The military victory in Raqqa is an important win for the United States, for the Syrian Democratic Forces, and for the region in general. But it is not the win we need for long-term regional stability. The win we need in Raqqa is a successful transition to a politically and economically stable city that is safe for all residents.

The United States has shown the world time after time that where it applies military power, it can produce military victory. Where the United States fails in the Middle East is in the tremendously complex task of transitioning military success into a stable political victory that reasonably coincides with U.S. interests. The United States will continue to fail at this transition until it places the same overwhelming emphasis on realizing humanitarian, economic, information and political victory that it seems willing to place on military victory.

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This is not to suggest that the military victory in Raqqa is meaningless or easy. The capture of Raqqa is a necessary and critical step in securing regional stability. The seizure of ISIS’s self-declared capital city by a combined Arab Kurdish force sends a clear message to the region that Arabs and Kurds can cooperate to win against a feared enemy, and that ISIS is close to being defeated. The effort to realize such a victory has been significant and costly, with at least

1,100 civilians killed and 270,000 residents displaced

.

But military victory against ISIS in Raqqa, or for that matter the rest of Syria and Iraq, was essentially a foregone conclusion. To many outsiders this may not have been apparent, but for U.S. military commanders who served and are serving in Iraq, an eventual military victory against ISIS has never been in doubt. It takes some time for the Iraqis, Kurds, and anti-Assad regime fighters like the Syrian Democratic Forces to organize, equip, and deploy, but once they are prepared, military victory happens.

But the campaign to defeat ISIS was, and is, primarily about redrawing the lines in Syria and Iraq, the scramble for resources, and ethnic loyalty. Regional actors have always had these imperatives competing for inclusion into military planning. The first notes of this chorus are being struck in Kirkuk, and will soon enough be echoing in Raqqa. In other words, the real game playing out in Raqqa is a microcosm of the political, economic, and ethnic future of Northern Syria, and likely Iraq as well. As Turkey, Iran, the Assad regime, the Kurds, and Iraq seek to influence post-conflict Raqqa, will the United States be able to shepherd the city into a larger design for a Syria at peace with its neighbors?

The sharks are circling. Reports of the presence of Iranian-backed Assad regime agents are beginning to surface. The Turkish-backed Raqqa Provincial Council is already competing with the Syrian Democratic Forces-affiliated Raqqa Civilian Council for control of Raqqa and for legitimacy as the most politically viable governing body. The Syrian Democratic Forces itself is a tenuous alliance between Kurds and Arabs. Will the relationship that defeated ISIS in Raqqa be able to govern? U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson Rex Wayne TillersonGary Cohn: 'I haven't made up my mind' on vote for president in November Kushner says 'Alice in Wonderland' describes Trump presidency: Woodward book Conspicuous by their absence from the Republican Convention MORE has indicated continued American support for the Syrian Democratic Forces and the Raqqa Civilian Council as the city transitions. But will United States support move beyond military action?

With the defeat of ISIS in Raqqa, the United States has the initiative. The United States could use Raqqa as an opportunity to build a model for the future development of Syria and the region. This model might look like a coalition government that ensures the political, physical, and economic security of all residents regardless of religious or ethnic affiliation. This is a difficult task, but not an impossible one.

Unfortunately, the United States is unlikely to commit the political and economic resources necessary to realize that vision. The United States has reduced its ability to employ soft power, with Tillerson requesting a 30 percent smaller budget for fiscal 2018. The United States has reduced its ability to provide economic, humanitarian, and development assistance by cutting the budget for USAID and folding the agency into the State Department. Furthermore, the United States has alienated many of its coalition partners through perceived anti-Muslim policies at home and abroad. These limitations unlikely to change in the near future. So what can be done with what we have?

The temptation will be to rely once again on the U.S. military to deliver where the rest of the U.S. government does not have the personnel or material resources to make a decisive difference. Indeed, this will probably be necessary in any scenario to assist Raqqa in the short term. A U.S. military humanitarian assistance mission should begin as soon as possible, which will bolster the legitimacy of the Syrian Democratic Forces and Raqqa Civilian Council, and provide immediate relief to the populace.

But the United States should then leverage this military success into a political summit that brings all parties to a neutral space to discuss the political future of Raqqa and northern Syria. Even if done in secret, now is the time to build the framework for peace. Importantly, such a summit needs to include Iran and the Assad regime. This may seem farfetched, but military victory does tend to grease the wheels of compromise, and the task certainly will not get easier as all players seek to alter conditions on the ground in their favor.

Lastly, the administration needs to place the same focus on rebuilding Raqqa as it did on capturing it. Only consistent emphasis from the U.S. president will succeed in exploiting the initiative gained by the sacrifice on the ground. Rapid rebuilding of Raqqa and peaceful political cooperation between Arabs, Turks, and Kurds, all enabled by U.S. economic and political power, will set the precedent for future military victories to follow. Only then will the capture of Raqqa be the win we need.

Bradley L. Boyd is a U.S. Army infantry officer with 27 years of military experience. He is a senior military fellow at the Center for International Security and Cooperation at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford University. The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the U.S. Army or the U.S. Department of Defense.