This is all to say Mr. Trump has shown no sign of aggressively pursuing the sort of working-class-oriented measures that his onetime adviser Stephen K. Bannon predicted would build an enduring Republican majority.

To be sure, the unemployment rate has continued to fall under Mr. Trump, reaching a 50-year low. Wage growth has accelerated modestly, and is strongest for the lowest-paid workers in the country. Voters give Mr. Trump higher approval on the economy than on his overall performance in office. But most workers are still gaining less under Mr. Trump than they did during previous times of low unemployment, such as the late 1990s, and fewer than two in five respondents to a SurveyMonkey poll for The New York Times this month said their family was better off financially today than a year ago.

With Mr. Bannon long gone, Mr. Trump is surrounded by conservatives in the White House, such as his acting chief of staff, Mick Mulvaney, a former Tea Party congressman who has no appetite for raising the gas tax to pay for an infrastructure bill or to make businesses swallow a minimum-wage increase. In fact, the prospect of a major public works bill has become a running joke among West Wing aides. When midlevel staff members were working on a plan several months ago, Mr. Mulvaney was across the country mocking it during an appearance at the Milken Institute’s Global Conference in California in April.

A deal struck Monday by Ms. Pelosi and Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin to set higher spending levels for the next two fiscal years will take still more pressure off the White House to embrace large legislative initiatives — because Mr. Trump will have no more major fiscal deadlines this term to press for the kinds of concessions such legislation always takes.

And the moderates in the building who do have Mr. Trump’s ear, such as Mr. Kushner, are more interested in measures like overhauling the criminal justice system or trying to strike a bipartisan immigration deal than they are eager to notch populist victories that the president could trumpet in the industrial Midwest.

The president’s allies say that his talent is in scorching the opposition, and he is unlikely to deviate much from that task.

“I think he doesn’t mind if it happens, but it’s not his primary focus,” Newt Gingrich, a former House speaker, said of racking up policy accomplishments. “His primary focus is to so thoroughly define Democrats as the party of the radical left. I think that matters much more to him than any particular bill.”