Donald Trump’s stark rejection of the multilateral 2015 nuclear deal with Iran poses complex and momentous challenges for Europe, and the UK in particular. This reckless US action upsets the geopolitical furniture in troubling ways. The European democracies now find themselves at odds with their principal ally on an issue of fundamental importance to their security and to peace in the Middle East.

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By insisting they will uphold the Iran deal, and vowing to circumvent Trump’s disastrously ill-judged decision to reimpose the full range of extra-territorial American sanctions, European countries have embarked on a collision course with Washington. If sustained, it will accelerate the deterioration in transatlantic relations occasioned by rising US trade protectionism, Trump’s ugly America First gutter-nationalism and his climate change denial. Britain, France and Germany also differ on the nuclear deal from another ally, Israel, whose prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, a cheerleader for Trump, believes Iran poses an existential threat. Saudi Arabia, courted by Theresa May as a key post-Brexit partner, also backs Trump. Ironically, in view of recent events, May’s government is now in bed with Russia on Iran.

This strange evolution dramatises how very fragile is Brexit Britain’s position in the world. On one hand stands Vladimir Putin, the menacing Russian president reinstalled in office last week after another election travesty. On the other stands Trump, who proves almost daily he is no friend – one who might be relied upon to deliver a half-decent bilateral trade treaty (or adhere to it once it is signed). As the Iran conundrum demonstrates, Britain needs European solidarity more than ever. May wilfully endangers it.

Hassan Rouhani, Iran’s president, has given the west one last chance. “Europe has a very limited opportunity to preserve the nuclear deal,” he told Emmanuel Macron, the French president. But it had better hurry. Hardliners in Tehran offer no such leeway. They are demanding an immediate resumption of Iran’s nuclear-related activities. That could irreversibly catapult the entire region into crisis.

The UK and Europe will try to reassure Tehran that the deal remains viable at a ministerial meeting in Brussels tomorrow. This hope rests on effective action to shield European banks, financial institutions, energy companies, aircraft manufacturers and other businesses from the US sanctions. There is precedent. In 1996, the EU enacted a statute blocking Washington’s extra-territorial Libya and Iran Sanctions Act. Europe has also excepted itself from past American sanctions on Cuba.

Macron and his ministers say that, as a matter of principle, presumptuous US attempts to play global financial policeman must be resisted. France is proposing counter-measures, including possible reciprocal penalties on US firms doing business in Europe. It would be encouraging if Boris Johnson, the foreign secretary, were to take a similarly strong line after his embarrassingly futile pandering to Trump last week. If Washington does not back down, May’s government must get off the fence and support tough, collective European defensive action. Trump does not respond to reasoned argument or special pleading. The “special relationship”, if not actually dead, is plainly on life-support. If the US leader persists in bullying his country’s oldest friends, he must be given a reality check about the limits of US power, even if it temporarily exacerbates transatlantic frictions.

At risk, at first glance, is $25bn in EU-Iran trade. But in truth, an awful lot more is at stake. How effective Europe is in heading off what looks to many like a de facto US declaration of war, whose ultimate aim is enforced regime change, may determine Iran’s future course. If centrists such as Rouhani are discredited, the prospect of spiralling instability and a Middle East nuclear arms race will draw closer.

In such a scenario, Israel has most to lose. As the limited fighting between Israeli and Iranian forces in Syria last week indicated, the two sides are one miscalculation away from all-out war. Israel rightly feels threatened by Iran’s military build-up in Syria. Another flashpoint is the Gaza border, where renewed Palestinian protests are expected this week. Yet far from acting as a supportive or restraining influence, Trump’s behaviour, exemplified by his order to move the US embassy to Jerusalem, fuels the fire.

As it marks its 70th anniversary, Israel has a right to expect unconditional recognition of its legitimacy by all nations and regional parties, including Iran. The achievement of Israelis in building a modern, democratic state and a home for the Jewish people is truly remarkable. At this moment of celebration, Israel’s leaders should remember others have a historical right to recognition, too, most pressingly the Palestinians, with their just quest for an independent state of their own. For them, the anniversary is a far sadder affair.

Israel needs its friends – all its friends. This includes well-disposed European powers that could help, through continued engagement, to defuse the Iranian time-bomb. The sycophancy shown by Netanyahu towards Trump, and his glib encouragement of the president’s ignorant, bellicose instincts, is not in Israel’s interests. A less confrontational, more thoughtful leadership approach would be the safer, wiser choice.