Since the Kurdish Communities Union (KCK) halted the two-and-a-half year cease-fire in July and mobilized all its armed resources from the PKK and the Patriotic Revolutionary Youth Movement (YDG-H) against the Turkish state, more than 200,000 people from the southeast have been displaced in addition to many civilians and security forces that have been killed in clashes. The PKK's post-cease-fire strategy of moving into urban and residential areas shows its attempt to turn clashes into urban warfare.Kurds, including women and children, in the districts of Cizre, Silopi, Silvan, Bismil, Sur, Nusaybin, Derik, and Dargeçit in the southeast have been leaving their homes in attempts to escape the violence they continue to face due to terrorist activities. More than 30,000 people have reportedly escaped from the Sur district in Diyarbakır where some of the most intense clashes have been taking place.It is also noteworthy that Sur is one of the oldest and most historical parts of Diyarbakır, while its inhabitants are among the most disadvantaged economically. The YDG-H's decision to mobilize in Sur is not a coincidence, of course, since terrorizing a poor part of a city by exploiting residents' situation is more convenient for any terrorist group. Moreover, local sources have claimed that the focus on Sur is due to a conflict of interest between residents and the municipality, which has plans to "revitalize" the district through urban transformation projects. Reportedly, residents do not want to give up their properties for what is being offered, knowing that after revitalization projects their property will rise in value and be sold by the municipality. As such, they are being terrorized so they give up their property damaged in clashes, the prices of which have fallen due to the violence.In a typical scenario where democratic institutions are in place, political movements establish their base through proposing discourses or an ideology that appeal to the masses, and put forward a plan that promises tangible and achievable positive changes for people's lives once they have the opportunity to put them in action. As such, through the capacity of how much a movement is able to put promises into action, their longevity and democratic power is usually determined.Here, I use democratic power because a political establishment may maintain power, but this does not always mean that it is maintained through the democratic support of the people. For example, certain intra-state institution, i.e., the military or judiciary, can play the role of protector to maintain the status quo through a party used as an instrument. In another case, it could be that a political establishment utilizes discourse to counter-attack rather than being an alternative political ideology. Such a situation can be called "violent democracy" when democracy becomes a tool for oppression.In the case discussed here, the PKK, or those who claim to be the representatives of the Kurdish struggle, utilize rhetoric and ideology to counter-attack a vision the government has put forth for the people of this country. This is done at the expense of and despite the interest of this country and, particularly, despite Kurdish interests and demands.If they truly aim for democratic power, would the struggle be continued on the streets causing the displacement of thousands of people or would political negotiations take place instead?During a Parliament session, Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) Siirt deputy Kadri Yıldırım said that if the government was to guarantee certain rights like education in a community's mother tongue and equal status in a unitary system, then the ditches would be closed in 24 hours. If the HDP has such power and willingness, why does it not act on it and continue the struggle through Parliament?In addition, on Dec. 18, HDP Co-Chair Selahattin Demirtaş made a call for resistance against the operations. Did Demirtaş forget what happened last time he made a similar call? Turkey lost more than 50 citizens during the violent Oct. 6-8 clashes in the southeast. Is the call being made to bring about similar violence in addition to the current situation? If so, this again is not serving the interest of Kurds who have been longing for a peaceful atmosphere. But more so, it is being done despite the Kurds since they have been resisting such calls this time around.On Dec. 16, another HDP deputy, Altan Tan, made a rather brave comment, calling on the PKK to stop its urban warfare and criticized the digging of ditches in urban areas. However, known for his religious background, Tan failed to criticize the group's attacks on mosques. Nevertheless, moderate voices who long for reconciliation are being silenced by the hawks as was the case of Leyla Zana and Hatip Dicle.It is no longer a new argument to say that the PKK's imprisoned leader, Abdullah Öcalan, also has been singled out. The PKK continued violence and HDP supported it despite Öcalan's call to lay down arms. This is why Öcalan blamed the HDP's failure in the Nov. 1 parliamentary elections on the party and PKK's insistence on escalating tensions through violence.Northern Iraq's Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) President Masoud Barzani 's comment: "What have you [KCK] done for the Kurdish nation other than bringing trouble," which he made recently also support the idea that the KCK and PKK have been claiming to act in the name of Kurds, despite recognizing Kurdish demands. As such, when the HDP's attitude enhances the PKK's will and determination to increase violence in the region, and it rejects distancing itself from the organization, would it be sustainable for the government to count on the HDP as a legitimate party at the table for peace and reconciliation talks?This attitude put forward by the HDP brings to mind the path the Republican People's Party (CHP) has been following for many decades. The CHP proposed itself as a people's party yet fails to recognize and respect the values of many people in this country. Kurds demand peace, reconciliation, a democratic process and a political resolution, but they get violence and conflict from parties that claim to be on their side, particularly through Kurdish nationalism similar to the Kemalism the CHP protects. Kurds suffered a lot in the 1990s when state violence against Kurds was at its peak. Now, it is the other way around. People left their homes in the 1990s because of the state-led military oppression, now they are leaving their homes because of the violence from those claiming to be their representatives.When this is the case it becomes clear that the aim behind recent clashes is not to defend Kurdish rights, but rather to paint a picture that portrays political turmoil in the region, keep the state busy with violence and ultimately create an environment with the potential to be turned into a civil war, creating conflict in like that in its southern neighbor Syria. Of course, Russia and Iran's role in using the PKK as a mechanism to single out and weaken Turkey's position in the region is not an argument that can be dismissed.Fortunately, people are not falling for violence-laden empty promises and rise against the state. The government's political language and dedication to keep civilian losses minimal have also helped the situation from yielding unwanted results. The fact that economic prosperity and investment has stopped in the region and entrepreneurs are being forced to close their business a few days a week, even at times and places in which there are no curfews imposed, have shown people the value of the short-lived reconciliation process over the past couple of years. Despite being a short-lived hope for peace, the reconciliation process brought with it many advancement that Kurds had not seen since the beginning of the Republic.Were the steps taken throughout the reconciliation process enough? Of course not, but if one is to climb a latter safely, each step should be taken into consideration. These rights and freedoms that would guarantee equal citizenship for Kurds and other minorities could be crowned by a new and more inclusive constitution that is written and supported by and received the consensus of all democratic voices in Parliament.* Journalist at Daily Sabah, Political Analyst