Was Nixon Watergated? Chapter 13 of the book The Rockefeller File by Gary Allen. Henry Kissinger, Secretary of State under President Nixon. Recently, President Bush asked Kissinger to head a commission to investigate 9-11!! General Alexander Haig was White House Chief of Staff under President Nixon. The Watergate Caper, the coup d'etat that knocked President Nixon out of the White House, was carefully engineered by the two agents for the House of Rockefeller shown above. It is now known that Henry Kissinger was responsible for creating the Plumbers squad in the first place, while the "instant General," Alexander Haig made sure that the most incriminating evidence on the tapes was given in advance to the men investigating his boss! Together, the two men forced a bitter and dejected Nixon to resign, thus paving the way (finally!) to get a Rockefeller into the White House without risking an election that Rocky would surely lose. After all, when you think of what I had, what else [other than the Presidency] was there to aspire to? (Nelson Rockefeller). Nelson Rockefeller has admitted that his goal in life since he was a child has been to be President of the United States. "After all," he admitted, "when you think of what I had, what else was there to aspire to?" He has a point there. Newsweek of September 2, 1974 tells us: "Ever since his boyhood meeting with Teddy Roosevelt, it seems, Nelson Rockefeller had been propelling himself toward the Oval Office. Nothing less would suit his ambition. . . ." But the road to the White House for Nelson has been, if you will pardon the expression, rocky. He has had to settle for an un elected and politically engineered Vice Presidency, a position at which he had previously turned up his nose several times. Nelson's first attempt at the Presidency came in 1960, shortly after his election as governor of New York. Richard Nixon had been Vice President for eight years, however, and had spent much of the time making speeches for the GOP. In 1960, he collected his political IOUs from the majority of party activists and Rockefeller had no chance of getting the nomination. When Rocky found he could not win the actual nomination, he moved to dictate policy from behind the scenes. A meeting was thus arranged between Rockefeller and Nixon on the Saturday before the Republican Convention opened in Chicago. The Republican Platform Committee had been meeting for an entire week, laboriously pounding out a platform reflecting the views of party members from all fifty states. But, at the meeting between Nixon and Nelson at Rockefeller's Fifth Avenue apartment in New York City, Nixon accepted everything Rockefeller dictated. The Platform Committee's sweat-stained document was ash canned and, presto Chicago, Rockefeller's Liberal platform was substituted. Goldwater dejectedly called Nixon's surrender to Rockefeller "the Munich of the Republican Party." Republicans everywhere understood the significance of the new Rockefeller-Nixon alliance. Nixon had traded his independence for approval by the House of Rockefeller. The truth is that Nixon had the nomination in the bag; there was no need for him to crawl to Rockefeller to win it. Nixon knew this, but he also knew who held the ultimate power behind both political parties. Certainly there was never any love lost between Richard and Rocky. They have detested each other for years. Newsweek of September 2, 1974, tells us: "The Nixon Presidency was a painful period for the proud governor. Privately, friends say, Rockefeller despised the self-made man from Yorba Linda. . . ." Rocky, the man born to economic royalty, must have deeply resented having to operate through this Sammy Glick-type character who looked like a used car salesman, but had clawed his way to the White House. But the two men needed each other. Nelson's influence in the GOP is immense at the top, but is almost non-existent among voters at the grass roots. After forcing Nixon's humiliating surrender, Rockefeller virtually sat out the 1960 campaign and allowed New York to go for Kennedy. Nixon surprised most observers by quietly accepting the defeat that had been arranged for him, refusing even to protest the vote fraud in Texas and Illinois which deprived him of the election.1 Richard Nixon returned to California to practice law but remained at the beck and call of his jealous and hostile boss in New York. One indication of their real relationship was the Joe Shell affair. Shell was a long-time California State Assemblyman who planned to oppose Democrat incumbent Pat Brown for the governorship in 1962. Early in the year, he received a call from Rockefeller, asking whom he would support at the 1964 convention if he were elected. The conservative Assemblyman told Rockefeller that under no circumstances could he support the ultra-liberal New Yorker. One week later, Shell's office received a call from Rockefeller's New York office with the news that Richard Nixon would oppose Shell in the GOP gubernatorial primary—even though Nixon had previously assured Shell that he had absolutely no interest in being Governor of California. The important point here is that Nixon was not interested in the job until he received orders from his boss in New York. Nixon had everything to lose and virtually nothing to gain by running against an incumbent Democrat governor in a state with an overwhelming Democrat registration plurality. Following an incredibly inept campaign, in which his chief target was Nelson's old bugaboo, the "radical right," not Bungling Brown's record, Nixon lost the race. His political career appeared to have come to an end. As he put it: "You won't have Nixon to kick around anymore."

Apparently, the Nixon candidacy was as much a test of obedience as it was a move to head off a potential Rockefeller opponent. In any case, having thrown himself onto a bed of nails at the behest of Rockefeller, Nixon was thrown a lifeline and brought to New York. He moved into an elegant $125,000 apartment in the same building as Nelson Rockefeller— the very one in which the infamous "Compact of Fifth Avenue" was signed. Nixon was made a partner in a law firm which did a lot of trust and bond business with the friendly folk at Chase Manhattan Bank. During the next five years Nixon practiced very little law, yet his net worth jumped from practically nothing to over half-a-million dollars. Most of his time was spent touring the nation and the world rebuilding his political reputation. When the Rockefellers needed him in 1968, he

had been resurrected from the political trash heap and turned into a legitimate candidate. Meanwhile, Nelson had been giving the Presidency the old college try himself. He might have made it in 1964 had not his divorce and remarriage alienated a large segment of middle America. Rockefeller learned the hard way that a lot of women don't forgive a man who abandons a wife of long standing to marry a much younger and prettier one. When the new bride abandons her own children to marry the man in question, it compounds the outrage. In 1968, Nelson made a half-hearted attempt to wrest the nomination from Nixon. But the handwriting was on the wailing wall. "The old avidity is gone," groaned Nelson. Once again, he had to settle for owning the team instead of starting as quarterback. Nixon's appointments to policy-making positions confirmed that the House of Rockefeller did indeed own the team: they went almost entirely to Rockefeller men. In his inner circle, however, Nixon tried to surround himself with men like H. R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman, who were personally loyal to him, not to Rockefeller. The two most notable exceptions were Kissinger and General Alexander Haig. Both men were known Rockefeller agents, and it is these two men who may have masterminded Nixon’s early retirement. If Nixon was an obedient Rockefeller man—if not necessarily a loyal one—why then did the Rockefeller controlled media orchestrate the campaign to dispose him? Several possible explanations have been advanced. One is that Nixon grew too accustomed to the prerogatives of power, and believed that he had become an equal partner in the deal There are some hints that Nixon himself may have initiated some of the in-fighting between the two factions. The forced resignation of Spiro Agnew, brought about by a combination of pressure from the Executive Branch and prosecution by Executive departments, may have been part of this. Another suggestion is that Rockefeller gave the nudge that toppled Agnew from the White House, counting on Nixon to appoint him to the Vice Presidency. When Nixon refused, and appointed Ford instead, the media dropped on him like a piano from the top of a ten-story building. We may never know the full story of what started the internecine warfare. But we do know what was the decisive encounter in the battle: Watergate. And as we unravel the twisting threads of this strange saga, we find that each tug that ultimately toppled Nixon from the throne can be traced to Rockefeller. The burglary at the Democratic Headquarters in the Watergate Hotel was not exactly carried out with the precision of a James Bond movie. It was more like the Three Stooges at their most slapstick. It was so clumsy, in fact, that the whole operation smells of a set-up. First: one of the burglars alerted a guard, by replacing the tape over the door locks after the guard had discovered and removed the first one. Even though their efforts had been discovered, the boss of the operation, Gordon Liddy, sent the burglars back to the Watergate. There they proceeded to flash lights, rip the place apart, and in general act as if they had all night to perform their mission. The man posted as lookout saw the police enter the building, but either failed to alert the men inside—or his warning was ignored. It was as though the burglars were meant to be caught. And when they were, one of them conveniently was carrying the White House telephone number of E. Howard Hunt in his pocket. Watergate began with the creation of the "Plumbers." The Plumbers were created by Kissinger to stop leaks on his staff. Both Nixon staffers John Dean and Charles Colson reported that Kissinger got Nixon so upset over leaks that the President decided, at Kissinger's suggestion, to set up a Special White House Investigating Unit, which later became known as the Plumbers. According to Dean, it was Rockefeller who had Kissinger suckered Nixon into forming the Plumbers. Little did Nixon know that he was being mouse trapped. Nationally syndicated columnist Paul Scott reports: "Records of the Senate Watergate Committee investigation indicates that Dean's testimony concerning Rockefeller was never followed up by the committee's staff. The reason: Committee members were against calling Rockefeller." Kissinger put a member of his staff, David Young, in charge of the unit. You have never heard of David Young? Join the multitudes. He was a Wall Street lawyer who had worked for Rockefeller before being promoted to Kissinger's staff. After Watergate, Young was spirited off to a cushy assignment in London as a very advanced student, and the mediacracy has dutifully ignored his key role in Watergate. The Watergate burglary, which was bungled more badly than a Keystone Cops chase, ended with a proven link to the White House But no one ever claimed that Nixon gave the nod for the break-in; it was his role in the cover up that led to his downfall. Watergate did start in the White House, however. But not by Nixon or any of his men. It was launched by the premier Rockefeller man, Henry Kissinger. It was the activities of the Plumbers which brought the downfall of Richard Nixon. And Kissinger, Rockefeller and the CIA were obviously deeply involved. Former White House aide Charles Colson has said that Nixon suspected the CIA was in the plot "up to their eyeballs." Colson says Nixon wanted to fire the director of the CIA and personally investigate what was believed to be a CIA conspiracy against him. He was persuaded not to do so by General Alexander Haig, the Rockefeller man who replaced Bob Haldeman. Colson portrays Nixon as a virtual captive of Kissinger and Haig in the Oval Office during his last months in the Presidency. But Richard Nixon would have survived the Watergate scandal had it not been for those damned tapes. At the beginning of the Watergate hearings, no one even knew they existed. The fact that all Nixon conversations had been recorded was revealed almost casually by Alexander Butterfield, White House liaison with the Secret Service. It is hard to believe that this bombshell, which was to remove a President, could be dropped with such an air of innocence. Could it have been planned? We now know that Butterfield had been a CIA informant. He has been accused of working with (if not for) the CIA when he was in charge of all the tapings in the White House. Had Blabbermouth Butterfield, who was called to testify about other matters—not the tapes—"stonewalled" it, Nixon would not have been forced to resign. Even if asked a direct question about any recordings, Butterfield could have maintained that such matters related to national security and must remain confidential. Nixon has said that the taping system was installed in the Oval Room at the suggestion of LBJ to preserve his conversations for posterity. Soon the whole White House and even Camp David were bugged. The White House monitoring system kept better track of people than do most prisons. The President could not walk from one room to another without that fact being recorded and a buzzer ringing and a light flashing on a console operated by Butterfield. Voices automatically started the tape recorders spinning. Keep in mind that it was not Mr. Nixon who turned the recorders off and on. It is as though the President were under constant surveillance by others, who wanted to know about his every word and movement. Why didn't Nixon have the tape machines shut off the day after the Watergate arrests? Or, failing that, why didn't he destroy the tapes after Butterfield revealed their existence? Several rationalizations have been put forth, none of which ring true. One is that Nixon was mesmerized by the arrogance of power and did not believe the Supreme Court could or would subpoena the tapes. Since there was no precedent, why take the risk? Nixon must have known his very survival as President of the United States was at stake. Another explanation is that Nixon is compulsively greedy for money and wanted to keep the tapes for use in writing his memoirs, or to donate to the national archives and take a multimillion dollar tax deduction. Much as Nixon may like money, he would hardly jeopardize the Presidency—and risk a jail term—to keep the tapes. And he is now in the process of writing his memoirs for a million dollar fee without benefit of those tapes. Remember, releasing the tapes would not exonerate Nixon, they would prove him guilty of every cover-up charge made against him. Why would this cunning politician, this ruthless abuser of power, this man from whom no one would buy a used car, not simply destroy the tapes himself? Nixon could have gone on national television in the great tradition of the Checkers speech, and said something like this: "My fellow Americans. As your President, it is my sacred duty to protect your rights and our national security. And, let me make this perfectly clear—I shall not shrink from that duty, no matter how unpleasant the consequences.The tapes contained privileged and highly secret information, the publication of which would embarrass many honorable public servants and jeopardize our delicate relations with foreign powers. It is therefore necessary to do what is best for the country and not what is best for myself. Public release of the tapes would exonerate me, but jeopardize the fate of the nation. I have met this obligation, knowing full well that I shall be terribly criticized by a cynical and hostile press, by destroying the tapes. I know that you, the American people—the finest people in the world—will back me up in this crisis. Thank you and good night." To be sure, if Nixon had "stonewalled" it this way, the screaming would have been loud and profane. Senator Kennedy, the hero of Chappaquiddick, would have made a speech about abusing power to cover up crimes. But, there would have been no proof. And there is no way in the world that the President of the United States could have been removed from office without such evidence. Controversy would rage and Nixon would finish his second term under a cloud of doubt. But, there is no doubt he would finish the term! Better ugly suspicions than the damning truth. Watergate Prosecutor Leon Jaworski has admitted that "if Mr. Nixon had destroyed the tapes at the time their existence was disclosed in July, 1973, he would still be President." Can anybody believe, as Dr. Susan Huck has asked, that Nixon sat there like a good scout, watching the lynch mob fasten a hangman's knot out of those wretched tapes, and refuse to destroy the noose? That isn't the Nixon depicted on the tapes—much less in public life. Why then did not Nixon, that ultimate political opportunist, burn the tapes? We believe the only logical answer is that either Nixon did not control the tapes, or he knew there was more than one set. In a word, he did not destroy them because he could not. Have you ever wondered how everybody seemed to know what was on the tapes, and where, before they were "turned over" to committee staffs, special prosecutors, or Judge Sirica? The mediacracy didn't wonder. So far as we can discover, the only person who has asked this question is Dr. Susan Huck, in the February 1975 issue of American Opinion magazine. Consider the fantastic detail involved in the requests. On August 14th, for example, judge Sirica demanded the "entire segment of tape on the reel identified as' White House telephone start 5/25/72 (2:00 P.M.) (skipping 5 lines) 6/23/72 (2:50 P.M.) (832) complete."' I don't know what all the identifying numbers mean—but you have to agree that only somebody very familiar with the tapes would know. These boys knew precisely what to look for! Here is another sample request: January 8, 1973 from 4:05 to 5:34 P.M. (E.O.B.)

a) at approximately 10 minutes and 15 seconds into the conversation, a segment lasting 6 minutes and 31 seconds:

b) at approximately 67 minutes into the conversation, a segment lasting 11 minutes;

c) at approximately 82 minutes and 15 seconds into the conversation, a segment lasting 5 minutes and 31 seconds.

As Dr. Huck observed: "It does sound as though somebody—obviously not the President—had been curled up with these tapes for many a long hour, doesn't it? Somebody knew exactly where the juicy parts are, down to the second." Remember, all White House conversations—in person and on the phone—had been "bugged" for at least a year. There were literally miles of tapes in storage somewhere. But it is obvious the investigators already had the evidence they sought when the various subpoenas were issued! Who then controlled the tapes, or had access to a duplicate set? There is (understandably) very little information available on this crucial question. It is worth noting, however, that while LBJ's recording system had been installed by the Army Signal Corps, the Nixon monitors were established by the Secret Service. So it is of more than passing significance that Newsweek on September 23, 1974, reported:

"While former White House chief of staff H. R. Haldeman awaits trial for his part in Watergate, the Secret Service chief he ousted from the White House last year has landed a plum job. Robert H. Taylor, 49, who tangled with Haldeman over Nixon security procedures, is now head of the private security forces for all the far-flung Rockefeller family enterprises". Hmm. Once Nixon is deposed, the head of the Secret Service—the man in charge of the agency which was in charge of the tapes—gets "a plum job" with the Rockefeller Empire. And what of the Rockefeller's number one man in the White House? We know that Henry Kissinger was deeply involved in wiretapping his own staff and several journalists. But the one member of the White House staff who apparently never had his remarks taped in the Oval Office was Herr Kissinger-who also, as it by Nixon. Nixon did not know Kissinger well; in fact, he had only met the man once before in his life—at a cocktail party. And Kissinger was on record as standing 180 degrees to the left of Nixon's campaign utterances. Clearly, Kissinger was put in the Nixon Administration by Rockefeller (who sent his protégé off to Washington with a tidy little gift of $50,000). In his Vice Presidential hearings, Nelson Rockefeller even acknowledged that Kissinger took the job because Rocky asked him to do so.2

While it was Henry Kissinger who set Nixon's head on the chopping block, it was another Rockefeller agent, General Alexander Haig, who applied the axe. Haig was appointed—at Kissinger's suggestion—as an interim replacement for the hastily deposed Bob Haldeman. Like Dwight Eisenhower and George Marshall, two generals whose careers had a bad case of the blahs until anointed by the House of Rockefeller, Haig's career took off like a Saturn rocket when he joined the Rockefeller team through the Council on Foreign Relations. In 1969, he was a colonel. Four years later he had miraculously become a four star general, having skipped the three star rank entirely. What happened to trigger this remarkable rise? In 1969, Haig became an assistant to Kissinger; subsequently, he was catapulted over 240 general officers when Nixon raised him to four-star rank. Such a promotion should mark Haig as one of the great military leaders in our history. But, his promotions did not come as a result of military achievements—there were none. They were political. Haig was now a general in the Rockefeller Army, an army which tells other armies when to march. Syndicated columnist Jerald TerHorst, who did a short stint as Ford's press secretary, tells us:

"For most of the final Nixon year, as Haig himself would agree, he [Haig] was the acting president of the United States. With a troubled President drawing more and more within his shell, everyone in the government, with the possible exception of [Haig's sponsor] Kissinger, was working for Al Haig."

William Safire, a Nixon speech writer, says in the November 11, 1973 New York Times magazine: "Haig is far more powerful than Haldeman ever was; but he exercises it more gently....Haig learned this technique from the past master, . Henry Kissinger. . . ." In his new book, Before The Fall, Safire calls Haig "Kissinger's alter ego." Significantly, the Washington Post's Barry Sussman refers to Haig as "Butterfield's former colleague." You see, it was Alexander Haig who had control of the vault where the Watergate tapes were kept. Two months after Haig became the keeper of the keys, his former colleague Butterfield tipped off the Watergate Committee about their existence. Since it is perfectly clear that the subpoenas for the tapes were written by persons already possessing a detailed familiarity with their contents, it is painfully obvious that Haig had already provided them with copies of the pertinent excerpts.

It was now time for the axe to fall. In the June 8, 1975 issue of Parade magazine, Lloyd Shearer tells us: "From May 1973 to August 1974, Haig was Nixon's chief of staff. It was he who adroitly engineered, orchestrated and choreographed Nixon's resignation from the Presidency." According to Shearer, Nixon was determined not to resign. "Yet Haig knew that he must." The reason for Haig's insistence, according to Parade, was that if the President insisted on a trial and lost, he would lose his pension and other government benefits. You will pardon us for believing that Haig had much more compelling reasons for giving Nixon the final push. How did he do it? Haig "orchestrated the resignation march," says Shearer, by taking the evidence against Nixon to Republican Congressmen, Presidential speech writers and others close to Nixon. "Haig saw to it that Senator Barry Goldwater, the conservative bulwark of the Republican Party, was provided with the damning tape transcripts of June 23," Shearer reported. Get that? The President's chief assistant finds out the boss won't budge, so he takes copies of the most damning tapes to the few supporters Nixon had left! Why didn't Nixon fire Haig and burn the tapes? Again, the most obvious, most logical answer is that he did not because he could not.

Shearer continues: "And at the next and final Cabinet meeting, with at least half the members expecting him to resign, Nixon rambled on about inflation, declared his intention to stay on, ordered them to pass the word.

Haig and Kissinger exchanged glances. When the Cabinet meeting was over, Kissinger stayed behind. Gently he suggested that the President resign."

Later that same afternoon, "Haig played his final card." Republican Senate leaders Hugh Scott and Barry Goldwater, joined by House Minority Leader John Rhodes, visited Nixon and told him his support in the Senate had evaporated. "That night," reports Shearer, "after again talking to Kissinger and Haig, Richard Nixon decided to resign." And that is how the Three Musketeers for the House of Rockefeller engineered the coup d'etat that removed Nixon from the White House, and put Nelson in. There must have been quite a celebration that night in Pocantico Hills. Please do not misunderstand us. We are not claiming that Richard Nixon was an innocent lamb done in by the big bad wolf. It was more like Al Capone rubbing out Bugs Moran and then sending flowers to the funeral. The point is that the entire scenario—from the creation of the Plumbers, through the incredibly bungled Watergate break-in, to the revelation of the existence of the tapes, to the preservation of the tapes and their use to force Nixon to resign—was written and directed by Rockefeller front men. It is not without meaning that only those connected with the Rockefeller empire survived Watergate, while nearly everybody else was in disgrace-some pounding big rocks into little rocks. Alexander Haig, the "instant General" as Dr. Huck called him, was quick to get his reward. Haig is now Supreme Allied Commander Europe, the general in charge of the NATO military command. In order to replace Haldeman, Haig had to retire from the Army. Can you imagine chucking four stars for a ride on the Titanic? Not bloody likely. There can be little doubt that Haig had been promised instant reinstatement and a very posh life jacket when the good ship Nixonia slipped beneath the waves. He got both. Henry Kissinger is another big Watergate winner. Despite the fact that he not only bugged his own staff, but newspaper reporters as well, nary a word of criticism appeared in the press. Then came the disclosure that Kissinger was responsible for creating the Plumbers. Ho hum. During the Watergate scandals, Kissinger rose to the high office of Secretary of State while retaining his position as National Security Advisor. He had unprecedented power over foreign policy and intelligence. The source of his power was his sponsor, Nelson Rockefeller. Kissinger proved, once again, that no man can serve two masters. Just as Haig had said that he "was never a Nixon man," Kissinger had boasted of Nixon, "I would never work for that man." He didn't. He worked for the Rockefellers. Another beneficiary of the Watergate fiasco was that "staunch mid-western conservative," Gerald Ford. As usual, the image created by the media moguls and the truth are light years apart. Despite what some wags have said, Ford showed, while serving on the Warren Commission investigating the assassination of John F. Kennedy, that he had not played football without a helmet once too often: he proved he could keep his mouth shut about a major cover-up. At the time he was made Vice President, Ford had attended Bilderberger meetings and, had been appointed by Rockefeller to the National Commission on Critical Choices.3 The catalyst who arranged Ford's appointment was former Wisconsin Congressman Mel Laird. Laird had been Secretary of Defense under Nixon and later -a Presidential advisor. A member of Rockefeller's CFR, Laird knows where the power lies. If you will pardon the pun, he keeps his standards well oiled. Acting as what Paul Scott calls "Mr. Inside" for Rockefeller, Laird succeeded in talking Nixon out of nominating former Treasury Secretary John Connally to succeed Agnew. He convinced the President that Connally could never be confirmed by Congress and suggested the compromise nomination of Gerald Ford as Vice President. But of course, the ultimate winner of the Watergate roulette was Nelson Rockefeller. He is now only the proverbial heartbeat away from his lifelong ambition-to be President of these United States. (And just recently, two women have pointed pistols at jovial Jerry and his limousine was in an automobile accident. Understandably, Jerry doesn't look quite so merry anymore.) When Bobo Sears Rockefeller was obtaining a divorce from the late Winthrop Rockefeller, she exploded two bombshells at the trial. The first was that Winthrop had one of the largest and most valuable collections of pornography in the world. (The punch line is that the pictures were not of girls.)



Revelation number two from the bizarre divorce proceedings was the disclosure that the Brothers Rockefeller would get together from time to time-to brainstorm on ways they could make Nelson the President, without the benefit of an election. (They realized he could never get into the Oval Office via the ballot box.) So Rockefeller became an appointed Vice President. And, he was named by a man who was not elected, who was appointed by a man who resigned because he was about to be impeached We doubt if the Brothers Rockefeller could dream up anything quite this wild even after the fifth martini. Or could they? Ford went through the motions of asking Republican Congressional leaders for their recommendations for the Vice Presidency. The choice had all the suspense of an election in Russia. Anybody, who was surprised at the selection of Rockefeller must have arrived in town on top of a wagon full of turnips. Are we suggesting there was a deal made for Nixon to appoint Ford, get pardoned by the new President, and then have Ford select Nelson Rockefeller as Vice President? That is exactly what we are saying. Anyone who doubts such a deal was made probably thinks professional wrestling matches are for real. It may just be coincidental, but on December 7, 1973, the headline on the upper-right-hand part of page one of the New York Times was: FORD SWORN AS VICE PRESIDENT AFTER HOUSE APPROVES. The upper-left-hand headline of the very same issue read: GOVERNOR TO QUIT AND SEEK PRESIDENCY, HIS AIDES SAY. While the nation focused on the Watergate hearings circus, the real show was going on inside a different tent. Columnist Paul Scott wrote at the time: "The drama packed Senate Watergate hearings are only the colorful sideshow to one of the boldest and slickest transfers in U.S. history." And he continued with this revelation:

"With everyone's attention focused on the cast of "small time" actors parading before the TV cameras recording the special Senate inquiry, only a few privileged insiders are alert to the really big show taking place at the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue.

As part of the plan to create a new world order [world government], the main show involves the carefully planned transfer of power from President Nixon to New York's Governor Rockefeller, now strategically positioning himself to become the President's heir apparent for 1976.

Whether Rockefeller with his family's vast economic wealth, social and political power will be able to pull off this carefully managed "power grab" is one of the most chilling and exciting political stories unfolding in our times." Half of the Rockefeller coup d'etat has already been achieved. The question of the decade is: Where does Rocky go now? In 1968, after his third flop on the primary circuit, Rocky announced: ". . . the old avidity is gone." Has the "old avidity" returned? Is a four-pound robin fat? Does King Kong like bananas? Obviously the Rockefellers did not go to all of the trouble in setting the Watergate wheels in motion without having something big in mind. Being a political prognosticator is an occupation only slightly less dangerous than riding tandem with Evel Knievel. Gathering facts is one thing, projecting them with accuracy into the future is quite another. Circumstances change, and we don't think there is a single plan which has been carved in stone. The Rockefellers never put all of their financial or political eggs in one basket. Doubtless, the family is considering a whole fleet of alternatives. Rocky now says that he will not run with Ford in '76. He did not say he wouldn't run without him. Our Washington sources tell us that it was Nelson's idea to announce that he would not be on a Ford ticket, and that Jerry un merrily begged him not to make the announcement. The reason Nelson is getting off the S.S. Jerry Ford, is that it is a sinking ship. Rocky's private polls reportedly show that Ford could well lose early '76 primaries and thereby throw the nomination wide open. At that point the Rockefeller bandwagon would begin rolling with the greatest media promotion campaign in history, the theme being that only Rocky can save us. Indeed, according to Washington's best informed columnist, Paul Scott, Rockefeller began setting up an independent campaign organization two weeks before announcing he would not run with Ford. But wait, the plot thickens.

Many will refuse to believe the next prediction will happen, but we would bet our last farthing on it. If Nelson gets the top spot, the number two man on the ticket will be Ronald Reagan. It will be successfully sold to the Republican faithful across the nation as "the ticket to save the party." Would Reagan prostitute himself to accept the number two man on a Rocky ticket? Unfortunately, the answer is yes. Reagan will do whatever his "Kitchen Cabinet" of money men tell him to do. When he first got the Republican nomination for the Governorship of California in 1966, he quickly cut himself loose from tough conservatives and put Rockefeller men in as his key advisors. Whether Rocky is at the top or in the number two position on the ticket may depend on whether his private surveys indicate he could be elected President. Recent public polls show that he is not exactly as popular with the American people as ice cream at a picnic. Even though the Rockefeller family is reportedly ready to spend $100 million dollars to put Nelson in the White House, it still might not work. The American people seem intuitively suspicious of him. How widely this book is read could influence Rocky's decision. In addition to financing a lavish direct and indirect campaign for a Rockefeller-Reagan ticket, the House of Rockefeller can be counted upon to pump money in a thousand different and devious ways into splitting the Democrat vote. The odds-on favorite to get the Democrat nod is Hubert Humphrey. The U.S. has moved so far toward fascism-socialism that Hubert Humphrey, a founder of the radical Americans for Democratic Action (ADA), is now considered to be a middle-of the road candidate. Like Nixon in 1968, Humphrey is a man whose time has come. Nobody is too wild about him, but he is acceptable to most. A far left ticket headed by Eugene McCarthy or Senator Frank Church of Idaho would siphon off enough traditional Democrats so that the Republicans could win with forty percent of the vote. Divide and conquer is the name of the electoral game. Wallace can be counted upon to run as a patriotic third party candidate and take some workingman-type votes away from Humphrey. Wallace is not a Rockefeller man and the family would hope that he does not start such a wildfire rebellion against the Establishment that he actually gets elected. Meanwhile Nelson can continue as the de facto President, letting Ford walk around with a target on his back. Since Ford has made Rocky head of the Domestic Council (which controls national policy), and since Kissinger runs foreign policy, the House of Rockefeller already controls the government in everything but name. Having Nelson as Veep is a gun perpetually cocked at Ford's temple. If Jerry for some reason does not want to go along, a Secret Service man may look the other way while an assassin does a number on the President. Let us assume that public revulsion at Rocky is so great that he is dumped from the Republican ticket. And let us assume also that Humphrey or another Democrat wins the Presidency. Does that mean that the royal Rockefellers would be stripped of their power? No, not unless the whole CFR socialist-fascist-world government strategy is repudiated. If Rocky is ousted, it will be a huge blow to his inflated ego and might set the Rockefeller Great Merger timetable back somewhat. The House of Rockefeller would simply be back to operating through the CFR. But their plan for world conquest will roll on unabated. You see, we have the Rockepubs and the Rockedems, but there is not a dime's worth of difference. Both parties belong to the House of Rockefeller.

Endnotes (1). This story is described at length in Richard Nixon: The Man Behind The Mask by this author (2). So critical was the Kissinger appointment that Nixon waived the customary FBI security clearance for his nominee as Secretary of State. The reasons Kissinger could never pass accurate security procedures will be discussed in our follow-up book, The Kissinger File. (3).The Bilderbergers are sort of an international CFR. They meet once a year at some posh secluded hideaway to make a mockery of democracy. The meetings, composed of the world's elite men of politics, business, banking and labor, receive virtually no serious attention from the mediacracy. See Chapter 5 of None Dare Call It Conspiracy. Ordering Information. The Rockefeller File and other GREAT books by Gary Allen are published by CPA Book Publishers, P.O. Box 596, Boring, Oregon 97009. Order thru Amazon.com.