News that the Northern Ireland assembly is facing suspension will surely have taken people in England, Wales and Scotland by surprise.

Very little about the reason for the political crisis has appeared in the London-based national press, but it has been front page news in Ireland, north and south, for a couple of weeks.

So, before I continue, you need to know that the story began with the murder on 12 August of a former IRA member, Kevin McGuigan. The Guardian’s Irish correspondent, Henry McDonald, immediately reported that the killing had “the potential to destabilise the already fragile power-sharing coalition at the devolved parliament in Stormont.”

Why? Because it was suggested that McGuigan had been killed by former IRA members as a retaliation for McGuigan having murdered another former senior IRA member, Gerard Davison, in early May. That killing, also reported by McDonald, got almost no mention elsewhere.

Ten days later, a statement by the head of Northern Ireland’s police service (PSNI), George Hamilton, set the story alight. He said the Provisional IRA still existed and that individual members had been involved in killing McGuigan.

But Hamilton also said the IRA’s leadership had not sanctioned McGuigan’s murder. He was quoted as saying: “Some of the PIRA structure from the 1990s remains broadly in place, although its purpose has radically changed since this period.”

Aside from the Guardian, most of the UK papers that bothered to cover Hamilton’s intervention, relied on Press Association copy: Daily Telegraph examples here on 21 August and on the following day.

The Independent carried a short report on 23 August, which was clearly no more than rewritten agency copy, and a longer piece, “They haven’t gone away you know”, the following Saturday (not online).*

The Times did not catch up with the story’s significance until 24 August with a piece by its new Irish political editor, Niamh Lyons, in which she reported that Gerry Adams, the Sinn Féin president, had been forced to deny that the IRA is still in operation for the second time in three days.

Adams also said the murders of Davison and McGuigan were being used “opportunistically and cynically” to attack Sinn Féin.

Some four days later, the leader of the Ulster Unionist party (UUO), Mike Nesbitt, threatened to pull out of the five-party ruling coalition at Stormont.

The predicted power-sharing crisis was on its way. By this time, newspapers across the island of Ireland were carrying articles in which commentators argued about whether or not the IRA existed.

But there was no such analysis in the UK. The under-reporting of Northern Ireland politics, increasingly evident over recent years after national papers withdrew their correspondents, means that the people who ultimately hold the fate of those six Irish counties in their hands (British voters) are denied relevant information.

It also means that the actors involved in the drama escape from the necessary scrutiny that is the hallmark of Britain’s national press when dealing with major stories.

For a start, I cannot imagine any British-based chief constable getting away with such an ambivalent statement as that made by the PSNI’s Hamilton without being subjected to intense daily pressure to explain himself.

He set unionism’s political hares running with a confusing set of allegations that required relentless journalistic questioning. By forcing him to be more transparent it is possible that there would be no political crisis. He was, in effect, let off the hook.

By saying the IRA still exists he must have known the likely outcome. It was manna from heaven for unionists who dislike sharing power with Sinn Féin.

Where was Hamilton’s evidence? Even if we accept that he is right in saying that former IRA members were responsible for McGuigan’s murder, in what way does that prove the organisation itself exists?

Following Hamilton’s inept statement Sinn Féin has found itself in an impossible position: how do you prove a negative? Their spokespeople have routinely said that the IRA doesn’t exist in the face of interviewers quoting Hamilton’s claim that “the structure” exists.

The nonsense continued today (Wednesday) with the Times’s leading article, It is time for Sinn Fein to complete the dismantling of the Provisionals. The paper said:

“It must be evident to all by now that the residual elements of the Provisional IRA, still enjoying contacts with Sinn Fein, have to be properly disowned and cast into well-deserved obscurity. There is only so much longer that a democratic party can run with the fox and hunt with the hounds.”

Why is that nonsense? Well, given that unionists (and supportive British politicians and newspapers) are predisposed not to believe in Sinn Féin’s claim that the IRA was disbanded long ago and no longer exists, how could the party ever convince anyone that it has “properly disowned” is former military wing?

It does not take us any further forward. Again, the lack of interest from UK newspapers (allied to their anti-republican agenda) allows unionists to escape criticism for their stance. In what way does collapsing Stormont change the situation?

Direct rule would not change matters. Sinn Féin would go on saying the IRA didn’t exist. If there were to be new assembly elections, with every likelihood that voters would return the same parties to Stormont in similar numbers, the situation wouldn’t change.

How can Sinn Féin convince those who refuse to believe it that the IRA has gone away for ever?

The black irony is that the only way it could possibly “control” former members bent on criminal behaviour is by reforming the IRA to bring them to heel.



Finally, I must mention a column published last Friday in the Irish edition of the Daily Mirror by Pat Flanagan. He derided the leaders of two Irish parties - Labour’s Joan Burton and Fianna Fail’s Micheál Martin - by arguing that they had “scrambled aboard the McGuigan murder bandwagon”.

He accused them of ignoring other murders in the Republic because there was “no political mileage to be made from their deaths” and added:

“Also there wasn’t the same reaction from this pair when 16-year-old Phoebe Clawson was seriously injured after a loyalist drove his car into a crowd during the Twelfth ‘celebrations’. The alleged driver, John Aughey, who has been charged with attempted murder [which he denies], is a leading member of the Orange Order which, unlike Sinn Féin, doesn’t pose a political threat to Labour or Fianna Fail, so the bandwagon remained in the garage.”

It reminded me that Phoebe Clawson’s ordeal had been widely overlooked also by the British press. A quick search reveals that few papers even covered the story.

Yet again, the perils of the under-reporting of Northern Ireland mean that there is no press pressure on organisations, such as the Orange Order, that have definitely not gone away.

Full disclosure: I have written in the past for the Sinn Féin newspaper, An Phoblacht

*This paragraph was amended on 6 September to take account of the second Independent article which, as stated, was not accessible online.