Rwanda organized by a Rwandan Tutsi at the University of Illinois. Alison Des Forges was there too. Roger Winter tried to stop the conference from happening. Winter handed out pro-RPF literature prepared by the U.S. Committee for Refugees. Then he was in Congo [Zaire] after the RPF and AFDL launched their military offensive to topple Mobutu regime. After the overthrow of Mobutu his target became Sudan where he sought the overthrow of the central government, but then settled with the independence of South Sudan. In South Sudan he serves under the cover of an adviser to the government of South Sudan. So, what is next? He has accumulated success after success.” Acting as a spokesman for the RPF and their allies during the earlier stages of the RPF guerrilla war, Roger Winter appeared as a guest on major U.S. television networks such as PBS and CNN at times when the RPF was committing atrocities (e.g. in northern Rwanda 1990-1993). Winter and Rwanda ‘genocide’ propagandist Philip Gourevitch also made contacts on behalf of the RPF with American media, particularly the Washington Post, New York Times and Time magazine. U.S. Rep. Donald Payne worked closely with them to support the RPF’s low-intensity wars in Africa and the necessary propaganda in the U.S., Canada and Europe. Later, when the war in south Sudan shifted to Darfur, Donald Payne sponsored the hegemonic Darfur Genocide Accountability Act. Roger Winter and Jeff Drumtra, another USCR agent, released numerous pro-RPF policy statements and alerts during the RPF assault of 1994. Winter and Drumtra were amongst the first U.S. officials to advocate that the civil war in Rwanda in 1994 be declared a genocide against Tutsi civilians. After April 6, 1994, they also worked to delegitimize Rwandan interim government. “Effective policy requires a proper understanding of the root causes of the violence in Rwanda,” Winter and Drumtra wrote in a USCR alert. “The U.S. media have generally mischaracterized Rwanda’s massacres as amorphous, uncontrollable ‘tribal violence’ that Westerners cannot possibly understand or affect. Other reports mistakenly imply that the huge numbers of deaths are due to crossfire in the civil war between the government army and the rebel Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF).” Winter and Drumtra helped shift the simplistic media accounts from their focus on tribal warfare to a new focus on coordinated and planned campaign of genocide being committed by the Hutu power structure. The International Tribunal on Rwanda has never proved that the genocide of Tutsis in Rwanda was planned by the “Hutu power structure” or “extremist Hutus” as has always been claimed. Roger Winter is one of the first to spread these ideas, which rely on simplistic reductionist arguments and distortions of the facts. On the other hand, Kagame’s role in facilitating the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Tutsis is now becoming more clear. In taking the pro-RPF position he took, and Winter facilitated the dehumanization of millions of Hutus and set the stage for the invasion of Congo-Zaire two years later. The parallels with south Sudan are striking.

“USCR urges the U.S. and U.N. to declare formally that the massacres in Rwanda constitute genocide as defined in international law,” Winter wrote. “This declaration is an important step necessary for establishing the moral, legal, and political contact for forceful action by the international community: the international Genocide Convention of 1951 legally requires the international community to take action ‘appropriate for the prevention and suppression of acts of genocide’.” “USCR urges the U.S. and U.N. to declare formally that the massacres in Rwanda constitute genocide as defined in international law,” Winter wrote. “This declaration is an important step necessary for establishing the moral, legal, and political contact for forceful action by the international community: the international Genocide Convention of 1951 legally requires the international community to take action ‘appropriate for the prevention and suppression of acts of genocide’.” Of course, there was no international action taken to stop the slaughter in Rwanda. Contrary to the disinformation campaign suggesting the United States knew what was happening and failed to act is the hard truth that the United States RPF proxy was prosecuting a terrorist war. The United States had no intention of stopping it, because we started it. It is the same story, slightly different, with the SPLM in Sudan. “No independent observers have accused the RPF rebels or ethnic Tutsis of involvement in shooting down the plane of President Habyarirnana on April 6,” Winter and Drumtra wrote, producing some of the earliest disinformation befogging the double presidential assassination of Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana and Burundian president Cyprien Ntaryamira. Roger Winter steered attention away from the RPF (who were all Ugandans) and their western defense and intelligence backers. “No neutral international observers have accused the RPF of participating in massacres during the past month,” Winter and Drumtra continued. The disinformation that the RPF was a disciplined army was spread far and wide through the western media, always repeated by western journalists who helped cover up the egregious atrocities of the RPF. “The RPF, which currently controls at least half of Rwanda, should be encouraged to maintain the discipline of its troops,” they wrote, “abide by internationally recognized rules of human rights and honor its pledge to cooperate fully with human rights investigators of the U.N. and other agencies.” Winter further called for the Pentagon to jam the radio broadcasts of the “extremist Hutu” radio station. He also referenced his ties to the Pentagon directly. “USCR urges the U.S. to use immediately its technical capability to ‘jam’ the radio broadcasts of Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM), which Rwandan extremists have used to disseminate their racist, hate-filled violence. In recent days this radio station has broadcast messages to the militias and to the public exhorting them to accelerate the slaughter. U.S. military personnel have told USCR that the U.S. military has the ability to jam these broadcasts almost immediately.” The May 3, 1994 communiqué makes it clear that Winter had easy access to Kagame and other RPF commanders or officials, including RPF cadres in the United States–relations that began long before May 1994. Winter called for immediate protection for Rwandan’s currently in the United States, a critical step to provide domestic U.S. protection for Tutsis in the diaspora whom Winter was working with. The USCR disinformation insinuated that there was some distinct and distant separation between Roger Winter and the RPF and between Roger Winter and the U.S. military in Rwanda. In fact, as a covert operator, Winter moved in and out of western-backed guerrilla campaigns in Rwanda, Uganda, Congo and Sudan, always supporting the U.S./U.K./Israeli factions. Roger Winter’s propaganda, routinely and unquestioningly published by such mainstay U.S. institutions as the Washington Post, included pro-RPF and pro-SPLM pieces that furthered the psychological operations generated by the Pentagon and its RPF and SPLM proxy forces in the region. At the height of RPF terror operations inside Rwanda (1994-1995) and Congo-Zaire (1995-1998), where millions of Rwandan Hutus and hundreds of thousands of civilian French-speaking Tutsis and millions of Congolese civilians were subject to the most egregious atrocities, Winter was whitewashing the RPF (UPDF) crimes and blaming the victims. “Take the case of the 120,000 suspected perpetrators of genocide now in Rwanda’s jails,” Winter wrote in February 1998. “Many have never been formally charged, a fact that most of my colleagues view as an egregious abuse of human rights and proof that Rwanda’s leaders lack commitment to basic rules of justice. I see it differently. I regard their jailing as a human rights victory. Most of the country’s judges, attorneys and investigators were killed during the genocide or fled the country, leaving no means of trying these 120,000 prisoners. But they are still alive and awaiting trial. They have not been gunned down or chopped apart in a frenzy of revenge for the genocide many of them committed. Instead, they have remained in

jail while the Rwandan government tries to rebuild its judicial system. The detention of suspects for trial indicates a willingness to abide by fundamental human rights principles under difficult circumstances.” In fact, the RPF did chop up Hutu and French-speaking Tutsi people in the coldest of cold blood, both out of sight of the world community in Rwanda from 1990 to 1994 and, as with the massacre of over 10,000 civilians at Kibeho and other refugee camps inside Rwanda in 1995-in plain sight of the entire world. Kibeho was so cold-blooded that the trenches that would become mass graves were dug days in advance of the RPF attack. Roger Winter routinely lied, distorted the facts, and produced disinformation to cover up the RPF atrocities–including the genocide against at least 300,000 Hutu civilians in Eastern Congo from 1995 to 1998. “After the [1994]genocide, we failed to push hard enough to expel genocidal killers from refugee camps,” Winter wrote, in 1998, exercising the standard good-versus-evil, savages-versus-saviors dichotomy that has been used to wholly dehumanize both the former Habyarimana government leaders and the Hutu people more generally, and to facilitate the genocide against them, “and we shrank from the truth that it was worth risking bloodshed to force a separation between killers and legitimate refugees.” The truth that we shrink from is that the former Habyarimana government leaders were under attack, and they had a right to defend their country and their families. Winter was meeting with the ‘ADFL rebel leaders’ in eastern Congo and defending them in the Washington Post even as the rebels were slaughtering Hutu people and Congolese civilians in the most ruthless campaign of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide in recent contemporary history, and one that–some 14 years after the atrocities occurred–was finally, though tepidly, referenced as ‘genocidal’ in a 2010 United Nations “Mapping Report” for the Democratic Republic of the Congo. “Some leaders despise their own citizens,” Winter opined, in 1998, defending the guerrilla-democrats that Madeleine Albright and Philip Gourevitch and the New Yorker magazine lauded as ‘a new breed of African leader’. “But sometimes governments are more inexperienced than evil.” The so-called ‘inexperienced’ leaders that Winter was defending were Rwanda’s Kagame and Uganda’s Museveni (Ethiopia’s dictator Meles Zenawi was typically included in this group) and the reference extended to SPLA guerrilla commander John Garang and ADFL puppet ‘commander’ Laurent Kabila. Paul Kagame’s operational military tactics and methods of information control were far from anything we might define as ‘inexperienced’. Kagame’s doctrine of ensuring information shutdown was central to his strategy in the invasions of Rwanda and Congo-Zaire. “We used communication and information warfare better than anyone,” Paul Kagame told Nik Gowing in an interview on 8 April 1998. “We have found a new way of doing things.” “Many believe that this highly effective strategy of information control and access shut down was the result of Kagame refining the knowledge of information warfare he acquired during a U.S. Command and Staff course in 1990,” wrote Nik Gowing, in a 1997-1998 study funded by the European Union. “Rwandan officials laugh off these suggestions. They say Kagame only spent three months out of a planned twelve months as a Ugandan officer on a training course at Fort Leavenworth in Kansas. He cut short his studies to return to lead and plan the RPF advance into northern Rwanda after the commander, Fred Rwigena, was killed in action. However Kagame himself acknowledges the importance of the Fort Leavenworth contribution to his thinking, especially in information warfare and communications. Kagame confirmed that “central to my studies in Leavenworth” were “organisation, tactics, strategy, building human resources, Psy-Ops [psychological operations], information, psychology and communications among the troops.” Nik Gowing’s credentials are very interesting. From 1989-1998, Gowing worked variously as an international consultant, BBC World news anchor and diplomatic editor for Britain’s Channel Four News. His reports were aired frequently by the MacNeil/Lehrer NewsHour on PBS, NBC’s SuperChannel and CNN International. These are the same institutions that covered up Kagame’s low-intensity guerrilla operations and subsequent crimes. In 1994, Gowing was a resident fellow at the Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy in the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. Nik Gowing was also a Visiting Fellow in International Relations at Keele University, a board member for the British Association for Central and Eastern Europe, a member of the Director’s Strategy Group at the Royal Institute of International Affairs in London, and a governor of the Westminster Foundation for Democracy–the British think tank that is funding pro-SPLM propaganda in alliance with USAID and Irish gunrunner Daniel Eiffe. Nik Gowing’s potentially volatile 1998 conference paper did nothing to hold anyone account for recent past abuses or to forestall the terrorism that the ‘new breed of African leaders’ would soon unleash on Central Africa. “The full picture of Rwandan, Ugandan and–arguably–non-regional involvement has yet to be uncovered,” Gowing wrote. Like Samantha Power in her September 2001 Atlantic Monthly disinformation feature “Bystanders to Genocide,” Gowing suggests that the many high-level sources he interviewed are honest and their statements can be taken at face value. “Extensive high-level interviewing for this study has provided evidence of limited political, logistical and advisory support by both regional and nonregional powers. Hearsay and circumstantial evidence is reported. However, despite widespread concerns at the time of writing there is scant documentary proof or evidence of either direct backing or complicity. Rwandan officials from Vice President Paul Kagame downwards deny emphatically any such relationship.” >Really? It seems that the evidence of foreign backing for the RPF/UPDF invasion was readily available. Notably, though Gowing interviewed and quoted many ‘humanitarian aid’ professionals on the ground in Central Africa, most are not named, and he never mentions Roger Winter. “There remain many ‘whisky talk’ suspicions about outside, non-regional involvement,” he concluded. Both the U.S. and France deployed large teams of special operations forces in Central Africa. In Goma, at this time, a western war correspondent photographed U.S. Special Forces machine-gunning unarmed refugee men, women and children in what he described as “one of the most horrible examples of mass atrocities I have ever seen.” He was later threatened into silence by U.S. officials. The U.S. military was all over Bujumbura, Kigali and Entebbe. “U.S. agents were seen with rebels in Zaire,” reported the Boston Globe on October 8, 1997. “Active participation is alleged in military overthrow of Mobutu.” Was this Roger Winter? To funnel selected intelligence to United Nations headquarters’ Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO), the U.N. had created a special multinational intelligence Situation Center (SitCen) in New York. The SitCen’s new Information and Research (I&R) Unit existed from 1993 to 1999, providing “significant and useful intelligence about arms shipments, belligerent activities,” noted Canadian military expert A. Walter Dorn, “and the status of refugees and [making] several prescient predictions and warnings.” The SitCen was staffed and informed by Russian, French, British, and U.S. defense and intelligence officials seconded to the operation. “These individuals maintained substantial links to the intelligence services of their home countries, most having come from these agencies. They were ‘the interface’ with these intelligence services. In return for the loan of these officers and the information they provided, the nations sought the U.N.’s coded cables (situation reports) from the field, some of which may have made their way back to national capitals, a prospect that displeased some U.N. Secretariat officials.” The U.N.s DPKO received credible intelligence documenting that Kagame’s RPF forces were engaged in ‘pseudo-operations’ that are the signature of Kagame’s and Museveni’s guerrilla terrorism in the entire region: disguising themselves and their atrocities as the work of the ‘enemy’–the Lord’s Resistance Army, the Mai Mai, the FDLR, the Interahamwe, government forces of Milton Obote in Uganda or Juvenal Habyarimana in Rwanda–pick your bogeymen. “The I&R Unit reports describe night raids by the Zairian rebel [ADFL] forces…. In an act of deception, the government of Rwanda stationed its forces ‘under the disguise of Banyamulenge’ in Zaire to protect hydroelectric plants that provide power to both Rwanda and Burundi (19 December 1996).” “The I&R Unit boldly asserted that the Tutsi rebellion was backed by ‘American teams’ (6 February 1997). Despite official U.S. support for the Canadian-led humanitarian mission in November-December 1996, the Unit alleges that the U.S. sought to undermine the operation: ‘On the American request to deter the deployment of a U.N.-authorized Multi-National Force led by a Canadian General, the RPF [Rwandan army] along with ADFL [rebel group] elements lured the ex-FAR and Interahamwe in a combat operation north of the Muganga camp (Zaire).” “If these allegations were true,” Dorn wrote, “it has a striking parallel with duplicity in the Congo mission in the 1960s. While U.N. forces were protecting the Congolese leader Patrice Lumumba as part of a U.N. operation explicitly backed (and partly paid for) by the U.S., CIA operatives in the Congo were trying to assassinate him and later backed the Army Chief Joseph Mobutu as he seized the Presidency.” “The U.S. position after the attack was clear: it wanted the mission aborted,” wrote Dorn. “The U.S. estimate of the number of remaining refugees was almost 400,000 less than the consensus figures used by the humanitarian community. Lieutenant General Maurice Baril, the Multinational Force Commander, was suspicious of U.S. reports of numbers, which were too rapidly sliding downwards. Members of the I&R Unit had briefed him on what they believed was [U.S.] disinformation. Both the French and British officers in the Unit were tracking the numbers. France was providing figures from overflights with Mirage jets. The British officer was gaining information from U.N. agencies on the ground (e.g., UNHCR, UNICEF, WFP, etc.). They both concluded that the U.S. numbers were far too low.” “One is left to wonder if a strong early U.N. intervention could have saved the Congo from the subsequent chaos and loss of over three million lives,” Dorn concluded, “or at least have mitigated the human tragedy.” Had Kagame been stopped cold in 1998, millions upon millions of Congolese people, and uncountable Rwandan people, would likely not have been raped, mutilated or killed–and the Congo would be a very different place than it is today. Gowing’s report reads like an after-the-fact apology of why and how journalists and ‘humanitarian’ NGO’s couldn’t report the truth about the mass slaughter of Congolese IDPs and Rwandan refugees. “I had no doubt it was genocide,” he quotes one unnamed NGO insider to say. “We still had no doubt, but should we say it was genocide? No.” According to the glowing Western propaganda, the new breed of African leader was supposedly determined to steer Africa in a new direction, and it would behoove the world to allow them some latitude in their excesses. “Central Africa’s new leaders have the enormous task of reassembling nations that are among the poorest on earth, ethnically divided,” wrote Roger Winter, “riven with corruption and saturated with arms and shadowy groups willing to use those arms to gain power.” Roger Winter never failed to remind the good and caring media consumers of the West about the shadowy forces of evil who are ‘saturated with arms’ and–unlike the guerrilla forces of the SPLM or the NRM or the RPF (or Roger Winter himself)–willing to use these arms to destroy all the good that had been ostensibly achieved through Roger Winter’s selfless dedication to human rights and statecraft. “The military in Rwanda is more willing to listen to criticism if we acknowledge the difficulties they face in waging counterinsurgency wars,” Winter added, again casting the criminal aggressors as the aggrieved victims. Looking back at Winter’s statements made at the time these crimes were fresh (1994, 1995, 1996, 1997, 1998, etc.), we see in his unabashed defense of the murderous ADFL guerrillas, themselves comprised mostly of the RPF and UPDF and some smaller numbers of Eritrean, Ethiopian and SPLM regulars, a conscious admission that massive atrocities had been and were still being committed. Yet Winter apologizes away all responsibility. Does Roger Winter ever suggest that the United States or Israel should acknowledge the difficulties that the Government of Sudan faces in waging its “genocidal counterinsurgency war” against the SPLM? “It seems certain that thousands of Rwandan refugees and genocidaires (those who commit genocide) were killed last year [1997] during the civil war [sic] that brought Congo’s new leaders to power,” Winter wrote. “Less certain is whether [Laurent] Kabila and his colleagues [Kagame, Museveni] actively sought to kill refugees–or whether the deaths resulted from poor military tactics, lack of troop discipline or the actions of foreign soldiers. A U.N. human rights investigation is examining those questions.” Roger Winter had it both ways. He regularly described Kagame and the RPF as highly disciplined and responsible, good-intentioned and cooperative, open to human rights monitoring. Here he is dismissing the brutal slaughter and the hunting down and killing of hundreds of thousands of innocent and unarmed Hutu civilians–mostly women and children–on the grounds that perhaps the ADFL [read: RPF] were suffering from “poor military tactics” or “lack of troop discipline.” We should excuse the RPF, faced with “the difficulties of waging counterinsurgency war,” but when the Government of Sudan is faced with counterinsurgency war they are guilty of genocide. While we observe these rationalizations of cold-blooded murder, remember that Roger Winter ostensibly worked as an advocate for refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), employed by an organization called the U.S. Committee for Refugees. According to his supposed job description–ever touted by the western press and U.S. State Department–Winter was an advocate for vulnerable people caught up in the maelstrom of war. However, he behaves instead like an apologist for murder who blames the victims and protects their killers. “For more on this story we are joined by Roger Winter, the director of the U.S. Committee for Refugees, a private, non-profit organization advocating protection and assistance of displaced persons,” reported National Public Radio icon Charlyne Hunter-Gault on May 17, 1997. “He spent almost two weeks with the leader of the rebel movement, Laurent Kabila, since the

conflict began more than four months ago.” Charlayne Hunter-Gault advanced several lines of disinformation already put in motion by the U.S. State Department and its subservient western media organizations. First was the idea Laurent Kabila was the ‘leader of the rebel movement,’ the ADFL. This fiction was peddled with the utmost seriousness in the western press. Combined with the Psy-Op that this was a ‘homegrown rebellion’ against President Mobutu, this served to render Kagame, Kabarebe, Museveni, Salim Saleh and the real ADFL leadership invisible. Even more invisible, then, was the Pentagon’s involvement. Second was the false theme that Roger Winter had only recently established communications with the ADFL ‘rebels’, and this around the time of the fall of the city of Kisangani–some eight months into the genocidal campaign against the Hutu refugees in Congo-Zaire’s forests. In reality, Winter was in constant liaison with the U.S.-backed RPF rebels as they invaded Congo-Zaire from Rwanda. As previously noted, Winter’s comraderie with the RPF power structure was established as early as 1988 in Washington D.C., and he

was no stranger to RPF operations zones during the four year civil war (1990-1994) in Rwanda. Deflecting the gaze of western media consumers from seeing the truth–that this is a western-backed invasion led by a western proxy army in contravention of international law–Charlayne Hunter-Gault asks the standard leading question about Tutsis being under attack, falsely framing the discussion of war and plunder in Congo-Zaire around the need to protect Tutsi people from genocide of the kind that (we were all told) spontaneously erupted in Rwanda. “Because this started,” Charlayne Hunter-Gault points out, “of course, when the Tutsis in the Eastern part of Zaire were threatened with expulsion by Mobutu, rose up in arms, and so [Kabila] joined that.” “Exactly. What happened was, in my view, that what was triggered, the fuse was lit by this so-called planned expulsion of the Banyamulenge, this Tutsi population you’re talking about,” Roger Winter duplicitously explains.”But it’s rapidly evolved far beyond the Tutsi issue or Rwanda-related issue, as a lot of outsiders would seek to make it. What it’s become is a struggle for a new Zaire. That’s what’s unfolding right now. And it’s important to have that as the context, not some exterior outside forces.” Roger Winter’s deceptions run deep. To begin with, the whole notion of Banyamulenge rights in Congo-Zaire is highly contested. Instead, the pro-Tutsi agenda uses the argument of an ever present threat of a Tutsi genocide in Congo-Zaire as carte-blanche justification for Kagame’s military operations in eastern Congo. In the PBS Newshour interview with Charlayne Hunter-Gault, Winter revealed that he had visited ‘rebel’ bases, plural, a remarkable impossibility for your average humanitarian aid worker, made