Who is he, anyway?

O’Malley, an Irish Catholic born in 1963 in Washington, D.C., has been in politics since he was an undergraduate in college; in 1984, he volunteered for Sen. Gary Hart’s (D-Colo.) presidential campaign. Since then, O’Malley has served on Baltimore’s city council and later became the city’s mayor from 1999 to 2007. He then became Maryland’s governor from 2007 to 2015.

O’Malley’s political accolades show a man who hasn’t been afraid to climb to the top of Maryland’s political ranks. Beyond that, he took the bureaucracy by the horns, trying to enact change through data and accounting systems. He was even dubbed by Washington Monthly as the “best manager in the country” for his brand of politics and management.

But, as he becomes a well-seasoned leader, he risks losing touch with the everyday man and woman, according to The Atlantic. And in Maryland, that lost touch seems to have already taken hold, particularly in connection to his time in Baltimore.

What’s so important about his time in Baltimore?

You can’t really talk about O’Malley without discussing his bold attitude and tenure in Baltimore. He first ran for mayor in 1999 with the promise to eliminate the city’s crime by 50 percent. (But if you ask him about “The Wire,” he’ll snap.)

O’Malley ushered in an era of “zero tolerance” policing, which sharply decreased crime in Baltimore over the next decade — a proud milestone for the former mayor. But critics say his policy unfairly levied arrests of young black men and fostered distrust in the community — a bone of contention that most recently flared when people protested the death of Freddie Gray.

O’Malley’s tough-on-crime reputation overshadows his time as the city’s mayor, and for many, the distrust that came with it continues to be too big to ignore. Critics say he is a politician who is eyeing his next big position. In the year before he announced his bid for president, his approval rate in Maryland sank to 41 percent. Almost 60 percent didn’t support his presidential bid.

But it might not be O’Malley’s time in Baltimore that led to that decrease. Some say he doesn’t come across as a good presidential candidate, seeing as he’s competing with Clinton and the increasingly popular Bernie Sanders. O’Malley’s history in Baltimore might tinge his image to some, but his stature next to more popular candidates could pose a larger problem.

Where does he stand on other issues?

O’Malley has embraced his assertive attitude on the presidential stage, though he remains a little-known candidate. He’s a tried-and-true Democrat who was raised in a house adorned with presidential portraits — including Democratic favorite Franklin D. Roosevelt — and gladly embraced the party’s preference since he first ran for office.

Socially, he aligns with what is popular both with the party and with young voters. He’s in support of same-sex marriage and legalizing medical marijuana. He’s against the death penalty and loose gun laws. He supports active, prescribed approaches to climate change and believes it’s a major problem. He is against deporting undocumented immigrants — as governor, O’Malley enacted legislation that would give undocumented immigrants a limited form of identification.

On the economy, O’Malley follows a modern Democratic line. He wants to dismantle the country’s largest banks and address income inequality. He proposes a combination of budget cuts and tax increases and wants to fix the pension system. And he wants to expand President Barack Obama’s Affordable Care Act.

However, there’s one key difference between O’Malley and modern Democrats. He’s been criticized for his tough guy approach to crime, which stems from his tenure in Baltimore. He calls for criminal justice reform and emphasizes the importance of policing, but his staunch view is becoming less and less popular in the aftermath of Freddie Gray’s death.

Overall, O’Malley doesn’t drastically differ from his Democratic colleagues. But at the same time, he hasn’t made himself stand out, and his trusty Democratic platform could easily slip through the cracks as Clinton and Bernie Sanders steal the spotlight.

Does he stand a chance against Clinton and Sanders?

O’Malley has several aspects that work in his favor. He’s proven himself to be a devoted Democrat from day one, which contrasts the Democratic environment punctuated with wavering politicians and an unclear party image.

But he doesn’t always side with his party, and this could have to do with his outspoken history. O’Malley has taken aim at the Democratic National Committee itself for limiting the number of debates, which he claims favor frontrunners like Clinton.

On paper, O’Malley may be an attractive Democratic candidate. But that doesn’t mean he’s sitting quietly in a crowd of blue. He has shown through discussions and attacks that he’s willing to play hardball. What’s key is whether or not his bravado will come off to national voters as admirable or aggressive, and any missteps could be costly.

So far, O’Malley hasn’t made much of an impact in the polls. Even though he has paid visits to key states like New Hampshire and Iowa, O’Malley is still polling in the 1 to 3 percent range.

But he’s not worried. O’Malley told the Atlantic that it’s not about polling and he proudly calls himself an underdog who could steal the nomination while no one’s looking. And he’s not entirely wrong — Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton were dark horses before their primaries. (Not to mention, Clinton served as something of a mentor to a younger O’Malley.)

To O’Malley, success is about listening. He will soon find out if America is listening in return.