U.S. President Obama nears the end of two terms in office | John MacDougall/AFP/Getty Images By the numbers Europe still has love for America Rising public anger and spread of populism around the Continent has not resulted in return of anti-Americanism.

At the gathering of NATO leaders in Warsaw, security issues were often overshadowed by domestic turmoil on both sides of the Atlantic. During his final summit of the military Alliance, U.S. President Barack Obama had to address violent incidents in Louisiana, Minnesota, and Texas, as his European counterparts struggled with an ongoing crisis of confidence that has unnerved politicians across the Continent.

The Brexit vote and the rise of populist parties — stoked by a combination of economic woes, skepticism of multiculturalism, and frustration with a distant Brussels bureaucracy — have frightened elites. But even as they question the European project and the political status quo, average citizens in Europe still largely embrace one key pillar of the post-World War II order: the transatlantic relationship with the United States. Rising public anger, it seems, has not led to a return of anti-Americanism.

As a new Pew Research Center survey highlights, solid majorities in nine of 10 European Union nations polled express a favorable opinion of the U.S. (Greece is the exception). Across these 10 countries a median of 77 percent say they have confidence in Obama to do the right thing in world affairs.

Rising public anger, it seems, has not led to a return of anti-Americanism.

This is a very different picture from a decade ago. As Obama nears the end of his second term in office, it’s easy to forget the dramatic impact his election had on America’s image in Europe. The anti-Americanism of the George W. Bush era was intense — he was unpopular, his foreign policy was criticized, and overall attitudes toward the U.S. turned sharply negative during his presidency. Obama’s 2008 election led to a sea of change. Only 14 percent of Germans had confidence in Bush in 2008, while an astounding 93 percent voiced confidence in Obama a year later.

And the shift in European attitudes wasn’t merely about superficial popularity. It also translated into greater support for U.S. policies. The share of the French public saying they favored U.S.-led efforts to fight terrorism jumped from 43 percent in 2007 to 74 percent in 2009. Whereas Bush’s Iraq War met with broad opposition, Obama’s current campaign against ISIL is widely supported in Europe. Roughly six-in-10 or more in France, Sweden, the Netherlands, the U.K., Germany, Italy, Poland, and Spain back U.S.-led military actions against ISIL in Iraq and Syria.

Europeans also seem relatively confident in America’s commitment to the transatlantic security alliance. In a 2015 survey, big majorities in most NATO countries polled believed that if Russia got into a military conflict with a neighboring NATO ally, the U.S. would use military force in response.

There is still an undercurrent of distrust of American power in European minds, even with popular president in the White House.

Still, the Obama era hasn’t been without transatlantic tensions on security issues. Despite complaints from Obama about European complacency on defense spending, few NATO members spend the Alliance’s target of 2 percent of GDP per year and there is little appetite for increasing military expenditures in Europe. Only in Poland and the Netherlands do even roughly half (52 percent and 49 percent respectively) want to spend more money on national defense.

And while Europeans are confident that the U.S. will respond to potential Russian aggression, they aren’t so sure about their own commitments to Article 5 of the NATO treaty, which requires members to defend an ally with armed force if necessary. Last year, half or more in Germany, France, and Italy said their country should not use force to defend a NATO ally that got into a conflict with Russia.

Moreover, Europeans are still wary of America’s power and reach. Obama’s increased use of drone strikes has met with widespread opposition. And Edward Snowden’s revelations about NSA eavesdropping exposed a whole new dimension of U.S. power, generating a new set of fears about an American cyber superpower extending its electronic reach across the globe. The Snowden story damaged America’s reputation for respecting individual liberty in Europe, especially in Germany, where the U.S. allegedly tapped Chancellor Angela Merkel’s cellphone. There is still an undercurrent of distrust of American power in European minds, even with popular president in the White House.

Attitudes toward likely Republican nominee Donald Trump are stunningly negative: A median of just 9 percent have confidence in him.

America’s image is deeply impacted by who sits in the Oval Office. Obama’s chosen successor, former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, doesn’t receive his sky-high ratings, but she is mostly well-received among Europeans. Across the 10 EU nations polled, a median of 59 percent express confidence in the presumptive Democratic nominee. In contrast, attitudes toward likely Republican nominee Donald Trump are stunningly negative: A median of just 9 percent have confidence in him, and his ratings actually look quite similar to Bush’s when he left office. In 2008, at least eight-in-10 in Spain, France, Germany, and the U.K. lacked confidence in Bush, and more than eight-in-10 in these countries say the same about Trump today.

As the Economist’s Lexington column recently noted, Trump seems to embrace many of the things that generated so much hostility toward the U.S. during the Bush years, such as an America-first unilateralism and using waterboarding and worse to fight terrorists. It is, writes Lexington, as if “the caricature of America that so much of the world hated from 2001 to 2008 is Mr. Trump’s pitch.”

The last decade and a half has shown how quickly European attitudes toward the U.S. can change. There are many different facets to the reputation of the world’s dominant superpower — soft power, military power, economic power — and regardless of who wins in November, Europeans will continue to look across the Atlantic with some mixture of admiration and trepidation. Still, the outcome of the election will likely have a big impact on the balance between esteem and fear.

Richard Wike is director of Global Attitudes Research at the Pew Research Center.