The Editorial Board

USA TODAY

Bernie Sanders and the Golden State Warriors have something in common. They both finished second this year. The Warriors lost in the NBA finals to the Cleveland Cavaliers, four games to three. And Sanders lost to Hillary Clinton in the Democratic primaries by a tally of 15.8 million votes to 12 million, or 2,220 pledged delegates to 1,831.

But the runners-up are different in one respect. So far as we know, the Warriors have not demanded the firing of NBA Commissioner Adam Silver, or rules changes that would benefit its peerless perimeter shooter, Stephen Curry. (Instead, they worked within the free-agent system and signed superstar Kevin Durant on Monday.)

Sanders, on the other hand, has made a string of demands in the run-up to the Democratic convention later this month in Philadelphia. He's seeking the ouster of Democratic National Committee Chairwoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz. He's demanding a progressive Democratic Party platform that includes planks supporting a $15 minimum wage, backing an end to the death penalty and opposing a trade deal with 11 Pacific Rim countries. If this weren't enough, he's calling for open primaries and an end to superdelegates.

Sanders should not be dismissed out of hand, but nor should the Democratic Party bend over backward to accommodate him. He has little standing to make his case, having spent a lifetime in politics as an independent. He is asking for what previous second-place finishers did not. And, having lost the nomination, he will have decreasing sway over his supporters, many of whom are growing increasingly edgy about the prospect of a Donald Trump presidency.

What’s more, his list of demands on the platform could push the party too far to the left for its own good. A national $15 minimum wage could be devastating to rural areas. And his call for opposing the Trans-Pacific Partnership would put the party at odds with President Obama.

Bernie shows us the way forward: Opposing view

Moreover, Sanders' demands on the mechanics of elections are selective, incomplete and self-serving. Take his call for open primaries, which allow people to ask for any party's ballot, no matter how they are registered. These play to Sanders' strengths because his anti-establishment views appealed to many independents. But they might not be in the best interest of the party. While Sanders did well with independent voters, so did Trump, suggesting that it might not always be progressives like the senator from Vermont who take advantage of open primaries.

Sanders’ call for an end to superdelegates seems like much ado about nothing. Not once since they were added to the process in 1984 have superdelegates tipped the balance in favor of a candidate who was not the choice of voters. Democrats don't need quite so many superdelegates, and perhaps they should refrain from endorsing until late in the process. But some superdelegates are worth retaining in case the voters gravitate toward an unsuitable candidate with virtually no chance of winning the general election.

Noticeably absent from Sanders’ list is a call for Democrats to replace their caucuses in 13 states, three territories and the District of Columbia with primary elections. Caucuses are by far the most undemocratic element of the nomination process. They disenfranchise people who work at night, have small children or otherwise can’t take a couple hours out of their schedules.

Sanders is not making such an appeal because caucuses, like open primaries, played to his advantage. He won caucuses in states he would have lost had they held primaries. And he won big in caucus states he would have won narrowly in a primary.

Ultimately, Democrats should act in ways they think will help their candidates in the future, not let the second-place guy call the shots.

USA TODAY's editorial opinions are decided by its Editorial Board, separate from the news staff. Most editorials are coupled with an opposing view — a unique USA TODAY feature.

To read more editorials, go to the Opinion front page or sign up for the daily Opinion email newsletter.