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But under the mixed-member system of proportional representation favoured by both the Greens and the New Democrats, single-seat byelections to fill vacancies in the legislature would not incorporate the proportionality of a general election.

More to the point was the observation from one of the Liberals that it will be difficult for the Greens to make gains at the expense of the NDP so long as they are propping up their partners in the legislature.

In the one provincial issue that intruded on Okanagan wine country in the closing days of the campaign, the trade dispute with Alberta that triggered a boycott against B.C. wine, Weaver backed the NDP to the hilt.

For all of Weaver’s vacant threats to bring down the government, the B.C. Liberals are readily positioned as the party of change. Whereas if a voter likes the way things are going under the NDP, why not vote for the senior partners in the power-sharing arrangement?

Nor is there any easy way for Weaver to disrupt that dynamic going forward. The Greens continue to influence the government on isolated issues, from ride sharing (supportive) to union certification votes (opposed).

But Weaver and his two colleagues have every intention of supporting Premier John Horgan when and where it counts, on the key confidence vote on the budget in the legislature.

Not even approval in the fall referendum of a switch to proportional representation from the current first-past-the-post system would change the incentives for the Greens to maintain the New Democrats in power for a full four-year term of government.

For the crafty New Democrats structured the enabling legislation for the referendum to ensure a changeover would not take effect until July 1, 2021. If the Greens bring down the government on a confidence motion before that, the election would be held on first-past-the-post.

Vpalmer@postmedia.com

Twitter.com/VaughnPalmer

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