Dallas is different from much of Texas, the United States and the larger D-FW area — and not always in a good way.

Median household incomes are much lower, the poverty rate is higher, and far fewer families in Dallas own their homes. While Texas has more residents without health insurance than any other state, the numbers are a lot worse here.

In sum, there’s a yawning gap between the much-ballyhooed Texas miracle and economic reality on the streets of Dallas. And that’s relevant now, because the Legislature opens Tuesday and many economic issues will get a hearing — often in debates on local control.

The beauty of local control is in the eye of the beholder. Statewide leaders warn about the threat from “a patchwork of local laws,” saying it would slow business growth. That’s the rationale for prohibiting large cities from increasing the minimum wage for employers, requiring paid sick time or limiting fracking in certain areas.

In this year’s Lege, property taxes are likely to be the No. 1 fight over local control.

Statewide leaders will push to lower the cap on annual tax increases, which have been climbing along with home values. But capping tax revenue poses a major threat to fast-growing cities that must invest in schools, roads and other infrastructure.

For the largest metros, such as Dallas and Houston, there are serious challenges with poverty, low incomes, low rates of home ownership and other economic matters.

“Those all call out for more local control, not less,” said Bennett Sandlin, executive director of the Texas Municipal League, which advocates on behalf of roughly 1,200 cities in the state.

In other parts of the U.S., state governments play a key role in the health and welfare of urban residents. But he said Texas ranks among the states providing the least direct aid to its cities.

“So pick one or the other,” Sandlin said. “Either be a strong supporter of the budgets of Texas cities or let the cities have the authority to run their governments. Don’t come in and artificially restrain” them.

It’s not surprising that Dallas officials would want a higher minimum wage in the city. Or for more residents to have access to health care. Or more protection from predatory lenders.

Compared with the rest of the state, a much larger share of Dallas residents would benefit from such improvements. If lawmakers in Austin aren’t willing to act on these fronts, why not let local governments take a shot?

States are supposed to be test beds for democracy, Sandlin said, and the same principle should apply to cities.

“If it’s good for Texas to be different from California, why shouldn’t Dallas be different from Brownsville?” he said. “That’s a very conservative principle — that local conditions are different and that locals know what’s best for them.”

Austin and San Antonio want to require employers to provide paid sick time for workers. A similar proposal for Dallas fell short of getting enough petition signatures to put the measure on the ballot. To many legislators in Austin, the paid sick leave effort is an example of government overreach.

The case is being challenged in court as an illegal attempt to raise the minimum wage, and some lawmakers want to pass a bill prohibiting the requirement. While that may please some business owners, it won’t help some of the state’s most vulnerable.

"Poor people don't have lobbyists," said Mark Clayton, a member of Dallas City Council who supports more help for low-income workers. "The Legislature will argue that anything that increases wages will lead to fewer jobs. That's not true."

Other issues evoke debates about local control, including bans on plastic bags and regulation of payday lenders.

Plastic bags were banned in about a dozen cities, roughly 1 percent of the state total, Sandlin said. In Fort Stockton, they were getting into feeders and choking cattle. In South Padre, they were harming marine life and tourism.

“Every city had its own reasons, and that’s a perfect example of why a patchwork of local laws can be a good thing,” Sandlin said.

The Texas Supreme Court struck down the bag bans last summer, unanimously ruling that they violated state law. Attorney General Ken Paxton, who argued against the bans, commended the decision.

"This ruling sends the unambiguous message to all local jurisdictions in Texas that they do not get to simply ignore laws they don't agree with," Paxton said in a prepared statement.

While elected officials may disagree on policy prescriptions, they can't deny that problems in big cities are more severe. A report by Prosperity Now, a Washington nonprofit that studies financial security, concluded that Dallas' strong economy wasn't being shared with all.

Dallas is one of the country’s leading majority-minority cities, with Latinos and African-Americans accounting for almost two-thirds of the population. But those residents are less likely to have a college degree or own their home. And their median household income is roughly half as high as whites’.

“The strong economy of the city has not translated into widespread economic gains for Latinos and African-Americans,” the report said.

Local leaders have plenty of ideas, including from the mayor's task force on poverty. If Austin lawmakers won't tackle the problem, at least they shouldn't make it harder.