Almost 36 hours after the apparent resignation of Iran’s foreign minister, there are finally some answers to the many questions it raised. For instance, his superior, president Hassan Rouhani, has not accepted his resignation, which is required under Iranian law. Neither has the top decision-maker in the country, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei – if one is to believe cryptic rumours of a “high-ranking official” having told the diplomat that his exit is not “expedient”. Mohammad Javad Zarif is back at work, joining Rouhani in greeting a visiting Armenian delegation early on Wednesday.

But there is still the question of why Zarif suddenly decided to go on Instagram at midnight on Monday, expressing gratitude to “the dear and honourable Iranian people for the last 67 months” and apologising for his “incapacity” to continue serving in his post. Being under fire from all sides is certainly not a novelty for the ever-smiling Iranian chief diplomat. For years, he has been adored and despised for essentially the same thing: his ability to convincingly make Iran’s case to the world in fluent English, with a strong grasp of how western media works.

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The straw that is said to have broken the camel’s back was the presidency’s failure to notify him that the Syrian president, Bashar al-Assad, was in town. Assad’s visit to Tehran was a rare one. Indignant about apparently having been sidelined by his own boss, Zarif’s anger seemed to have boiled over. While a skilled tactician and negotiator, Zarif is known for being fiery on occasion. Just ask the EU’s foreign policy chief, Federica Mogherini, who, in one particularly tough negotiating session during the talks leading up to the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, was told to “never threaten an Iranian”.

But there are deeper issues at hand. Matters to do with the pressure the foreign ministry has been facing in the shadow of rising US hostility following Donald Trump’s withdrawal from the nuclear deal last year. And of course, the repercussions of Europe’s failure to step in to remedy the consequences of US policy towards the Islamic republic.

One of the ramifications of Iran’s continued inability to reap the promised dividends of the nuclear deal has been that the country’s hardliners – previously terrified of losing influence as Rouhani and Zarif ushered in a landmark agreement with the US, the “Great Satan” – have, predictably, become emboldened. Their sniping at the popular foreign minister has gone far beyond ordinary criticism. Just a few weeks ago, a former Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps commander publicly stated that Zarif should “go to hell” and that Iranians would spit on those who supported the nuclear deal.

Facebook Twitter Pinterest Iran’s foreign minister, Mohammad Javad Zarif (right), with his Armenian counterpart, Zohrab Mnatsakanyan, in Tehran less than 48 hours after he resigned. Photograph: EPA

There is also the issue of the increasing number of people involved in the conduct of Iran’s foreign policy. If you take into account Khamenei’s foreign policy advisers and Rouhani’s chief of staff – incidentally, an old friend of Zarif – it appears that Iran’s diplomacy has been fractured. In Zarif’s own words, he apparently felt the need to resign to protect the “integrity” of the country’s diplomatic apparatus. In another Instagram post early on Wednesday announcing his return, he wrote: “I have had no concern but elevating foreign policy and the status of the foreign ministry as the person in charge of advancing the foreign policy on the frontline of defending national interests.”

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As with virtually anything to do with Iran, figuring out the many layers to the equation is not easy. While the foreign minister appeared sincere in his indignation, he was clearly unable to resist the outpouring of support among the Iranian public and political elites. #ZarifStay, in Persian, began trending on Twitter – a social media platform that is increasingly popular with Iranians, who can only access via VPNs (virtual private networks). If one were to be cynical, the whole episode could be seen as masterful brinkmanship at home by a man who has long perfected that art abroad, in countless negotiations with far stronger powers than Iran.

What has also become clear is that Zarif’s experiences as foreign minister during the past five-and-a-half years have changed him. Long gone is the US-educated diplomat who sternly avoided any domestic politicking. The man who has emerged from this crisis is someone now proven to be willing and able to enter the fray – and with stronger purpose and authority than before.

• Mohammad Ali Shabani is Iran Pulse editor at the news website Al-Monitor