Some people get the future spectacularly wrong. On the eve of the 2015 General Election, David Cameron tweeted “Britain faces a simple and inescapable choice – stability and strong government with me, or chaos with Ed Miliband”. It seems developments in politics since have conspired to ensure the opposite.

And so it is today. At the time of writing, rumours abound that 1922 Committee chair Graham Brady has received the 48 magic letters to trigger a no confidence vote of Conservative MPs. Meanwhile, remaining Brexiteers in Theresa May’s cabinet, who include Liam Fox and Michael Gove, have made a public show of their loyalty and their desire to give May’s deal the most Brexity lick of paint they can manage. A shaky foundation to be sure, but when no rival can command the affection of rebellion-minded Tories nor are willing to take charge of the dog’s dinner May has on her plate, it will do and is likely to see her through for now.

The precarity of May’s position, however, is compounded by the low chance she has of getting the deal through the Commons. Intensified crisis awaits if/when the deal falls, and this will surely mean curtains for her premiership. But in this case crisis does not have to mean paralysis. There is an alternative: a general election. Now, getting an election through the Commons seems even less of a go-er than May’s deal. By hook and by crook she needs a simple majority of honourable members, a fresh election requires two thirds. And, unlike early 2017, the Tories are going to be less than bullish about voting for another one. But ultimately, this is the only way out because only an election can remodel the landscape.

Labour’s position has been maddening and frustrating to some, but it has been about accepting the referendum result and seeking to shape what kind of Brexit we should get. There are then three key reasons why the party, its representatives and its supporters should be pushing for another contest.

The first is quite simple. Regardless of Brexit, half-hearted Brexit, or no Brexit, the Conservative Party is the greatest danger to the stability of this country. A general election during the most important negotiations the UK have been involved in since the Irish peace process in the 1990s, not to mention a programme of cuts that sucked the life out of the post-crash economic recovery and tens of thousands of premature deaths just go to show it is not to be trusted. This is less a party of responsible government and more a decadent cabal of the well-heeled who are prepared to trash the country for the most sectional and inconsequential of interests. How can you trust a party that gambled the UK’s membership of the European Union for the sake of denying UKIP a couple of seats at the 2015 general election? The obvious lesson of the last decade is you cannot.

The second is Labour’s alternative. The 2017 manifesto was never going to storm the Winter Palace, but it did mark a significant sea change in the political narrative. If Corbyn was the star of Labour’s campaign, the manifesto was his trusty and dependable sidekick. Again, deal or no deal, only Labour has an economic programme that can put the country on its feet. Any Brexit shocks require an active and interventionist state willing to put resources where they are needed to protect jobs, strengthen markets, and make sure services are kept going. Unimpeded by Tory dogmas and short-termism, Labour will do what is required to ensure the cost of Brexit is borne by those with the broadest shoulders.

Lastly, Labour would bring a new seriousness and alternative perspective to the negotiations. The party has been clear from the outset that it wants a permanent customs arrangement and a close alignment with the European single market. It is uninterested in the fantasies of swashbuckling around the globe grabbing bilateral trade deals here, there, and everywhere. Going into a snap election it should advocate an immediate pause to the Article 50 process, followed by a re-opening of negotiations and then a final referendum on the deal it comes back with, which should be a simple choice between its deal and the status quo.