Brahma Chellaney is not entirely wrong that the West is partly to blame for the "anti-Western terror" that Islamists spread. Spewing anti-American propaganda is nothing new. When the Congress declared war on Spain in 1898, Austria and Germany sided with Spain's position over Cuba. The German Kaiser Wilhelm took the lead in an effort to organise an anti-American coalition. Yet since European forces fought alongside their American allies in Iraq and in Afghanistan, the West became a hate figure for the Islamists.

It's true that "with the exceptions of Iran, Egypt, and Turkey, every major power in the Middle East is a modern construct created largely by the British and the French." This complicates geopolitics in the region, because the three countries have different agendas and harbour hegemonic ambitions. Egypt and Turkey both belong to the Sunni bloc, and they are being bribed by their rich Arab allies in the sectarian conflict against Iran.

Before 1935 Iran was known as Persia, which was one of the greatest empires of the ancient world. Saudi Arabia is envious of Iran's distinct cultural, linguistic identity within the Muslim world and sees the Shia interpretation of Islam as a thorn in the Sunnis' side. Iran's oil reserves rank the fifth largest in the world. It hopes to benefit from the nuclear deal, when sanctions are lifted.

Turkey was once the centre of the Ottoman Empire. Straddling the continents of Europe and Asia, it wants to make itself an indispensable player in the region. Its economy is fuelled by trade, agriculture, tourism, foreign investment and manufacturing. But the civil war in Syria has taken a toll on growth.

Long Known for its pyramids and ancient civilisation, Egypt is the largest Arab country and has played a central role in Middle Eastern politics in modern times. It relies heavily on tourism, agriculture and cash remittances from Egyptians working abroad. Rapid population growth and the limited amount of arable land are straining the country's resources and economy, which has been crippled by political instability and paralysis to address problems.

Resentments in the Arab world towards the West are ancient. Britain had promised the Arabs in the 1910s that if they rebelled against the Ottomans, they would gain independence after the fall of that empire, which did not materialise after World War One. Colonial powers continued to rule the region in the 1920s, 30s and 40s. The indigenous in Egypt, Syria and Iraq, instead of building liberal constitutional governance systems, they moved to assertive nationalism whose main objective was to get rid of the colonialists and the ruling systems that came along. This explained the number of militarist regimes that had come to dominate many Arab countries from the 1950s until the 2011 Arab uprisings.

The civil war in Syria and turmoil in Iraq gave rise to Salafism, which is based on an austere interpretation of Islam, embraced by Saudis, who are proud of having the custody of the Two Holy Mosques. They also use their oil wealth to advance their religious cause, by setting up madrassas, where impoverished boys and young men in Afghanistan, Pakistan etc. get radicalised.

Islamists like ISIS challenge the geopolitical order established by the British diplomat, Mark Sykes and his French counterpart, Francois Georges-Picot. They seek to erase the borders drawn by European powers, by creating their own caliphate. Britain and the US had learned their mistakes in Libya, Iraq and Afghanistan. It explains why they have been reluctant to intervene in Syria. But the Islamists justify their attacks on the West by quoting old grievances.