UNREST in Catalonia has focused global attention on Spain, but it is not the only European country dealing with restive regions. Citizens of two northern parts of Italy, Lombardy and Veneto, will vote on October 22nd about increasing the level of local autonomy they enjoy. Their situation is less fraught than the Catalans’, but the referendums, albeit non-binding, could still unsettle national politics.

Italy has been unified for over 150 years, but it is still essentially split in two. The northern regions are among the richest in Europe. Lombardy, whose capital is Milan, contributes one-fifth of Italian GDP with around one-sixth of the population. The south is less prosperous. The average citizen of Campania, the region around Naples, lives on just €1,000 ($1,180) a month. This is half the figure in Lombardy. These economic chasms are widened by culture. Many Venetians and Lombards resent seeing their taxes spent by bungling bureaucrats in Rome or Naples. The Northern League, a right-wing regionalist party, has readily exploited these worries. Though it has mostly abandoned dreams of an independent northern state (the idea lacked popularity), the party is a strong supporter of a federal Italy. This has proven a more popular stance: the Northern League is the largest party in the regional assemblies of both Lombardy and Veneto (whose capital is Venice).

This dominance partly explains why the referendums are going ahead. They were conceived by Luca Zaia and Roberto Maroni (pictured), the Northern League presidents of Veneto and Lombardy, respectively. The votes were, however, also supported by other parties, including the Five Star Movement (Italy’s main opposition). The votes are allowed by the constitution, which gives regions the right to considerable financial independence. Other parts of Italy, including Sardinia and Sicily, already enjoy this. But the Northern League has not had everything it wanted. The central government influenced the phrasing of the questions in the two referendums, for instance. While Mr Zaia had originally hoped to specify that a “yes” vote would result in 80% of Venetian taxes staying local, the constitutional court objected. He later settled for a vaguer question, which asks voters if they want “further forms and particular conditions of autonomy”—phrasing also used in the Lombard referendum. Allowing a regional politician to dictate a figure would have smashed the state’s sovereignty. If, as seems likely, the League wins, it will have to negotiate with the central government to reach a settlement. Mr Maroni, for his part, has spoken about wanting more autonomy over migration policy. That would be even harder to negotiate with Rome.

The discussions that will follow the votes certainly limit their immediate consequences. But victory for the Northern League would still be a boon. It could squeeze more powers from Rome and strengthen its political base. A strong “yes” vote would also push regional identity firmly into Italian public life, something Mr Maroni seems to relish. “We feel close to the Catalan people, and I hope [Spain] finds a solution to strengthen the role of its regions,” he said after the vote in Spain. “This would also be useful in Lombardy.” Ironically, success for the Northern League might cause problems for its national leader, Matteo Salvini. While colleagues focus on Milan and Venice, he has tried to broaden his party’s appeal. The League now campaigns throughout Italy on a broad populist platform. In the centre and south of the country, though, it does so as a sister party (which Mr Salvini also leads): Us With Salvini. The anti-southern skew of the referendums is unlikely to help these national ambitions. Mr Salvini’s personal position is also at risk. Some analysts see Luca Zaia as a future leader of the party. A good result in the Venetian referendum might ignite a leadership battle. Who knew referendums could be so divisive?