SANAA // A decade after Yemen’s Houthis fought the first of six wars in five years with the central government, the group may finally get its way in Sanaa.

The Houthis, also known as Ansarullah, a group with roots in the Zaidi sect of Shiite Islam, are the driving force behind four weeks of protests by hundreds of thousands people to demand the restoration of fuel subsidies and the fall of the transitional government.

Despite being the only powerful Yemeni faction not represented in government, Houthi leaders met government officials over the weekend to fine-tune a deal to end the standoff. The government had offered on Wednesday to name a new prime minister and cut fuel prices further in exchange for an end to the protests.

The Houthis have become unlikely power brokers in a country where they have spent the past 50 years on the sidelines.

Using widespread public anger over the lifting of subsidies, they have been able to rally tens of thousands of poor Yemenis to join their protests.

The protests had been largely peaceful until early last week, when nine protesters were killed in clashes with security forces. On Saturday, more clashes broke out in a north-western district of Sanaa, near a state TV building, when troops stopped a rebel lorry loaded with weapons, military officials said. There were no reports of casualties.

The price of petrol shot up by 70 per cent after Abdrabu Mansur Hadi, the interim president, removed fuel subsidies in late July as part of a reform package that the government and World Bank say is crucial to saving an ailing economy.

The reforms and fuel price hikes were backed by all parties including Mr Hadi’s General People’s Congress and the Islah Party of the Muslim Brotherhood. The reforms include decreasing government spending and increasing social security coverage.

“Politicians are corrupt in Yemen so they don’t feel the difficulties we faced after subsidies were lifted,” said Ali Shami, a Houthi loyalist from Sanaa who had been protesting for more than two weeks. “We are patient, and will not accept a government that does not work for the people. We have nothing to lose and everything to gain by escalating our protests.”

A few days after the subsidies were lifted, Mr Hadi on September 4 agreed to reduce fuel prices by 15 per cent and offered additional conciliatory measures such as assistance to farmers to compensate for higher fuel costs, limiting spending by top officials, a review of prices of previous oil and gas deals with foreign companies, and ensuring more transparency within government institutions.

“The Houthis are a powerful force and must be involved in decision making if Yemen has a chance to go forward,” said Zaid Al Thari, a political analyst in Sanaa.

The protests have distracted the government from its fight against Al Qaeda insurgents in the south of the country. There have been fewer government attacks and air raids against the militants since the protests in Sanaa began, giving Al Qaeda breathing room and time to regroup.

Mr Hadi has formed committees to end the standoff with the Houthis but progress has been limited.

“There is cooperation from the Houthis and we are trying to build a road map to ensure all factions are involved in the future of Yemen,” a committee member told The National. “We agreed on forming an expert technical committee to evaluate and study the subsidies issue as well as ensuring the implementation of more economic reforms.”

Unlike the 2011 uprising that resulted in the ouster of Mr Saleh, these protests are unified and led by one person, Abdul Malik Al Houthi, whose family has for decades been influential within the Zaidi sect.

Zaidis ruled Yemen for more a 1,000 years until the 1962 revolution by tribal and religious leaders seeking a republican state. Since then, Zaidis claim they have not been fairly represented in national politics.

In 2004, Hussein Al Houthi, along with dozens of Zaidi loyalists, revolted against the government but was killed. His younger brother, Abdul Malik, was immediately chosen as his successor.

Six wars have been fought between the government and the Houtis since 2004 – and with every war, the Houthis have gained more fighters and territory.

By the end of the sixth war in 2009, they controlled vast regions of northern Saada province, where they are based. They are also influential in Amran, Al Jawf, Sanaa, Hajja and Taiz provinces.

When the Arab Spring swept through Yemen in 2011, Houthis joined other political factions in calls for Mr Saleh to go. Tens of thousands of their loyalists took to the streets in their first peaceful protest.

After Mr Saleh agreed to step down in February 2012, Mr Hadi took power to lead the country through the GCC-led transition of power agreement.

At first, the Houthis supported Mr Hadi after he declared the six wars against the Houthis were unjust and oppressive.

But Houthis say they have once again been sidelined since Mr Hadi took power.

Even though they have no political party, the Houthis participated national talks last year to map out Yemen’s future. The talks led to an agreement to make Yemen a federation of six states, despite Houthi objections.

Feeling ignored once again, they continued their insurgency and expansion of territory in northern Yemen.

Last October, they took control of the entire northern Saada province after months of clashes with Salafis in Dammaj and Kitaf districts, considered two of the main Salafi strongholds in Yemen.

Two weeks into October, they expanded into neighbouring Amran province, controlled by the Hashid tribe, a once-powerful pro-Muslim Brotherhood clan left weakened after Saudi Arabia withdrew its support.

Last month, they turned their sights on the strategic Al Jawf province, which also borders Saudi Arabia. Hundreds of troops and Houthi fighters have been killed in ongoing clashes in Al Jawf.

At least 75 fighters were killed last week alone. The air force has struck at dozens of Houthi strongholds in the province fearing the fall of the province.

There are fears the country could return towards sectarian violence.

“We need to learn from the mistakes of Syria and Iraq. Sectarian killing will never solve the problem,” said Mohammed Abulahoum, president of the Justice and Building Party.

“Yemen has a number of social and religious movements. We have to learn how to accept one another and resort to democratic and peaceful solutions to solve our problems instead of using arms.”

foreign.desk@thenational.ae