However you slice and dice the numbers, people in poverty are at a serious, structural disadvantage when it comes to making their voices heard and having their interests represented in Washington. They are far from equal citizens in the public square.

democracy problem requires a democracy solution. Just as the gains made during the first decade of the War on Poverty cannot be separated from another pair of bills Johnson signed into law—the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Voting Rights Act of 1965—so too must the work of combatting systemic poverty today confront the lack of political equality for all.

Fortunately, democratic-process reforms abound. If states are the laboratories of democracy, then we need look no further than American states that effectively enable their citizens to participate in public life for examples to introduce to the nation as a whole. Not surprisingly, politically inclusive states also experience considerably lower levels of poverty and higher voter turnout than other states.

Some reforms are simply a matter of equal justice under law. Denying approximately 10 million taxpaying U.S. citizens the right to vote or voting representation in Congress, because of a prior conviction or the district or territory in which they live, is morally and constitutionally suspect.

To right the first of these wrongs, all states should ensure that voting and other constitutional rights are restored to people with felony convictions once they have completed their sentence and reenter society. In no instance should a former felon be permanently disenfranchised under the Constitution. State legislation or a constitutional challenge or amendment could accomplish this task. Likewise, Congress should pass a law granting voting representation to Washington, D.C., Puerto Rico, and the territories in the House and Senate. A constitutional challenge or amendment based on Equal Protection could also accomplish the task.

When it comes to the 16 million taxpaying immigrants of voting age who are denied the right to influence the laws under which they live, many American citizens will naturally resist extending the franchise. Nevertheless, a measured approach that ensures a path to citizenship for responsible, law-abiding immigrants and considers inclusion of immigrants in local and state elections could have a positive impact on both economic growth and social cohesion. Like the majority of American states and territories before the 1920s, Maryland already allows resident aliens to vote in certain local elections, a practice long upheld by the Supreme Court. Maryland also ranks near the top of states in terms of voter turnout.

Finally, commonsense reforms abound for the tens of millions of everyday citizens—many of them living below the poverty line—who face unnecessary informal barriers to voting. While many states still enforce lengthy pre-election deadlines of 25 to 30 days (a practice dating back decades to before the use of computers), 11 states and the District of Columbia now permit voters to register on Election Day. Turnout in these states consistently ranks seven to 15 percent higher than other states. Vote by mail, as practiced in the high-turnout states of Oregon and Washington, opt-out universal registration that automatically follows voters when they move, and weekend or holiday voting also have the potential to meaningfully increase voter participation. Coupled with efforts to modernize election administration for increased access and security, these reforms promise to expand the franchise for millions of Americans who are formally and informally excluded from public life.