Long, long ago, there was a young political staffer named Stephen who helped to cultivate the populist vision for Preston Manning's Reform Party.

The relationship that this Stephen H. — or perhaps that's too obvious: let's go with S. Harper — would have with Reformers would eventually become strained, but much of his subsequent popularity and support would nevertheless depend on cultivating an image of a principled conservative outsider, fighting his way in.​

Even after his federal government won a second term and a majority, he channelled his Reform roots during a convention speech in Calgary, railing against "elites," standing up for the rule of law and hard-working families, and defending conservative and Canadian values (sit down, Kellie Leitch) at home and abroad.

That's not exactly what was happening in the House of Commons, of course, what with a government that had centralized executive power, prorogued Parliament to avoid a non-confidence vote, tabled massive omnibus bills and actually expanded the civil service.

But it's important to let the grassroots know you're thinking about them, even if the thought is fleeting.

Indeed, this betrayal of the grassroots is a well-established pastime in Canada, much like overwrought hockey analogies and leaving your snow tires on too long.

Ford told reporters he's looking into why actors were paid $75 to be part of the crowd at the Ontario leaders' debate Monday night. He has made a quick transition from outsider to rather conventional party leader. (Chris Young/Canadian Press) The tradition is not necessarily a partisan one (recall how Prime Minister Justin Trudeau promised to empower the grassroots by holding open nominations, only to abandon that promise almost immediately). But it is certainly top-of-mind for Conservatives, with premier-hopefuls in Ontario and Alberta appearing to turn their backs on those who helped propel them into leadership.

In the case of Ontario PC leader Doug Ford, it is no exaggeration to say that the party's grassroots got him the gig.

The PCs elect their leaders via ranked ballot, which means votes are redistributed after less-popular candidates are knocked off the list. During the leadership race in March, Ford managed to beat out rival Christine Elliott by earning runoff support from Tanya Granic Allen's voters after she was was eliminated from the ballot.

Granic Allen says she didn't tell her supporters to list Ford as their second choice, but it's clear that those who came out to vote for her rank-and-file presentation saw Ford as the next-best thing.

Fighting curriculum and corruption

It helped that Ford fell in line with Granic Allen on a couple of key issues, such as repealing Ontario's new sex-ed curriculum and cleaning up what she called party "corruption" and cronyism.

But in the weeks since winning the leadership, Ford has made a quick transition from outsider to rather conventional party leader. He has parachuted in nearly a dozen local candidates and revoked the candidacy of Granic Allen in Mississauga Centre over a video of her making disparaging comments about same-sex marriage.

Kenney speaks at a pro-pipeline rally at the Alberta Legislature in April. Members of his party provide 'important input,' he said, but 'I hold the pen on the platform.' (CBC) From a strategic perspective both calls are probably correct — the Liberals don't need more ammunition to portray Ford as a retrograde social conservative, and the PCs need to appear more moderate to win the support of disgruntled once-Liberal-voters — but at the same time, Conservatives who listed Ford as their second choice can be forgiven for feeling as though they've been had.

Same goes for Alberta conservatives who might've been surprised to hear United Conservative Party Leader Jason Kenney's apparent about-face on whether parents should be notified if their children join gay-straight alliances (GSAs) in schools. Months ago, Kenney signed a "grassroots guarantee" affirming that policy will be designed by party members, not party leadership.

Yet last weekend, after the party voted 57 per cent in favour of parents being notified in such cases, Kenney said: "A United Conservative government will not be changing law or policy to require notification of parents when kids join GSAs. We will not do that. You can take that to the bank."

Again, the strategy makes sense: the GSA issue is divisive, fraught and nearly entirely of the party's own making. Kenney doesn't need to waste time fighting an imaginary scourge of gay students sharing their feelings with classmates without their parents' knowledge.

I will take the resolutions adopted today as important input, but I hold the pen on the platform. — Jason Kenney

Members at the convention also voted 74 per cent in favour of a resolution that parents be notified if invasive medical procedures are performed on a minor, which is a cumbersome way of saying abortion. Kenney flat-out dismissed the idea, adding: "I will take the resolutions adopted today as important input, but I hold the pen on the platform."

I believe this is political-speak for: Thanks for the support, grassroots. Smell ya later.

The fact is that the will of the party rank and file doesn't often make for workable provincial or national campaign policy. Or governing policy, for that matter.

Sometimes, leadership will need to block the nomination of a certain candidate to keep a riding viable, or to project a certain image about the party's overall ideology. Other times, leadership will recognize that an election is best fought over pipelines and employment statistics, rather than over abortion and gay students in support groups.

The first mistake on the part of leadership hopefuls — from an ethical perspective, if perhaps not a strategic one — is making unattainable promises about listening to the grassroots. The second mistake, and third, and fourth, is party members believing it over and over again.

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