An imperfect reality

Obama campaigned in 2008 on a cap-and-trade system to limit carbon emissions, an idea that originated with market-oriented Republicans decades ago. But it died on Capitol Hill in 2010, and Obama, trying to build credibility before 2015 talks on an international climate treaty, has resorted to executive action. In 2012 he reached what the administration described as a historic deal to raise fuel efficiency standards. Last year the Environmental Protection Agency issued rules to cut carbon dioxide emissions at new coal- and gas-fired power plants. This year the agency proposed a more significant rule to cut them at existing plants. Obama sees the new clean energy sector as a wellspring of economic growth, and there’s evidence of that. The picture is more mixed for the Republican claim that Obama is waging a war on coal and coal-country jobs. But some Democrats in coal states, such as Senate candidates Alison Lundergan Grimes of Kentucky and Natalie Tennant of West Virginia, are using the GOP line of attack. Tennant even ran a memorable ad in which she says “hard-working West Virginia coal miners” power America and “I’ll make sure President Obama gets the message.” Then she pulls a big power switch, and the lights go out at the White House. In an ideal world, coal-state politicians would face reality and focus on minimizing pain as their states move to new industries and jobs. Even as die-hard defenders of coal, Grimes and Tennant can’t help being an environmental improvement over their respective opponents, Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (with a dismally low 7 percent lifetime LCV score) and Rep. Shelley Moore Capito (21 percent).

Democrats have a monopoly on the climate change franchise.

That’s the imperfect reality for green spenders. The LCV and its affiliates are raising money for Democrats Mark Begich of Alaska, Jeanne Shaheen of New Hampshire and Michelle Nunn of Georgia, though all three support the Keystone XL pipeline opposed by environmentalists. Louisiana Sen. Mary Landrieu, a staunch ally of the oil industry, was a Democrat whom Steyer floated as a target before backing off. But her lifetime LCV score of 51 percent is nearly four times better than the 11 percent record racked up by GOP Rep. John Cassidy, her chief competition. (For 2013, senators average 57 percent and House members 43 percent.) With the stakes high in multiple races, environmental spending appears on track to reach new highs. The LCV is sinking $25 million into state and federal races this year, “a fivefold increase from the 2010 midterms and by far the most we have ever spent,” Daniel J. Weiss, the LCV’s senior vice president for campaigns, wrote in a memo (PDF). Steyer said earlier this year that he would put up $50 million of his own money in his crusade to make climate change a national priority. So far he’s up to $40 million. The Sierra Club is pouring $3 million into New Hampshire, Colorado and North Carolina, states with key Senate races, in its largest ever get-out-the-vote program.

Bipartisan leadership