The struggle for independence

Nationalism had already begun to raise its head in Russia before the end of Alexander II’s reign, but his strong-minded successor, Alexander III, who had a personal liking for Finland, was able to resist the demands of the Russian nationalists for the abolition of Finnish autonomy and the absorption of the Finns into the Russian nation. The emergence of a united Germany south of the Baltic also worried the Russians, who wanted to secure the loyalty of Finland. Russian jurists took the line that, though Alexander I in virtue of his supreme powers had granted Finland autonomous rights, any Russian emperor exercising the same supreme powers was entitled to take them back whenever he wished. Applying this principle, Nicholas II issued a manifesto on February 15, 1899, according to which he was entitled, without the Finnish Diet’s consent, to enact laws enforceable in Finland if such laws affected Russian interests. Direct attempts at Russification were then made. The gradual imposition of Russian as the third official language was ordered in 1900, and in 1901 it was decreed that Finns should serve in Russian units and that Finland’s own army should be disbanded. Increasing executive power was conferred on the ultranationalist governor-general, General Nikolay Bobrikov. Faced with this situation, two opposing factions crystallized out of Finland’s political parties: the Constitutionalists (the Swedish Party and the Young Finnish Party), who demanded that no one observe the illegal enactments; and the Compliers (the Old Finnish Party), who were ready to give way in everything that did not, in their opinion, affect Finland’s vital interest. The Constitutionalists were dismissed from their offices and their leaders were exiled. Young men of Constitutionalist views refused to report for service when called, and at last the Emperor had to give in: the Finnish Army remained disbanded, but no Finns were drafted into the Russian Army. A more extreme group, known as the Activists, was prepared to endorse even acts of violence, and Bobrikov was assassinated by them.

Resistance and reform Further opposition came from the Labour Party, which was founded in 1899 and which in 1903 adopted Marxist tenets, changing its name to the Social Democratic Party. Unwilling to compromise with tsarist Russia, the party was developing along revolutionary lines. When the Constitutionalists, availing themselves of Russia’s momentary weakness, combined with the Social Democrats to organize a national strike, the Emperor restored the situation that had prevailed before 1899 (November 4, 1905)—but not for long. Another result of the strike was a complete reform of the parliamentary system (July 20, 1906). This had been the Social Democrats’ most insistent demand. The old four-chamber Diet was changed to a unicameral Parliament elected by equal and universal suffrage. Thus, from having one of Europe’s most unrepresentative political systems, Finland had, at one stroke, acquired the most modern. The parliamentary reform polarized the political factions, and the ground was laid for the modern party system. The introduction of universal and equal suffrage meant that the farmers and workers potentially commanded a great majority. The Social Democrats became the largest party in Parliament, obtaining 80 seats out of 200 in the very first elections (1907). Nevertheless, the importance of Parliament remained very small, as it was constantly being dissolved by the Emperor; thus the assault on Finnish autonomy soon began afresh. The Constitutionalists resigned from the government, and the Compliers soon followed their example, since even in their opinion the extreme limit had been overstepped. In the end an illegal Senate composed of Russians was formed. In 1910 the responsibility for all important legislation was transferred to the Russian Duma.