The Problem of Democracy: The Presidents Adams Confront the Cult of Personality is a dual biography of John Adams (1735–1826) and John Quincy Adams (1767–1848) (hereafter JQA, as in the book and many of his own works) by Nancy Isenberg and Andrew Burstein. The book explores their lives in rough chronological order, using excerpts from their letters and books to discuss both their personal struggles and their heterodox political views vis-à-vis the American mainstream.

In the introduction, named “Exordium” after the designation that JQA gave to this part of a book in his Lectures on Rhetoric and Oratory (1810), the authors explain why they wrote the book; partly to set the record straight on the second and sixth U.S. Presidents, and partly to bring light to their critiques of popular democracy and all of the political degeneracy that comes with it. The authors exude a desire for popular democracy to finally happen, but fortunately, they do a fine job of suppressing it until it resurfaces again in the conclusion. Their rejection of the conventions of isolating history into distinct eras with no overlap and of characterizing the period of 1812–24 as the “Era of Good Feelings” is quite refreshing for a work by academic historians. The introduction concludes with a short overview of the history that is told at length in the book proper.

The main part of the book is split into two parts (“Progenitor” and “Inheritor”) of seven chapters each. In the first chapter, “Exemplars,” a brief history of Braintree, later Quincy, Mass., is given alongside a more detailed depiction of John Adams in the 1750s–60s to establish the context into which JQA was born, after his sister Nabby (1765–1813) and before brothers Charles (1770–1800) and Tom (1772–1832). Though most people think of Presidents as being rich, the reader sees that the Adams family was not. The authors detail some of the cases argued by the elder Adams in the 1770s, as well as his pseudonymous writings as “Humphry Ploughjogger.” After a brief speculation on how the Adamses might have sounded when they spoke, the authors discuss the events in Boston that led up to the Revolution, including the impact that the Battle of Bunker Hill had on the Adams family. The role that John Adams’ wife Abigail (1744–1818) played in the family is examined at length, from to the education of JQA (called Johnny in his youth) to the differences between her and John on political matters. One finds John making a reactionary traditionalist case for denying female suffrage while Abigail argues a proto-feminist case for equality. Finally, John’s writings of the Revolutionary period are shown to contain a pro-democratic sentiment that is absent in his later works.

The next three chapters, “Wanderers,” “Envoys,” and “Exiles,” cover the time that John Adams was in Europe. JQA was with him for most of this time, but later returned home to study at Harvard. One may be surprised to learn that the Adamses had such harrowing experiences in their travels, from an overland journey through the Pyrenees in the winter of 1779–80 to John Adams nearly expiring in 1784 after nearly being shipwrecked while crossing from England to the Netherlands. The authors tell us about the reading materials they had on their journeys, as well as the letters and diary entries they wrote to each other and about other people. These show the elder Adams in particular to be a quick and rather harsh judge of character. In JQA, one sees a sort of young prodigy that is almost not allowed to exist anymore, helping with translations for a diplomatic mission in St. Petersburg, Russia at an age when a modern youth would be a high school freshman.

The third chapter begins with a comparison between the father’s and the son’s diplomatic careers, which were quite similar in disposition and location. Notably, both were part of negotiations to end a war with Great Britain (the Revolutionary War and the War of 1812, respectively). Here, one sees in both Adamses a long-term mentality that democratic politics almost never rewards, with both working to secure American commercial ties; the elder with the Dutch. That John did not see eye-to-eye with Benjamin Franklin is well-known, though perhaps not in the detail described here. Some attention is also given to a rivalry between JQA and Franklin’s doubly illegitimate grandson William Temple Franklin. In his appraisal of the marquis de Lafayette, John Adams revealed his distrust of fame and its corruption, especially on the young who are ill-equipped to handle it. One then finds John Adams exhibiting a degree of hubris both for himself and for America, even regarding French involvement in the Revolution as a means of regaining lost pride from the French and Indian War (1754–63).

With the Revolution successful, JQA spent time in London learning about the British system of government. One sees Abigail’s unusual forwardness again as she crossed the ocean with JQA’s older sister Nabby to reunite the family. It is then that Thomas Jefferson enters the story as John Jay’s replacement as a diplomat in France. His relationship to the Adamses would start off well, then sour, then finally reconcile. This introduces Jeffersonian thought as a foil for Adamsian thought; the Enlightenment belief in a perfectible human nature versus belief in a need for constraint of darker human impulses that cannot be eliminated. After a brief discussion of their compromise in negotiating with the Barbary pirates (a problem that would later be solved militarily), the focus turns to JQA’s return home to prepare for Harvard and a career in law. One sees here that then as now, educational institutions can have rigid standards that do not encapsulate the entirety of learning, as JQA was uniquely qualified in some subjects but needed a remedial year to pass the entrance exam. What has changed is that almost no student today begins undergraduate study as a junior (yours truly could only manage to enter a second-semester sophomore). Meanwhile, the elder Adams found time to write one of his best known works, such as A Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America (1787). The authors examine this work at length, which is quite critical of democracy in terms of its unrealistic requirements and corrupting influence on society. But in it, there appears a certain pettiness, to devote such a lengthy work in part to attacking a by-then-deceased French minister as a roundabout means of attacking Franklin. Building himself up by belittling the accomplishments of others would be a recurring act for John Adams. There is also an air of hypocrisy about his opposition to oligarchic tendencies while trying to advance his son’s career. Such tendencies went as far as opposing state protection of private property, making John Adams sound uncharacteristically like a leveler. The fourth chapter ends by mentioning JQA’s oration at Harvard, his graduation and beginnings as an attorney, and his first romance with Mary Frazier.

The chapters “Instigators,” “Extorters,” and “Intellects” cover the time of George Washington’s presidency, during which John Adams was vice president. JQA’s relationship with Frazier would not last, as both families were against it. This is contrasted with John Adams’ failed first relationship with Hannah Quincy before marrying Abigail. The authors explain that John Adams, a northerner, was put into the second position as a regional balance to the Virginian George Washington in a process quite different to any today, owing to the absence of political parties and presidential tickets, both of which would develop relatively soon. The new vice president quickly made enemies in the Senate, over such a seemingly trivial issue as what to call the President. The authors do not mention that Adams’ conduct would do much to establish the precedent that while the Vice President presides over the Senate constitutionally and casts tiebreaker votes, he does not take an active role in its daily business. A letter from 1790 reveals Adams’ belief in his own superiority with respect to who should succeed Washington. John Adams’ Discourses on Davila (1790) are examined somewhat briefly, which further explains his distrust of populist democratic politics. This is compared with JQA’s first essays under the name “Publicola” that criticized Thomas Paine’s Rights of Man in 1791, whose authorship was mistaken as John Adams by many people due to their similar themes. The beginning of trouble between the elder Adams and Jefferson, resulting from the Publicola essays, is discussed next. To Dr. Benjamin Rush, who helped restore relations between the two on multiple occasions, one sees John Adams make an important observation,

“[F]or there never was, and never will be, because there never can be, any government without Titles and Pageantry.”[1]

The title of the sixth chapter comes from a letter from John Adams to JQA,

“You must extort admiration or you will never have it.”[2]

It picks up where the previous left off, with John Adams going after Paine as well. By this time, JQA was doing well as an attorney and in social circles, delivering a praised oratory on the tenth anniversary of the end of the Revolution. The authors compare the American Revolution to the French Revolution, the latter of which had devolved into the Reign of Terror under Maximilien Robespierre. They next discuss other events of the time, such as the slave revolt in Haiti, the Anglo-French War of 1793, the trouble made by French ambassador Edmond Charles Genet in encouraging American citizens to privateer against British shipping, a yellow fever outbreak, and more JQA writings, this time under the name “Columbus.” Then, once more, we see John Adams pushing his son to move forward in politics, which he was not yet ready to do. Despite this, George Washington appointed JQA ambassador to the Netherlands, much to his chagrin. After some discussion of the mediocre Jay’s Treaty, the authors explain that in the 1790s, democracy was associated with mob rule due to the role of the Jacobins in the French Revolution. One then finds JQA settling into his role in the Netherlands; he would remain abroad until John Adams’ presidency ended, providing an important source of information for the elder Adams.

Chapter 7 is rather short, and focuses on the intellectual background of father and son. The Greek and Roman classical influences on them were quite common for the time, which provided models for study by the Founding Fathers. Many 18th and 19th century American writers took Latin pen names, and much of the art and architecture in Washington, D.C. was modeled on Greek and Roman designs. The authors make clear that Marcus Tullius Cicero was John Adams’ favorite and explain why at length. Meanwhile, one finds a young JQA absorbing Rousseau in addition to the classics. Cicero served not only as inspiration, but as warning; his wife left him, and he was later assassinated. Both presidents Adams managed to avoid those fates. Finally, the effect of more contemporaneous authors, such as Lord Kames, Adam Smith, and Hugh Blair, on the Adamses are discussed.

The second part begins with John Adams becoming President, and the eighth chapter covers these four years and the election year preceding. As previously mentioned, his son was an ambassador and a major source of foreign intelligence during this time. The philosophical differences between Adams and Jefferson are reviewed here. We see in Adams a common trait among those who think highly of themselves; he wished either to advance or quit, saying that he would refuse the vice presidency were he to get it again. The political machinations that are all too familiar today are seen taking shape, with Alexander Hamilton being among the first to stir up trouble. One sees John Adams give a fairly recognizable type of inauguration speech, while JQA was still uncertain of the result, a circumstance unimaginable today with our nearly instant global communications. The next part of the chapter discusses the events leading up to JQA’s marriage to Louisa Catherine, the second daughter of the U.S. consul Joshua Johnson. JQA was also redirected from the Netherlands to Prussia at this time. The authors detail the political situation in Prussia at the time, with the throne passing to Frederick William III (r. 1797–1840) just as JQA arrived. The contrast shown between the martial leadership and the enlightened culture in Prussia at this time is one that mainstream political thinkers would do well to contemplate further. Back home, tensions were rising with France. Here, the authors tell the story of the XYZ Affair and other tensions that could have led to a real war instead of a Quasi-War with France had Adams and other cooler heads not prevailed. At least two occurrences at this point would be highly irregular today; JQA provided only information and analysis with no policy recommendations concerning Napoleonic France, and Chief Justice John Marshall was abroad doing diplomatic work. The Alien and Sedition Acts, along with the lesser-known Naturalization Act, are discussed next, which have an interesting comparison to 21st century rightist populism if one imagines the Sedition Act working in the opposite manner. Here, one finds Judge Francis Dana, a longtime friend of the Adamses, weighing in with an attitude that is unfortunately rare today:

“That the genuine Liberty of Speech, & of the Press, is the liberty to utter & publish the Truth, is not to be confounded with a licentiousness in speaking & writing, that is only employed in propagating falsehood & slander.”[3]

The controversy over the Alien and Sedition Acts also birthed the idea of nullification, which has resurfaced throughout American history whenever the federal government passed laws that were hated by large parts of the population. In dealing with his cabinet, the elder Adams seems not to have realized the need for an incoming administration to clean house in government departments so as not to be hindered by subversive holdovers from the previous administration who oppose the current administration’s program. Had he removed James McHenry and Timothy Pickering much earlier instead of waiting until 1800, he might have accomplished more by being less hindered by Hamilton’s designs. Said designs are explored at length to move toward the election of 1800, which is contrasted with 1796 to show how the two-party system had coalesced in that time despite infighting between the Hamilton and Adams branches of the Federalists. Federalist infighting over what to do with tax resisters (Hamiltonians wanted blood while Adams pardoned rebel leaders convicted of treason) was part of this divide, which only grew after Washington’s death in December 1799. The authors consider the question that John and Abigail Adams pondered, and find no answer: how to have democracy without political parties. Adams’ rejection of “party spirit” would tie his political hands behind his back and contribute to electoral defeat and the Thomas Jefferson presidency.

The chapter “Party Irregulars” covers the time of Jefferson’s first term. The elder Adams would retire to study and write, while JQA would hold several important positions. John Adams recalled his son from Berlin, where he had been part of high society, before leaving office. JQA’s alcoholic brother Charles had died, which strained the family further in the last year of the John Adams administration. After having their first child, George Washington Adams (1801–29), JQA and the often-frail Louisa came home, and many reunions followed. One sees Jefferson suffering many of the same plights as President that Adams did, which the latter took as justification of his beliefs and policies. With regard to the press, Adams said,

“The Editors of Newspapers, have no Check, and yet have Power to make and Unmake Characters, at their Will; to create and uncreate Constitutions, to erect and demolish Administrations. When a few scribblers, all foreigners, whose origin story and Characters nobody knows, have more influence than President Senate, the Peoples own Representatives, and all the Judges of the Land?”[4]

After dealing with the family’s financial troubles and having another child (John Adams II, 1803–34, JQA became a U.S. senator, all the while continuing to read and write. Following a short discussion on the debates over the meaning of republic and democracy in the Jeffersonian era, one sees the beginning of JQA’s senatorial career. At this time, the Louisiana Purchase and the Twelfth Amendment were major issues, and the irony that John Quincy Adams would be the only President ever put into office through its provision for dealing with no majority in an election is not lost on the authors. JQA’s routine is detailed, along with his opposition to Jefferson. Abigail Adams is also found in conflict with Jefferson, after what began as a condolence letter over the loss of his daughter turned into a political dispute. The ninth chapter concludes with letters between father and son in 1805, just after Jefferson had won a second term.

Chapter 10, “Shape-Shifters,” covering Jefferson’s second term, begins with the only attempt ever made to impeach a Supreme Court Justice, that against Samuel Chase in 1805, accused of “party spirit.” He was acquitted, but the result heightened party spirit throughout American politics and increased tensions. After noting that the Adams family was most united around this time, the authors return to JQA’s senatorial activities and John Adams’ work in agriculture, as well as the birth of Charles Francis Adams (1807–86). The next matter discussed is the threat to American shipping from European navies and North African pirates alike. Here, JQA is shown warming up to Jefferson and James Madison somewhat, as a defensive military response began to make sense, but not much, as he hated party spirit. The authors use more father-son letters to show the beginning of the path to the War of 1812, which John Adams predicted would eventually occur. The Chesapeake Affair of 1807 is also discussed in this light. The trade embargo passed in response would distance JQA from the remnant of the Federalist Party, which would cost him his Senate seat as Madison sailed smoothly into the White House in the 1808 election. The following section details the feud between the elder Adams and the estranged family friend Mercy Otis Warren over her History of the Rise, Progress, and Termination of the American Revolution (1805), which minimized his role in the events. The rest of the chapter explains JQA’s transition to the Republican Party (not to be confused with the current Republican Party, which replaced the Whig Party in the 1850s), including further feuding with Pickering and Abigail Adams’ disapproval.

The first half of the chapter “Distant Companions” covers the Madison administration, during which JQA was minister to Russia (the U.S. did not name ambassadors at the time) and then to Great Britain. After accepting the St. Petersburg posting over Louisa’s objections, JQA would spend eight years abroad. In writing, one finds John Adams defending his legacy and his son defending the late Fisher Ames, a Massachusetts Federalist congressman whose legacy was being attacked by New England secessionists upset over the trade embargo. Like his father, he worked to secure American shipping, then under threat from Napoleon, who would go on to invade Russia. The authors note Tsar Alexander I’s like for Louisa as an aid to JQA’s efforts. But as for the British, the enemy of one’s enemy can still be an enemy, and the War of 1812 is discussed at length. It kept JQA abroad for longer than planned, though Madison offered him a Supreme Court seat, which he rejected. Many people may not know that efforts to end the War of 1812 were occurring for most of the war, and that JQA played a significant part in them. Once more, one sees the slow movement of information; the negotiators were not aware of the 1814 burning of Washington, D.C. until months after it happened, and the Battle of New Orleans (not mentioned until the next chapter) took place after the peace treaty was signed because no one there knew that the war was officially over. After the peace with Britain and the final exile of Napoleon, JQA was reassigned to London and reunited with his other children. Meanwhile, one finds the elder Adams reconciling somewhat with Jefferson, with a series of letters between them showing their agreements and disagreements, which were much as before in terms of overarching political philosophy. After a brief section about the small political and religious differences between father and son (John Adams was a deist while JQA was a Christian), the final third of Chapter 11 covers most of the Monroe administration, during which JQA was Secretary of State. In this time, he had to deal with the death of his mother and increasing frailty of his father while overseeing the acquisition of Florida from Spain, which was complicated by Andrew Jackson’s overzealous actions against Indian raids. Later, the Compromise of 1820 split off Maine from JQA’s native Massachusetts as a means of keeping the number of free states and slave states equal. The final pages concern JQA’s attention to his presidential résumé in preparation for the 1824 election, where he is seen being as pedantic as his father could be when dealing with those who disagreed with him.

The John Quincy Adams presidency is the subject of the twelfth chapter and part of the thirteenth, though the chapter begins with the campaign in 1823. The authors note that John Adams was nearing death and would depart while his son was in office. Once more, the reader finds an Adams seeking the Presidency without knowing how to campaign, a forgivable shortcoming in 1796 but not by 1824. Much detail is provided on the William Crawford campaign, as well as the attacks against Adams in the form of reprinting old disputes from the preceding decades. JQA is presented as almost blundering his way into power while handing the Jackson campaign opportunities to defeat him, although there were efforts to get them to run together. The disdain of John Adams for the trappings of high society is shown to have passed to his son by comparing JQA to the son of the marquis de Lafayette, who had recently returned to America. The stage is then set for the second Adams presidency, with Jacksonians miffed that the second- and fourth-place candidates had made a “corrupt bargain” to deny the White House to the candidate with a plurality of electoral votes. JQA is, by his inaugural address and his plans during his first year as President, depicted as a visionary ahead of his time in terms of building national infrastructure while also behind his time with regard to party politics. The next section gives information on George Adams, now a young intellectual like his father JQA was in the 1790s. The authors note the coincidence of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson dying on the same day, exactly fifty years after the Declaration of Independence was signed. After covering the eulogies and noting JQA’s concerns for George’s well-being that would soon prove prophetic, the focus returns to politics as the 1828 election loomed. The authors describe Adams’ daily routine as President, then note the entry of future president Martin Van Buren into the political scene as an ally of Jackson. The last few pages of Chapter 12 sees Adams handling a death threat and figuring out what to do about South American efforts for independence from Spain.

“Surviving Son” picks up where the previous chapter left off, with eulogies to John Adams, George Adams succumbing to temptations, and JQA dealing with partisan politics. All of the talk of dueling leaves one to wonder if bringing back that tradition might calm the political scene by forcing those with loose tongues to either back up their words or be branded cowards. The politicking of Van Buren in particular for the Jackson campaign is brought to light, which is compared to that of Burr for Jefferson 28 years earlier. Once again, the past is drudged up by partisan publishers, especially the Albany Argus. Van Buren and JQA would not reconcile in quite the way that Jefferson and the elder Adams did, though Van Buren’s respect for him increased over time. The authors note that after losing presidential re-election in 1840, Van Buren would be an abolitionist third-party candidate in 1848 with JQA’s son Charles Francis as running mate. But in 1828, JQA is shown to have lacked the personnel around him to engineer a proper re-election campaign, leading him to lose in a landslide to Jackson. The “Tariff of Abominations” is mentioned and then explained later in the chapter, along with the strange circumstance of John Calhoun being Adams’ and then Jackson’s vice president, the only vice president to serve with two presidents. The next parallel drawn between the presidents Adams is in their sons’ deaths; Charles in 1800 and George in 1829. JQA’s thoughts on the death of George, who drowned at approximately 3:40 a.m. after unknown circumstances, are described. The focus then turns to his reaction to becoming an ex-president, which included reimmersion in reading and writing as well as a run for Congress in 1830. One sees JQA unable to let the past remain buried, always anxious to correct any erroneous accounts being advanced. The Nullification Crisis comes next, which nearly led South Carolina to secede almost 30 years before it was the first to actually do so in the Civil War. One sees Adams and Jackson on the same side against their common rival Calhoun, who would soon resign the vice presidency. Chapter 13 concludes with the death of both Tom in 1832 and John II in 1834, leaving JQA an only surviving son of John Adams with only one surviving son of his own.

The final chapter, “Standard Bearer,” covers the final part of John Quincy Adams’ life. One finds JQA acting as a moderate in Congress, speaking up for Native Americans and slaves but feeling that the former were doomed. The issue of slavery and JQA’s arguments against its supporters are discussed at length, as it would be a highly contested issue all the way to its formal end in 1865, and his oratory would prove formidable in advancing abolition, particularly during the Nullification Crisis and the Amistad case. Once more comparing the plights of Native Americans and Blacks, JQA would oppose U.S. intervention in Texas. The authors break from the issues of the time briefly to discuss the death of Madison in 1836 and JQA’s eulogy to him, which was not entirely positive but praised him as a forward-thinking man. Returning to the issue of slavery, JQA is seen in conflict with James Henry Hammond, who viewed slavery as a positive good and sought to stop all antislavery petitions. Adams’ cleverness is on full display in this episode. His views on race at this point are contrasted with his earlier views and those of John Adams, while they are explained through his reverence for the Declaration of Independence, which he viewed as incompatible with enslaving people of other races. Even so, he would not support immediate abolition. The authors briefly discuss JQA’s 1842 pamphlet The Social Compact, which laid out his view of democracy, then proceed to the details of his decline and death, with some notes on Louisa’s death in 1852 as well. After some of the eulogies to the sixth president and representative of Massachusetts, the authors choose to finish the book proper with a dyslogy written by Walt Whitman.

The conclusion, like the introduction, also takes a Latin name: “Ad Consummandum” (to summarize). Here, the authors endeavor to explain why the memory of the Adamses has generally been sidelined in favor of Jefferson and Jackson in particular and two-term presidents in general. They recognize the ideological differences, the effects of partisan politics, and what they call historical amnesia: the tendency for myths and propaganda to override truth and facts as living subjects of history and anyone who knew them personally die off over time. Next, brief biographical information on the direct descendants of the presidents Adams is provided, including Charles Francis Adams and his sons Henry (1838–1918) and Brooks (1848–1927). Returning to what sets the Adamses apart, the authors notice some glaring holes and inconsistencies in the American civic religion, just as John Adams and JQA did. But the final few pages, in which the authors seek a more perfect adherence to democratic principles, bring to mind Murray Rothbard’s suggestion that “all final chapters of books should just be removed,” though only for these pages. It would be much better to stick with the Adamsian philosophy as Isenberg and Burstein describe it,

“If Democrats embraced a democracy that sounded beautiful while promoting some and excluding many, Adamses aimed for something different: enacting a theory of smart government.”[5]

Ad consummandum, this is a much-needed work in the fields of American history, presidential history, and 18th–19th century history. The book seems longer than it is; there are nearly 500 reading pages, plus another 40 pages of notes, but it seems like almost twice that. Some of the vocabulary will challenge an inexperienced reader, but this should be expected for a professional work about this time period. The only lacking subject matter is that the early life of John Adams and his relationship with his father could have received more attention. Some chapters, especially the eleventh and the fourteenth, would have been better split in two. Even so, The Problem of Democracy is an interesting read for those who have the time.

Rating: 4.5/5

References

Isenberg, Nancy; Burstein, Andrew (2019). The Problem of Democracy: The Presidents Adams Confront the Cult of Personality. Viking; New York. p. 146. Ibid., p. 158. Ibid., p. 222. Ibid., p. 247. Ibid., p. 460.

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