On sexuality, gender, and the ‘true nature’ of women in fundamentalism: An interview with Dr. Maxine Margolis

A common oversight when investigating fundamentalism in its many forms is dismissing the importance of gender to any extremist ideology. Dr. Maxine Margolis, professor emerita of anthropology at the University of Florida, senior research scholar at Columbia University's Institute of Latin American Studies, and now author of Women in Fundamentalism: Modesty, Marriage and Motherhood, does not make the same mistake.

Women Under Siege spoke with Margolis about the three religious fundamentalist communities under her book’s critical eye and the role women play in their ideologies.

Women Under Siege: Why did you decide to write this book? What inspired or compelled you?



Maxine Margolis: As an anthropologist, I'm always much more interested in cultural similarities than I am in cultural differences, so I ask, “Why do certain aspects of a culture devolve to similar ends?” Here are three cases of striking similarities in the treatment of and ideologies about women, in different geographical areas and in vastly different cultures.

If you look at the Mormon polygamists in Utah, they couldn't be more different than the Satmar Hasidim in Brooklyn or the Pashtun in Afghanistan.

What are the similarities?

I think that, in most fundamentalist religions, gender and the position of women are always central issues. In other words, these three cases are not unique [in that way]. [But] ultimately, I believe that the similarities are based on women's role in reproduction. In all three communities, women are to bear as many children as they possibly can. This mandate, in turn, gives rise to the other similarities in their treatment of women: in all three, adult women have very limited contact with men who are not close relatives. Women are mostly confined to the household and have limited contact with the larger society. Women in all three are expected to dress modestly at all times—this means covering their bodies and, in the case of the Pashtun women, their heads and faces as well. This modesty is required so that they don’t “tempt” men. [They also] receive limited education, particularly on all topics involving the body and sex, and birth control—even if it is available—or family planning is strictly prohibited.

It’s interesting that reproduction is such a highly treasured cornerstone of each religion, yet sex doesn’t seem to be—as in, women in these religions can’t claim their sexuality in any way. What are your thoughts on that?

This is correct. While there is enormous emphasis placed on unlimited procreation, girls and women are kept entirely ignorant not only about sex but also about their own bodily functions. They are expected to be absolutely chaste until marriage and then, of course, only conceive offspring with their socially-recognized mates. And, yes, it is certainly not only these three communities that put stark prohibitions on women’s sexuality—many other [fundamentalist religions] do so as well.

In the book, I write:

“[Fundamentalists] generally view expressions of sexuality as a critical index of modernity that must be tightly regulated, taking extreme measures to protect believers from the enticement of the sensual and erotic. Fundamentalists typically oppose abortion, contraception, homosexuality, and non-reproductive sex of any kind while placing a high premium on fertility, with female adherents expected to bear as many children as possible.”

Can you tell us a bit more about the use of the expressions “true nature” and “proper place” as concepts that those religious groups use to describe their views and treatment of women?

Certain ideologies about what women are like and their “true nature” are used to justify their very limited and specific roles in society. Women cannot be rabbis or ministers or religious leaders of any kind because they do not have, supposedly, “the mental capacity” to understand complex religious concepts. Another example: if a culture believes that “the women's place is in the home,” this is considered natural and normal, so that women are considered to have an innate propensity for domesticity.

What fundamentalists in general have in common, whether Christian or Muslim or Jewish, are certain ideas of going back to an original way of doing things and glorifying the past—they all have a tendency to view women in very deterministic terms: that women are inferior to men, that men are the natural heads of households, and that men are generally superior. These ideologies help explain the treatment and position of women and why they can and cannot do other things.

Why is religion a lightning rod for male dominance, then?

I would not call religion a “lightning rod for male dominance” [since] it is just one means among others to justify male dominance. Take the example of biological determinism: [the idea that] women's roles are rooted in their biology and reproductive roles. You can talk about that without even mentioning religion.

Can extremist politics find inspiration in religious fundamentalism, or is it the other way around?

I think that extremist politics can be based in fundamentalist beliefs, but not all of [them]. For example, white supremacy—that is, a belief in white superiority—isn't based on religion for the most part. People who believe that cite biology as an explanation. I think that religion can be involved in fundamentalist and extremist politics, but that is not always the case.

What can societies outside of these religions learn from them? What are some lessons to take away about gender specifically?

They can remind people to never underestimate the extreme levels that misogyny and the devaluation of women can take. A recent example, with which I conclude my book is “replacement theory”: the theory is based on the idea that white women are not having a sufficient number of children and that their falling birth rate inevitably will lead to white people being replaced by people of color. For male devotees of this theory, everything is framed around the issues of gender and reproduction. As a consequence, and like so many fundamentalist ideologies (including those described in my book), [its] foundation demands the subjugation of women.





Women in Fundamentalism: Modesty, Marriage and Motherhood will be published by Roman & Littlefield on October 31, 2019.