The Federal Bureau of Investigation is exploring whether confidantes of Gov. Sam Brownback operated influence-peddling operations in Kansas pivoting on personal access to the Republican governor and top administration officials.

The Topeka Capital-Journal learned the months-long inquiry involves Parallel Strategies, a rapidly expanding Topeka consulting and lobbying firm created in 2013 by a trio of veteran Brownback employees who left government service to work in an environment where coziness with former colleagues could pay dividends.

Of concern to the FBI were behind-the-scenes financial arrangements related to Brownback's privatization of the state's $3 billion Medicaid program. The governor's branding of KanCare handed to three for-profit insurance companies exclusive contracts to provide Medicaid services to 380,000 of Kansas' disabled and poor.

Owners of Parallel Strategies, who also maintain separate individual lobbying firms, declined requests to discuss for this story emergence of their influential joint franchise, which includes on its client list the governor himself.

Parallel Strategies was founded by David Kensinger, Brownback's former chief of staff and campaign manager and current director of the governor's political organization Road Map Solutions; George Stafford, a longtime fundraiser, employee and adviser to Brownback; and Riley Scott, a senior staff member to Brownback while he was in the U.S. Senate and son-in-law of Kansas Senate President Susan Wagle, R-Wichita.

"Thanks for reaching out," Scott said, "but I'm not interested."

The FBI also has looked into activities of individual legislators and lobbyists unaffiliated with Parallel Strategies.

KanCare, launched in January 2013 and expanded in February, is arguably the most far-reaching reform of Brownback's first term.

Kensinger was the governor's chief of staff during formative construction of KanCare, but quit two months before contracts were signed with AmeriGroup Kansas, United Healthcare of the Midwest and Sunflower State Health Plan, a subsidiary of Centene. These contractors now employ as lobbyists one of Kensinger's partners at Parallel Strategies, Kensinger's former lobbying partner and a one-time Brownback deputy Cabinet secretary.

Questions center on whether Brownback representatives pressed companies or organizations to hire specific lobbying firms or whether entities that showed inadequate deference were targeted for political or financial punishment.

Eileen Hawley, spokeswoman for Brownback, said she was unaware of an investigation by law enforcement involving Statehouse insiders. She asserted Brownback wouldn’t engage in unethical behavior as the state's top elected official.

"He's really one of the most honorable and ethical people I've met," Hawley said. "I have a hard time believing any of these things were occurring in the governor's office."

It is unclear how far the federal investigation has progressed or whether evidence will materialize to warrant proceeding to court.

Joel Sealer, special agent with the FBI in Kansas City, Mo., said the agency's long-standing policy was to decline public comment on topics of inquiries and targets of probes.

"Can I comment? No," Sealer said. "I can neither confirm nor deny any type of investigation."

K Street in Kansas

The election of Brownback in 2010 triggered realignment of Topeka's political apparatus following eight years under Democratic Govs. Kathleen Sebelius and Mark Parkinson. Election night successes by conservative Republicans, according to one former Kansas GOP official, fueled an operational philosophy best captured by the phrase "to the victor belong the spoils."

In 2012, Brownback's red-state overhaul entered an advanced phase when he took a prominent role in a series of contested Republican Senate primary races. In a maneuver rare by Kansas standards, Brownback embraced a slate of GOP challengers and worked against incumbent Republicans opposed to pieces of the governor's agenda. Ten Republicans seeking re-election were ousted.

"They're ruthless," said Steve Morris, a former Senate president who lost re-election to a GOP candidate backed by the Brownback machinery. "I served with (Govs.) Joan Finney, Bill Graves, Kathleen Sebelius and Mark Parkinson. None of them, to my knowledge, did that."

Within days of the August primary, high-ranking members of the Brownback administration began informing political advocates that campaign contributions to moderates or Democrats would no longer be tolerated.

This message of financial loyalty was delivered in advance of a September fundraiser in Topeka headlined by Brownback. With the House already controlled by conservatives, the objective was to raise sufficient cash to elect 14 GOP candidates capable of bringing the Senate in line with the administration's ideals. Lobbying firms were urged to demonstrate dedication to the cause by donating $500 to $1,000 to each highlighted general election campaign.

Political evolution in Topeka has been described during interviews with more than two dozen Republican, independent or Democratic lobbyists and political figures — most conducted on condition of anonymity due to their anxiety about possible retribution from allies of Brownback — as analogous to the infamous K Street in Washington, D.C.

This road-to-riches boulevard in the U.S. capital was a hub of activity among former government employees eager to exploit revolving-door access and Republicans in government who made it known they were in charge and expected future political investment to mirror that reality.

"That is the sinister part of the Brownback folks," said Rep. Jim Ward, a Wichita Democrat. "They punish. They can make it very cold for you. I think that's bad for democracy. At some point, it's going to blow up."

Circle of trust

Kensinger's departure as Brownback's chief of staff two years ago allowed him to return full time to consulting and lobbying. He was free to focus on fine-tuning the governor's political organization, Road Map Solutions, in preparation for the governor's 2014 re-election bid.

"There are no timeouts in this game," Kensinger said in Wichita immediately after the November 2012 election. "Either you're moving the ball on the other side or the other side is moving the ball on you."

Brownback said his trusted aide, who started working for him 20 years ago, wouldn't stray far from the governor's affairs.

"I am deeply appreciative of the work and energy David has given me, our team and the state of Kansas," Brownback said. "We will miss him but are pleased he will continue to work with us as we work to make our great state even better."

Initially, Kensinger set up shop in a large office on the fifth floor of a S. Kansas Avenue building. The space played host to a downsized Kensinger and Associates — it no longer included longtime partner Matt Hickam, who hung his own shingle in 2010.

By this past September, Parallel Strategies went operational with Kensinger, Stafford and Scott in the fold. Their firm serves as an umbrella organization enabling collaboration on certain clients and permitting each principal to remain engaged in their own independent lobbying or consulting businesses.

"Key friends of Sam have garnered a rather large number of big lobbying contracts in a very short period of time," said an experienced Kansas lobbyist. "They are making lots of money. Perhaps as important, they can impress upon their clients the need to be supportive of the governor and his agenda."

Topeka lobbyist Rob Mealy took to Twitter to express disenchantment in mid-2012 about work by Brownback associates to accumulate lobbying clients. Mealy indicated poaching activities had the blessing of state government insiders.

"Client poaching, a lobbyist on lobbyist crime, on the increase since the Kansas primary with the poachers getting an assist," wrote Mealy, who declined to comment for this story.

Hawley, of the governor's staff, said she had no information about administration officials recommending the hiring of lobbying firms.

Friends, foes

Parallel Strategies picked up a pair of unlikely clients in the Kansas Association of Realtors and the Kansas Coalition Against the Death Penalty.

Luke Bell, a lobbyist with the Realtors association, engaged in vigorous fights during the 2012 and 2013 sessions against Brownback's proposal to eliminate the home mortgage tax deduction.

"It is an example of very poor policy to eliminate a deduction that encourages home ownership and provides tax relief for middle-income families," Bell said.

Bell's advocacy became such a thorn in the administration's side that pressure was applied to get him fired. His association eventually consented to a legislative compromise — the tax break would be phased down to 50 percent by 2017.

On heels of that deal, the association hired Parallel Strategies for the 2014 Legislature with the goal of repealing a mortgage registration fee charged by county governments. A bill is pending in the Statehouse, and Bell said he was optimistic it will pass next week during the closing days of the annual session.

The contract with Parallel Strategies had nothing to do with mending fences after prior skirmishes with the administration, Bell said.

"There are 165 legislators. I'm just one person," he said. "We hired them because we think they're all intelligent guys. They're a great firm."

Senate Minority Leader Anthony Hensley, D-Topeka, said the Realtors organization took on Parallel Strategies to be seen as more compliant with the Brownback administration.

"That's exactly how it came down," Hensley said. "He felt compelled that he had — what's the old adage — if you can't beat them, join them."

Mary Sloan, executive director of the Coalition Against the Death Penalty, said the organization's board of directors concluded a movement to repeal capital punishment in Kansas required assistance of contract lobbyists. Brownback supports the death penalty and has endorsed restrictions on appeals.

Sloan said the Brownback administration didn't pressure the coalition to choose Parallel Strategies. The coalition's work with Parallel Strategies, in part, led to a Senate Judiciary Committee hearing this session on a repeal bill, but the measure otherwise gained no traction.

"They're talented people," she said. "We do hope next year, after the election, things may be different. We are determined."

Sen. Carolyn McGinn, a Sedgwick Republican and leading proponent of replacing the death penalty with a sentence of life without parole, said she was informed the governor's office helped direct the coalition in hiring a lobbying firm.

"My objection was the pool was limited. I did not feel like they had sought out other possible lobbyists," McGinn said. "I questioned the pool of people and the logic of hiring the firm they did."

KanCare links

As it relates to KanCare, the three Medicaid contractors reinforced their lobbying operations by hiring individuals who are no strangers to Brownback.

Scott, a partner in Parallel Strategies, was added in January by United Healthcare. Gary Haulmark, a former deputy Cabinet secretary in the Brownback administration, resigned from state government in 2013 to represent Amerigroup. Sunflower employs Hickam, who ran a lobbying firm with Kensinger from 2004 to 2010.

"I believe it is wrong for people as closely connected to the seat of power to be in a position of lobbying for pay," said former Sen. Dick Kelsey, a Republican who represented a district south of Wichita. "I still have a problem with the pay-to-play concept."

Kelsey said Brownback officials had a political interest in tamping down complaints about KanCare until after the November election. There is an aggressive behind-the-scene campaign to minimize public criticism about denying access to treatments, placing administrative hurdles on providers delivering care, and to delaying payment of contractors.

At the same time, Kelsey said, the managed care organizations want to please the administration by hiring Brownback associates. It is a symbiotic relationship, Kelsey said, that hasn't best served interests of clients.

Rep. David Crum, an Augusta Republican and chairman of the House-Senate oversight committee for KanCare, said he had at least four meetings this year with executives and lobbyists with Medicaid companies operating KanCare. He expressed no reservation about lobbyists hired by the firms, and he discounted the possibility of "any scheming and carrying on."

"Probably the individual I've known the longest is Gary Haulmark," Crum said. "I have a huge amount of respect for Gary. He always has been a straight shooter."

Crum said he was optimistic the Medicaid reform initiative would fulfill Brownback's goal of saving the state $1 billion over five years while also improving medical outcomes for clients.

"In the next year or two," he said, "I think we'll really, truly appreciate the effectiveness of how that managed care system is going to work."

He also was certain the Kansas Department of Health and Environment and the Kansas Department for Aging and Disability Services had the capacity to protect the state's investment in KanCare.

Sen. Laura Kelly, D-Topeka, said enough uncertainty about the direction of KanCare existed to warrant a significant inquiry by the Legislature. She said producing an accurate assessment would require assurances that individuals and organizations coming forward wouldn’t be subject to retaliation for speaking out.

Kelly, who serves with Crum on the KanCare oversight committee, said the model for the Legislature could be the inquiry of the Kansas Bioscience Authority led in 2011 and 2012 by Wichita Sen. Wagle, who since then was elected Senate president. The KBA, a state-financed economic development entity working to expand agriculture, animal health and human health innovation, was the subject of a legislative review and a forensic audit that cost nearly $1 million.

"If the situation at the Bioscience Authority warranted an investigation, this situation does, too," Kelly said.

Price of dissent

Individuals who have expressed criticism about KanCare said they were targeted by Republicans representing the legislative or executive branches of state government.

Rocky Nichols, executive director of the Disability Rights Center of Kansas, a nonprofit legal advocacy organization, was publicly rebuked in March by Angela de Rocha, spokeswoman for the state's aging and disability services agency. The Disability Rights Center has for years criticized as inadequate the funding directed at disabled Kansans.

De Rocha said the Disability Rights Center haphazardly added people to disability service waiting lists in the past "without much attention to accuracy or detail in order to provide a soapbox" useful for Nichols to "score cheap political points."

In response, Nichols said the Disability Rights Center has no role in adding people to the waiting list. Nichols said the outburst by de Rocha indicated a willingness to attach unsavory motives to the work of an organization attempting to advance public policy under the KanCare banner. Other nonprofit groups have experienced a similar backlash for speaking out, he said.

"We have heard from several advocates and providers that if you advocate and tell the truth — if the truth is unflattering to state government — often there's some form of blowback," Nichols said.

Tom Laing, executive director of Interhab, an organization supporting people with developmental disabilities, said the group's two-year effort to block placement of DD clients in KanCare left him with political wounds. The level of political muscle brought into play by Brownback supporters was a surprise to some unfamiliar with Washington hardball, he said.

The GOP-led Legislature ordered an audit of the state's community development disability organizations, the majority of which are represented by Interhab.

"I've never felt partisanship like it has been applied," Laing said. "You're in the governor's corner or not. Folks to whom this happened have an obligation to talk about it. I don't care what party it is. The greatest danger is refusing to call it out."