The Banaras Hindu University is the first truly residential university established on 4th February, 1916 on the pattern of universities at Taxlia and Nalanda. The proposal to establish the Banaras Hindu University was first mooted in 1904 and was discussed at the Mint House of Banaras. In 1905, a prospectus of the proposed university was published, circulated and was again discussed in the Town Hall of the Banaras where eminent representatives and distinguished educationists discussed the proposal. This got approval and encouragement from both the Press and the Public. A prominent newspaper in those days, the Pioneer, noted, "the most cordial encouragement may be offered….. A crore of rupees does not seem to be an excessive sum for a purpose so clearly excellent, and which no doubt appeals to a very numerous class… Even if Mahomedans and Christians do not hasten to embrace the opportunities offered under the most liberal constitution of this new centre of learning, there are two hundred million Hindus to whom it should appeal as a true Alma Mater, and surely no greater constituency could be desired". The Hon. Sir James LaTouche, the then Lieutenant-Governor of the United Provinces, was pleased to bless it in the following words:-

"If the cultured classes throughout India are willing to establish a Hindu University with its colleges clustered round it they may have best wishes for its success. But if the institution is to be first-rate, the cost will be very great and the bulk of the money must be found elsewhere than in this province. At this era of the world's progress no one will desire or approve a second-rate institution".

In these words, nationalist leader Pt. Madan Mohan Malaviya issued a pamphlet titled "Banaras Hindu University–why it is wanted and what it aims it." on 15th July 1911, and along with a letter, requested prominent citizens to agree to become members of the Hindu University society. The four-fold objectives included study of Hindu Shastra and Sanskrit literature, learning and research generally in Arts and Science, advance and dissemination of scientific, technical and professional knowledge and most importantly, the promotion of the ideal of character building in youth by making religion and ethics an integral part of education. The last one was critical for the foundation of the university and this is now a central concern for the education of our vast number of youths.

It was noted that the average income of the people of the India including Hindus was 1/20 of the daily income per head in England during the period under reference. 94.1 percent population of India was illiterate and in the United provinces it was 97%. It has been described in the note by Malaviya that Indians were seen with bare bones, the sunken eyes, the ill clad persons, and squalid homes of the agricultural and laboring classes. The condition was pitiable for the upper classes as well. It is interesting to see that Pt. Madan Mohan Malaviya had given a note of dissent when he was a member of the first Indian Industrial Commission representing Indian Legislative Council (1916-18), where he narrated grime status of economy and industry in India. He held the colonial regime to be exploitative, and their policies had a destructive impact on the strength of Indians. India was considered prominent in exporting handicrafts, manufactured goods and agriculture resources to the world and particularly to Europe to an extent of 23% of GDP, which was the largest in those days. Malaviya in his note advocated suitable industrial policies, emphasizing on laying infrastructure, giving training, education and scientific research, nurturing modern skills etc. and concluded with the words of Sir Frederick Nicholson: "I beg to record my opinion that in the matter of the Indian industries we are bound to consider the Indian interest firstly, secondly and thirdly. I mean by 'firstly' that the local raw products should be utilized, by 'secondly' that industries should be introduced, and by 'thirdly' that the profits of such industry should remain in the country."

In the beginning of the twentieth century, the campaigns for the Banaras Hindu University and the Aligarh Muslim University developed in a similar manner with a spirit of cooperation and mutual understanding. When the scheme was proposed by Malaviya, Shri Aga Khan,welcoming the proposal, supported the movement, "Most Muslims I think would most gladly welcome a Hindu University at Banaras. We would gladly welcome another at Poona, a third in Bengal and Madras. But because there is evidently no desire on their part to have a sectarian university with a Brahmanical atmosphere, it is absurd to deny us a university at Aligarh with affiliated colleges all over India." Not only that he supported the movement but conveyed his good wishes to the Banaras Congress (1905) where the proposal was also discussed, and sent Rs. 5000/- as a token of donation for the movement. Malaviya informed Gokhale about this, "I have written to His Highness today to thank him for his generous sympathy and offer of a handsome donation and I request you also to kindly thank him on my behalf. I hope to write to you about the University soon." Ms. Annie Besant was trying to establish a university in India since 1907 and had submitted a petition for Royal charter to the Viceroy, who was not favourbly disposed to the scheme that there ought to be an institution out of Government control and did not forward her application to the British Government.

In the meantime, Malaviya launched vigorous fund raising campaigns, visitingseveral cities. The committee which was constituted for the purpose succeeded in collecting a large some. However, the government was apprehensive of the move of the Hindus who were in the words of the administration rather "excited", and, according to the commissioner of the Banaras division Mr. H. V. Lovett, the assessment was that 'the whole movement was going very strong indeed.' The Govt. of India had to seriously consider successful fund raising campaigns. However, Viceroy Lord Hardinge was of the opinion that, "What makes me shy of it is the fact that the chief promoter- a member of my Legislative Council- is very hostile, very fanatical and anti British is his views." Actually, he was perturbed by Malaviya's speeches on the press bill on April 4, 1910 and the seditious meeting act on August 6, 1910 in the Imperial Legislative Council where he had demanded postponement of the discussion of the bills which led Lord Hardinge to think that he could not be trusted. The Governor General's Council was in conferment with the viceroy, and education secretary Shri Harcourt Butler was of the opinion that Malaviya had been crying in the wilderness and he was not a liked or trusted personality. Yet another member was of the opinion that it was not a 'happy augury'. Even Lieutenant Governor of UP, Shri J. P. Hewett was of the firm view that at any cost Malaviya should be kept out of the movement. The Government was of the opinion that it would be difficult to oppose Malaviya ji, as such an opposition would give the impression that Govt. was opposed to Hindus. Therefore they tried to adopt a policy of sidelining Malaviya and encouraging others. Malaviya was aghast to know that the government was opposed to his move when he met the viceroy in Shimla on 10th October, 1911 after fulfilling the fund position requirement put forth by the government. Lord Hardinge recorded his version of meeting at Malaviya in this way, "I told him that (Malaviya) from what Government had heard of his proposal they seemed to be more of a political than of an educational character and although government never object to criticism of their actions, his attitude towards Government had, on certain occasions, given an impression of hostility and distrust. This had tended also the prejudice Government against the movement that he was leading and Government would, therefore, before giving support to any scheme for a University required to be assured that it would not be utilized for political ends and that there should be sufficient Government Control."

Malaviya was never willing to oppose the government control on the proposed university at Banaras. The major reason for this was that the ruling chiefs would not help him in raising funds for the university without the government support and the Maharajas of Bikaner, Banaras and Darbhanga clarified their stand in no uncertain terms. In fact this message was conveyed by the chief secretary of the Maharaja of Banaras to Malaviya in a very curt language. He was, however, of the opinion to establish a statutory national university in a true sense to make it a vehicle of nation building. Malaviya’s educational philosophy had envisioned several such universities and colleges to realize this goal and therefore he kept this movement away from the public glare. It was due to the genius of Malaviya ji’s perseverance and honesty of purpose that he could overcome hurdles and pursued the viceroy et al who were not only opposed to give him any credit but also were opposed to his motives to have the government on his side to establish Banaras Hindu University.

Finally on 11th March 1915, Shri Harcourt Butler (Member Education) introduced the bill in the Imperial Legislative Council. Paying generous tribute to the university movement he said that it was "incredible ten years ago that the government of India should associate itself with a movement of this kind", and added that "this is no ordinary occasion. We are watching today the birth of a new and, many hope, a better type of university in India. "It will be a teaching and residential university; secondly, that while it will be open to all castes and creeds, it will insist upon religious instruction for Hindus, and thirdly, that it will be conducted and managed by the Hindu community and almost entirely by non-officials".

Malaviya spoke on the motion, as he was a member of the council and allayed the fear of his colleagues Mr. Ghaznavi and Mr. Setalvad that the proposed university would be 'sectarian' in its character, and might foster or strengthen separatist tendencies. He assured them that the university would promote, 'broad liberation of mind and a religious spirit which will promote brotherly feeling between man and man'. He explained at great length that, "Unfortunately, we are all aware that the absence of sectarian religious Universities, the absence of any compulsory religious education in our State Universities, has not prevented the growth of sectarian feeling in the country. I believe, My Lord, instruction in the truths of religion, whether it would be Hindu’s or Mussulmans, whether it be imparted to the students of the Benares Hindu University or of the Aligarh Moslem University, will tend to produce men who, if they are true to their religion, will be true to their God, their King and their country. And I look forward to the time when the students who will pass out of such Universities, will meet each other in a closer embrace as sons of the same Motherland than they do at present". Talking about compulsory religious education he firmly declared, " It is to be regretted that some people are afraid of the influence of religion: I regret I cannot share their view. That influence is ever ennobling. I believe, My Lord, that where the true religious spirit is inculcated, there must be an elevating feeling of humility. And where there is love of God, there will be a greater love and less hatred of man, and therefore I venture to say that if religious instruction will be made compulsory, it will lead to nothing but good, not only for Hindu students but for other students as well, who will go to the new university".

The bill was passed in the council on 1st October, 1915; however, Malaviya regretted that the mandate of the university was sixteen miles from the centre of the campus and not all of India as was originally envisaged. That position has been still maintained. He had ventured to hope that the good influence of the Banaras Hindu University in the matter of religious instruction would be felt in the other institutions, far and near, and that in the course of a few years religious instruction would become an integral part of the education imparted in schools and colleges supported by the government and the people.

The foundation stone of the Banaras Hindu University was laid down by the viceroy Lord Hardinge on 4th February, 1916 at the Nagwa side and he echoed same sentiments, "The whole Indian idea of education is wrapped up in the conception of a group of pupils surrounding their "guru" in loving reverence, and not only imbibing the words of wisdom that fall from his lips, but also looking up to him for guidance in religion and morality and moulding their characters in accordance with his percept and example", and added , "It is going to have so great an influence upon generations yet unborn as that other departure that the constitution of this institution embodies, and that is indeed of the very essence of its creation. I mean its denominational character". According to Ron Eyerman in the modernity and social movement suggestions, the term "modernity" was coined to capture these changes in progress by contrasting the "modern" with "traditional". Malaviya and his BHU are most relevant in discourse of modernity.

The author is an Officer on Special Duty, BHU. E-mail ID: pandeyvnp@gmail.com