Christopher R. Hill is right about Trump "missing" a strategy for North Korea. While complaining about inheriting a "difficult problem" he also criticises his predecessors for doing nothing to rein in Pyongyang's nuclear ambition. His inconsistency in dealing with Kim Jong-un shows he does not know how to handle the current crisis. While condemning the missile tests in recent months and threatening to "totally destroy" North Korea during his speech at the UN in September, Trump - deep inside - seems envious of the absolute power the young despot in North Korea wields.

In January 2016 he sang Kim's praises days after Pyongyang had detonated an alleged hydrogen bomb: “You’ve got to give him credit. How many young guys -- he was like 26 or 25 when his father died -- take over these tough generals, and all of a sudden ... he goes in, he takes over, and he’s the boss," Trump said. "It's incredible. He wiped out the uncle, he wiped out this one, that one. I mean this guy doesn't play games. And we can't play games with him."

Despite all the names Trump calls Kim - "Little Rocketman", a "madman" or a "sick puppy" etc. - describing his adversary in Pyongyang as "short and fat", he is apparently impressed by Kim's leadership style, and the “amazing” way this brute murders political rivals. Even after the young, unruly leader called Trump "old" and a "dotard", his American nemesis still claimed "trying hard" to be his "friend."

In an interview in May Trump called Kim “a pretty smart cookie,” praising his ability to maintain power in North Korea. He even said he would be “honored” to meet with his counterpart “under certain circumstances,” which helped boost Kim's credibility and prestige of a dictator. Speaking at a conference in Hanoi earlier in November, Trump offered a fresh olive branch to Kim, reiterated his willingness to sit down with his North Korean adversary, saying it would be a "good thing" if the two men met. Yet at the same time he stepped up his attacks on Pyongyang.

Before the lastest missile launch two days ago, there had been weeks of restraint since Pyongyang's last launch on September 15. Trump could have taken the opportunity to explore the path of diplomacy and reach out to Kim. But on November 20, he put North Korea back on the list of state sponsors of terrorism, which was counterproductive. Yesterday he proposed more sanctions against North Korea and urged all nations to isolate the brutal regime in Pyongyang.

That Kim Jong-un "has shown no interest in negotiation" is comprehensible. The nuclear programme guarantees his political survival and personal security. He and his father had seen what happened to Iraq's long-time dictator, Saddam Hussein and Libya's strongman, Muammar Gaddafi, after they had given up their nuclear ambition. Kim also fears that a deal with the West would be rendered useless by Trump and Congress, as Iran's nuclear agreement with the West has shown.

The author can not compare the circumstances a decade ago, while he was Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs under George W. Bush. The US had more clout then in the absence of a rising China and a resurgent Russia. Before Arab Spring and the war in Syria, the world was more stable. Today, Kim is emboldened by Trump's inward-looking approach, and a vindictive Russia, that seeks to settle a score with the West for imposing sanctions after grabbing Crimea.

China is more assertive today and determined to expand its influence across Asia and prevent the US from maintaining a permanent presence in the region. Both China and Russia are essential partners in denuclearising the Korean peninsula. There is no mutual trust on all sides, and any cooperation would be accompanied by distrust and hostility. "That cooperation would have to be based on a long-term commitment, not one-off transactions." but it would not suit Trump. And, "perhaps more importantly, it would require daily engagement not just with China, but with all of the other regional stakeholders as well." It is doubtful whether Trump will sit out his term of office. His strategy seems play by ear and take things as they come.