Some liberals expressed fear that conservative Islamist judges and lawmakers could ultimately use the new clause to push Egypt to the right. But liberals who signed on to the compromise said the language was broad enough to give judges grounds to argue for individual rights, too.

Egypt’s generals, who seized power at Mr. Mubarak’s ouster and who relinquished it to Mr. Morsi only in August, retain many of their prerogatives. The defense minister would be chosen from the military’s officers. Insulating the armed forces from parliamentary oversight, a special council that includes military officers would oversee military affairs and the defense budget. And the military would retain the ability to try civilians in military courts if they are accused of damaging the armed forces. On individual rights, the constitution is a muddle. Believers in any of the three Abrahamic religions — Islam, Christianity and Judaism — are guaranteed the freedom of worship, but only those three.

The constitution calls for freedom from discrimination, but does not specify whether women or religious minorities are protected. A provision on women’s equality was left out to avoid a dispute after ultraconservatives insisted that women’s equality should be qualified by compliance with religious laws.

The text also offers no guidance about how to balance its broad protections of freedom of expression against other provisions protecting people or religions from insults. “These contradictions were either intentional or based on ignorance of how rights should be protected, or both,” said Heba Morayef, a researcher with Human Rights Watch who tracked the document.

In some places, the charter also provides for “society” as well as the state to play a role in upholding family values or moral standards, which critics said could open the door to vigilante pressure from self-appointed moral guardians. “Is ‘society’ me and my friends in my neighborhood?” asked Mr. Ali of the International Institute for Democratic and Electoral Assistance.