Donald Trump's Atlantic City casinos' tax debt to New Jersey was nearly $30 million. But after Gov. Chris Christie took office, it was settled for just $5 million.

The headline from the front-page story in The New York Times on Wednesday suggested Christie, who has long touted his 14 year friendship with the now Republican presidential nominee, used his power as governor to help Trump.

Christie's spokesman says the governor was not involved in the tax settlement.

But this wasn't the only time critics have claimed Christie may have used his office to help his rich and powerful friends. Here's a list of seven, including the newest one:

1. Trump's Atlantic City tax bill

The New York Times report explored how New Jersey auditors and lawyers spent years trying to collect Trump's overdue taxes. The tax bill, when combined with interest, totaled nearly $30 million, according to the report.

"But the year after Governor Christie, a Republican, took office, the tone of the litigation shifted. The state entertained settlement offers. And in December 2011, after six years in court, the state agreed to accept just $5 million, roughly 17 cents on the dollar of what auditors said the casinos owed," the newspaper reported.

Christie first met Trump when he was U.S. attorney. At the time, Trump's sister, Senior Circuit Judge Maryanne Trump Barry, asked Christie he would meet with the billionaire businessman, Christie later recalled.

Christie's office promptly fired back at the assertion the governor had any involvement in the matter.

"The New York Times once again shows their bias by using a complex bankruptcy settlement to weave a piece of political fiction," Christie spokesman Brian Murray said. "They ignore this simple fact: Governor Christie had no knowledge of or involvement in the routine settlement of this matter by the state treasurer and attorney general."

2. The Exxon settlement

A former state environmental commissioner charged in 2015 that a top Christie staffer "elbowed" his way into a multi-billion-dollar settlement negotiation with Exxon Mobil.

Bradley Campbell, a former commissioner of the state's Department of Environmental Protection, wrote in an op-ed that the Christie administration's moved to quietly settle an $8.9 billion lawsuit with Exxon Mobil over the pollution at two industrial sites came after a top administration official took over the settlement agreement. The settlement totaled $225 million.

Environmental advocates and some New Jersey lawmakers cried foul after it was reported the firm that represented Exxon in New Jersey, Public Strategies Impact, donated $50,000 to a super PAC that supported Christie's failed bid for the White House.

Christie would later refer to the deal as "actually a really nice settlement" and criticized news outlets for not getting the facts of the settlement straight.

"They're going to have to clean up everything no matter what it costs, and we're going to get the $225 million on top of it," Christie said. "If you read The New York Times, you'd never know this."

3. $52 million for an old boss' firm

When then U.S. Attorney Christie announced a $311 million settlement to end a probe into kickbacks by leading manufacturers of knee and hip replacements, he touted the agreement as a groundbreaking development for consumers and the industry.

But the deal also proved to be lucrative for his old boss.

Former U.S. Attorney General John Ashcroft was one of five private attorneys that Christie hand-picked to monitor the implant makers. Ashcroft's D.C.-based firm collected more than $52 million in 18 months.

Christie defended his awarding of lucrative monitoring contracts and argued the deals were used "to achieve results of justice for the public."

"There is absolutely zero -- zero -- taxpayer dollars spent on these monitors," Christie said in 2009. "They are all incurred -- these costs -- by the companies involved in the wrongdoing."

4. Halfway houses

When Community Education Centers sought to expand its footprint in the state, it had a few things working in its favor.

CEC ran halfway houses in New Jersey and came under scrutiny in 2012 after The New York Times published a series detailing escapes and examples of gang activity and violence within them. The report detailed how when CEC sought a $130 million contract with Essex County the only hurdle that stood in its way in the bidding process was Essex County Executive Joe DiVincenzo, a close Christie ally.

To be fair, DiVincenzo had enough of a relationship with CEC's owner, John Clancy, to get an invite to his daughter's wedding.

Christie was a registered lobbyist for the company in 2000 and 2001. As was Bill Palatucci, a close Christie confidant who continued to work for CEC for most of Christie's first term in office.

5. Gibbons P.C.

Palatucci, the Christie confidant, took a job with a powerful New Jersey law firm, Gibbons P.C., in late 2012.

NJ Advance Media reported in May that private law firms contracted by the state for legal work from 2006 through 2015 that had close ties to Christie and his allies prospered since his election, while those often used by his Democratic predecessor, Gov. Jon Corzine, have lost ground.

One of the biggest losers in legal work under Christie was Gibbons, whose work dropped by nearly $2 million from 2008 to 2011.

But in late 2012, around the time of Palatucci being brought on as special counsel, the firm reversed its downward trend in outside counsel work. Last year, Gibbons was the largest beneficiary of outside counsel work, receiving nearly $3.2 million from the state.

More recently, Gibbons was retained by the state to work on a bridge loan the state is giving Atlantic City.

6. Gibson Dunn

Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher, the major Republican-leaning firm, was initially hired by the Christie administration to fight for legalized sports betting, but later rose to prominence when Christie tapped it to perform an internal investigation of his office after the George Washington Bridge lane closure scandal.

The attorney and partner that lead the bridge efforts, Randy Mastro, is the former chief of staff to former GOP New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani, an ardent Christie supporter. Another Gibson Dunn attorney on the case, Debra Wong Yang, is Christie's personal friend and their families have vacationed together. Yang was awarded a lucrative federal monitoring contract when Christie was U.S. Attorney.

Yang co-hosted a $2,700 per head Los Angeles fundraiser for Christie's presidential campaign and the firm was the Christie campaign's biggest source of donations between Oct. 1 and Dec. 31, according to an NJ Advance Media analysis of Federal Election Commission data. Its employees gave $65,500.

7. Hurricane Sandy

In the immediate aftermath of Hurricane Sandy, a politically connected contractor won a no-bid contract to haul the mountains of debris left by the storm.

Taking the advice of former Mississippi Gov. Haley Barbour, Christie awarded AshBritt a no-bid contract two days after Sandy struck. Barbour, an early backer of Christie, is a founding partner in the lobbying firm that has represented AshBritt's interests in Washington for a number of years.

Despite criticism from Democratic lawmakers, a federal audit released in 2014 concluded Christie's administration did not violate any rules in awarding the contract.