Frustration with Washington is deep and unending, but that includes stark disapproval of GOP congressional policy. From a new ABC/WaPo poll (MoE +/- 3):

The national survey shows that 29 percent of Americans now say they are inclined to support their House representative in November, even lower than in 1994, when voters swept the Democrats out of power in the that chamber after 40 years in the majority. The poll also finds growing disapproval of the "tea party" movement, with half the population now expressing an unfavorable impression of the loosely aligned protest campaign that has shaken up politics this year. And at a time when Republicans anticipate significant gains in House and Senate elections, there is also fresh evidence of the challenges facing the GOP. Six in 10 poll respondents say they have a negative view of the policies put forward by the Republican minority in Congress, and about a third say they trust Republicans over Democrats to handle the nation's main problems.

Democrats are not off the hook, by any means. They hold the majority, and the country expects them to actually be doing something about the problems we face. Luckily for Democrats, there are Republicans.

Democrats are likely to suffer disproportionately from the tough climate: They are in the majority in both houses of Congress and are defending many more districts than Republicans. The public sees little improvement in the nation's direction or the state of the economy. Six in 10 say the country is on the wrong track and 88 percent rate the economy as not good or poor, with just 30 percent saying it is improving. Yet Democrats maintain at least one advantage: They hold a double-digit edge over the GOP as the party that people trust to handle the country's main problems. Another big element that may mute the threat to Democrats is that the GOP has not gained significant traction. Most Americans -- including nearly a third of self-identified Republicans -- say they are dissatisfied with or angry at the policies of congressional Republicans. These numbers have changed little since last November, despite the GOP's focus on offering a more concrete agenda rather than simply Democratic proposals.

Concrete agenda? I didn't know "repeal health reform" was considered a concrete agenda. The country clearly doesn't think so.

One thing is pretty clear for this and other polling: Democrats are in trouble this fall (Dems only lead the generic ballot by 3 (47-44) and 59% say they could change their mind), and voters are very angry at Washington for helping Wall Street but not Main Street, but GOP strength is greatly exaggerated (as is the strength of the tea party outside of GOP primaries, where damage is being done to moderate and establishment Republican candidates.... see NV later today.)

Change is coming, but what it manifests as is not going to be so easily predictable. This doesn't fit neatly into the "Dems in disarray" and "Obama is Carter" narrative some in the media are trying to push. How can it when only a third of the country prefer R to D ideas and policy? Bush dead-enders always number a third.

Obama's overall approval ratings have remained fairly steady. More than half of those surveyed, 52 percent, say they approve of the way he is handling his job, and for the first time since last fall, half approve of how he is dealing with the economy.

I think the best analysis comes from a tongue-in-cheek Christopher Beam article speculating about if the headlines were written by political scientists and not pundits and political journos:

Obama now faces some of the most difficult challenges of his young presidency: the ongoing oil spill, the Gaza flotilla disaster, and revelations about possibly inappropriate conversations between the White House and candidates for federal office. But while these narratives may affect fleeting public perceptions, Americans will ultimately judge Obama on the crude economic fundamentals of jobs numbers and GDP.

True, that. But one thing has yet to play out: the BP FUBAR in the Gulf, anger at Wall Street, and how both hurt the Republican case for de-regulation the party has run on for years.