It’s fascinating to watch the budding alliance that has emerged between Maxime Bernier, a front-runner for the federal Conservative leadership, and Alberta’s Wildrose Party.

Not in its wildest dreams could the Wildrose have imagined a Conservative leader from Quebec might be the messiah it is waiting for.

But it’s true. Bernier sounds like a Wildroser with a French accent. And he has made it clear he feels right at home with Alberta’s official opposition.

No wonder. Bernier’s policies read like a Wildrose platform, especially when it comes to equalization payments, one of the ways Canada redistributes wealth, and the repeal of carbon taxes.

First, let’s deal with equalization payments.

To put it simply, since 1957 the federal government has used an equalization formula to decide how much of its total take of federal income taxes needs to be sent to provinces where people don’t ante up as much as some other provinces, with the intent to even out the provision of services, such as health care and education.

Quebec has long received the biggest chunk of equalization payments while Alberta has long been a net contributor. This is mainly because development of Alberta’s vast petroleum resources led to higher earnings for taxpayers and therefore more tax money for Ottawa.

This is a sore point for many Albertans, especially those who lean to the Wildrose. It is not unusual, for example, for someone at a public meeting to angrily point out that Quebec students pay far less for university tuition than Alberta students because of “all the money Alberta sends to Quebec.”

According to a recent Wildrose-commissioned study on the matter, Alberta made a net contribution of $190 billion to the equalization program between 2007 and 2014.

Most politicians in Quebec like the equalization payments. Why wouldn’t they? But not Bernier. He says it is a “welfare trap” that has prevented Quebec from standing on its own two feet.

Exactly what the Wildrose contends. Wildrose leader Brian Jean is so worked up about equalization that he has even promised to hold a referendum on the issue should the party win the next provincial election.

In early April, Bernier came to Alberta and received the endorsement of eight of 22 Wildrose MLAs. “Alberta is the foundation of our party,” Bernier told the assembled, no doubt referring to the key roles played by Reform Party leader Preston Manning, Alberta premier Ralph Klein, and former prime minister Stephen Harper in the development of Canadian conservatism.

Wildrose leader Brian Jean did not attend but Wildrose up-and-comer Derek Fildebrandt was front and centre. He is the shadow minister of finance and has been a Bernier fan for many years.

“I often tell friends that Maxime might have a bit of an accent but he speaks Alberta common sense fluently,” Fildebrandt wrote after he first endorsed Bernier in February because he believes he has best the chance of beating Justin Trudeau.

This deep appreciation is mutual as Bernier has said he feels like “an Albertan from Quebec.”

Bernier and the Wildrose also see eye to eye when it comes to scrapping carbon taxes. Repeal of Alberta’s carbon tax has been a rallying cry for the Wildrose ever since the NDP’s carbon tax went into effect in Alberta at the beginning of this year. Wildrose has also pledged to scrap the NDP’s plan to end coal-fueled electricity generation in Alberta by 2030.

When it comes to coal, Wildrose leader Brian Jean sounds like Donald Trump.

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Even with the departure of front-runner Kevin O’Leary from the Conservative leadership race and his endorsement of Bernier, it’s no sure thing that Bernier will win. There are 13 candidates, which means the vote could split in weird ways requiring a second or third vote before the final tally on May 27.

But if Bernier does win, no one in Canada will be happier than Alberta’s official opposition. For them, Bernier has the best chance of beating their bête noir Justin Trudeau, while at the same time making things much more difficult for Rachel Notley’s NDP government.