The Modi-led new Government deserves six tension-free months to put its plans and promises in action mode. Meanwhile, the Opposition must set its own house in order

Narendra Modi 2.0 has begun on a triumphant note for the BJP and its allies. Obviously, it has come as a shock to ‘seasoned’ politicians, none of whom — with all the experience of electioneering behind — could anticipate such a massive mandate in favour of Narendra Modi. Many of them thought the 2014 victory was a fluke; that people were tempted by what they called ‘unfulfilled promises’. Congressmen were convinced that people would return back to the grand old party; other parties thought that their caste base was intact as Modi could not bring back black money, out of which every Indian was to get 15 lakh in his/her account. Samajwadi Party (SP) president Akhilesh Yadav dismissed the panel of spokespersons of the party. Congress has decided not to send spokespersons for TV debates for a month. Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) continues to complain about ‘good EVMs’ and ‘doctored EVMs’. All of these indicate the level and intensity of pain the defeat has inflicted on major Opposition parties.

Yes, it is a sharp indictment inflicted by the people on them and it will be tough for these parties to come out of the shock. They are best advised to seek solace and guidance from what Alvin Toffler had written a couple of decades ago: “The illiterate of the 21st century will not be those who cannot read and write, but those who cannot learn, unlearn and relearn.” Think of TDP chief N Chandrababu Naidu, who was travelling to various places, making an attempt to bring Opposition parties together and offer a national alternative — even a Prime Minister! In his own State, he was facing the Assembly elections. Probably he knew nothing about which way the wind was blowing there. Literacy has so many dimensions. The contours of Indian electoral politics have undergone a silent though major transformation over the years and those, who continue to depend upon taking the voter for granted, will just vanish from the scene. One can be sure that the fate of Trinamool Congress (TMC), SP, BSP and Indian National Congress — still keen to continue the politics of 1980s — shall be observed very closely even by international pundits of electoral politics.

Pre-election activities to the 17th Lok Sabha polls shall be remembered in history for the absence of efforts by Opposition parties to comprehend the prevailing mood of the electorate. Absence of strategic deficiencies and restlessness among all major Opposition parties was visible all around. They targetted Narendra Modi, and were not against the BJP. The manner chowkidar chor hai boomeranged indicates the absence of “unlearn and relearn.” After the elections, Opposition parties face a bleak future. They are a worried lot as this election could herbal a total transformation of the Indian political scenario during the next five years. Political parties based on caste, sub-caste and communal considerations, mostly owned by individuals and families, have already sensed grave danger to their very existence after the renewed arrival of Narendra Modi on the national scene. In the 2014 elections, his popularity cut across caste, creed, regional or parochial considerations. He could even make a dent in the Muslim community votes, which indeed was a great achievement even as the numbers were not so impressive. Modi has endeared himself to the liberal and educated Muslim community on the one hand and on the other, to those who are grateful to receive gas connections, pucca houses, toilets and several other benefits. The Opposition knew it well — though they could not accept it publically for obvious reasons — that some of the schemes launched by Narendra Modi had impacted millions of families who were deprived of basic facilities and human dignity for ages. A gas connection, toilet, pucca house, a bank account, health support, farm insurance and the like brought achhe din to crores of families — without any discrimination. This was one well-thought out step that related every member of the beneficiary family to Prime Minister Modi on one-to-one basis.

Here was a Prime Minister, who was worried about the smoke in the kitchen of the poor and the embarrassment suffered by women who had to suffer due to the practice of open defecation all along. He had the courage to speak about it from the ramparts of the Red Fort. He could set the entire nation on the move — clean India an ODF India. Not that these concerns were not highlighted in policies and programmes earlier, but implementation mostly remained on files only. Things are different this time: A family that uses toilets now shall never let it go non-functional in the future. Those, who are used to the luxury of shining marble-floored attached toilets for four-five decades, just could not visualise the impact on the families getting a toilet for the first time.

Think of the political leadership of the first two decades after independence. Most of them had impressive saga of sacrifices and sufferings behind them. They had worked with the people, understood India, were practicing Gandhian values, knew India likes and adores those who comprehend the import of non-accumulation; Aparigrah. People are just trying to find one person in public life who practices Aparigrah like Modi in his real life. The newly elected MP from Balasore, Pratap Sarangi, comes in this category. He received the maximum applause while taking oath as a Minister of State in the new Cabinet. He lives in a thatched house, rides a bicycle and created history by winning the election without any expenditure. People are keen to know more about him, his lifestyle and the way he conducts himself. They are least concerned about his caste or political affiliation. This India is now emerging. It has naturally caused great concern among those who find their citadels of power, affluence and authority crumbling under the upthrust from below — the rise of neglected people, deprived people and those who were presumed destined to suffer forever.

People are no more impressed by lavish lifestyles, long cavalcades and hoards of favour-seekers around their leaders. Gradually, India has developed distaste for avoidable pomp and show, particularly by elected representatives, including those occupying high positions in the Government. It was left to Narendra Modi to realise that the red beacon on vehicles was disliked by practically everyone in the public. By one single act, he won over innumerable fans throughout the country. One could enlist several such successful initiatives that have changed the psyche of the people of India. They are breaking the barriers in Indian politics, freeing it from the bondages of caste and communal shackles. The real and realistic change is taking place in villages and small towns of India. And this indeed is a very encouraging sign. The manner in which political parties and leaders are incisively analysed in village chaupals and roadside tea stalls can often become an eye-opener for political pundits. Voting patterns in States of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh are rare examples of the increasing maturity of the Indian voter. They installed Congress Governments in these States just six months ago, but extended full-scale support to Modi in national elections. It is this newly-acquired skill of discrimination that represents an increase in the strength of democracy.

The new Government deserves six tension-free months to put its plans and promises in action mode. The Opposition can utilise this time to set its house in order. Most regional parties are facing some crises or the other. There is disappointment in parties like BSP, SP, NCP, TDP and there is immense frustration that has manifested most in West Bengal, or in speeches of leaders like Farooq Abdullah, Mamata Banerjee or Mehbooba Mufti. The best course open for Opposition parties is to direct their leaders and workers to go to villages, stay there for at least a month, if not more, and find out what people really need and what impacts them. Take one example: If instead of going abroad for two months on a secret mission, Rahul Gandhi had stayed — at least once in five years — in Amethi for that much period, he would certainly not have suffered a humiliating defeat. He would have gathered tremendous experience in understanding India if he had gone to take medicine from the local health centre, accompanied a farmer to the police station to get an FIR registered, visited sarkari schools to find what happens to the mid-day meal scheme.

Smriti Irani maintained her links even after losing the 2014 elections and her doors were open 24X7 to anyone coming to Delhi from Amethi. This was bound to pay dividends. It worked and she could achieve what was considered impossibility by most experts. It will be interesting and rewarding if someone could study and analyse how many candidates, who came second in 2014 elections, really kept in touch with their electorate for five years. My presumption, sadly enough, is not encouraging at all.

(The writer is the Indian Representative on the Executive Board of UNESCO)