Harry Reid clearly wants Hillary Clinton to be the next president. Yet he hasn’t endorsed her, even as she struggles to ward off a resilient Bernie Sanders.

The move has befuddled Republicans and Democrats alike. But the canny Senate minority leader has his own logic, naturally.


He believes that a rowdy face-off between Clinton and Sanders supporters could stoke Democratic registration in his booming home state — and give the retiring senator's preferred replacement for his seat, former state Attorney General Catherine Cortez Masto, a much-needed boost in a tough general-election campaign.

Indeed, Reid’s neutrality isn’t necessarily out of respect for his Senate colleague Sanders or because he has doubts about Clinton. His final order of business as Senate Democratic leader is to mobilize his vaunted political machine back home to keep his seat in Democratic hands. The Nevada Democratic Party allows same-day registration, which, he believes, could pad Democratic voter rolls by the thousands if he plays it right.

Simply put, a caucus filled with frothing Democratic partisans is good for party business.

“I’m more concentrated on what effect my endorsement has in Nevada, OK? Eight years ago, we registered 30- to 40,000 new Democrats. Tens of thousands, it was unheard of,” Reid said recently in an interview in his Senate office. “For me to endorse somebody would just take away the focus on the caucus.”

So Reid is resisting the kind of Sanders bashing that some of his colleagues have taken up as he's gained on Clinton. Asked on Tuesday about unsavory tactics like Sanders supporters posing as culinary workers in Nevada to recruit voters, Reid replied: "Everyone is trying to be as fair as possible."

Controlling the Democratic strings in Nevada puts Reid in an awkward spot. No matter how much he wants Clinton at the top of the ticket — many Democrats believe a socialist there would badly damage their down-ballot prospects, and thus their hopes of retaking the Senate — he's also acutely aware that putting his thumb on the scale could alienate Sanders supporters. Whether Sanders wins or loses Nevada's Feb. 20 Democratic caucus, Reid wants the Vermont senator's voters to show up in November.

A Clinton endorsement "would hurt the turnout. (People) register ... when they come to the caucuses. I want everybody voting in November,” Reid said.

Reid’s confidants point to a moment last month that wouldn't have been possible had Reid endorsed Clinton: A Nevada Democratic Party dinner hosted by Reid that brought Clinton, Sanders and hundreds of their supporters into the same room to hear from Cortez Masto. Reid implored the divided crowd to back Cortez Masto, who would be the first Latina senator if she beats Republican Rep. Joe Heck in November.

Since then, Reid’s decision to stay neutral is getting new scrutiny amid the increasingly tight race between Sanders and Clinton. On Tuesday, Reid was getting questions about his non-stance from reporters on Capitol Hill. He confirmed, yet again, he has no plans to endorse.

As the third voting state on the Democratic side, Nevada is poised to play a pivotal role in the nomination battle. It will show whether Sanders can continue his momentum after his resounding win in New Hampshire, or perhaps reestablish Clinton as the prohibitive frontrunner.

Either way, state Democrats are hoping a competitive caucus translates to turnout that could rival 2008 levels and bring in a swath of new voters.

“We needed to maximize Nevada’s influence, but without a competitive presidential race that was going to be difficult,” said a person close to Reid.

How effective Reid’s strategy will be is an open question; he repeatedly predicted Democrats would retain the Senate majority in 2014. But Reid is setting his sights high: After Cortez Masto, state Democrats are eyeing a campaign to knock off Rep. Crescent Hardy (R-Nev.) and take the seat Heck is vacating to run for the Senate. From there, state Democrats envision a takeover of the narrowly-split state Senate and perhaps even the state Assembly.

In addition to tending to parochial matters, Reid's also trying to make a point on the national stage. He hates the fact that Iowa and New Hampshire have so much sway over the nominee, arguing the two mostly-white states don't represent the broader American electorate, and wants to showcase Nevada's importance as an increasingly diverse early voting state.

“He is very protective of his early first-in-the-West status. He worked hard to get it,” said Sen. Claire McCaskill (D-Mo.).

Some Republicans admit Reid’s strategy could put them at a disadvantage. Their caucuses are on a Tuesday, Feb. 23, which could depress turnout among working voters. And the GOP does not allow same-day registration; caucus-goers have only until Saturday to register to be eligible to vote.

Democrats already enjoy a 90,000-voter advantage in Nevada.

“They’ll probably pick up 20- to 25,000 registered voters on that Saturday,” said Sen. Dean Heller (R-Nev.), who’s advocated for same-day registration and faced Reid's machine head-on in 2012. “It’s not a bad strategy if the goal is to get more voters registered. He’s probably making the right decision.”