But underpinning the resurgence in Labor's fortunes - critics and confidantes concur - is a lift in the Opposition leader's performance on the stump and in front of the television cameras. Bill Shorten: There's been a lift in the Opposition leader's performance on the stump. Credit:Alex Ellinghausen Has Bill Shorten, finally, found his voice? On taking the leadership of Labor, Shorten seemed to change. Not the most gifted orator, he made a deliberate attempt to shed himself of his reputation as a union hardman and factional warrior who played a pivotal role in removing two Labor prime ministers. As Shorten told journalist David Marr last year: "I was a union speaker for 14 years but I've got to have more styles than just that …

"You've got to take some of the rabble rouser out of you. I think it's just about making what you say accessible to people." Trying to soften his image, Shorten's voice frequently took on a singsong cadence, like a parent telling a bedtime story to a child, especially when delivering the pre-arranged grab for the cameras. He spoke slowly with a high pitch, his intonation rising at the end of sentences. The head tilting unnaturally for emphasis, almost pleading to be liked. The content was often as bad as the delivery. As brilliantly parodied by Shaun Micallef's Mad as Hell, these awkward "zingers" became a sensation. In one classic, mangled barb in Parliament, Shorten seemed to be channelling Yoda, the ancient Jedi master from Star Wars: "Just when I thought nothing else could this government do surprise me."

Shorten embraced the jibes good-naturedly, but it was hardly the stuff of a serious leader. He's given up the zingers. There's more gravitas about him. Hugh Mackay Rather, he came off variously as nervous, patronising, annoying, fake, ridiculous. As the social researcher Hugh Mackay observed last year, Shorten has came across "weak, evasive and untrustworthy". For some colleagues, it has been painful to watch. "He's just been woefully deficient in the basics that you would expect from a party leader - being able to speak with some authenticity, for starters," said one Labor figure. "That's surprising for someone who has told people that he's wanted this all his life."

The inadequacies are the more surprising given Shorten was a skilled debater as a student, competing in the national championships as a member of the Victorian team. As a youngster, at the urging of his mother, he took elocution lessons. As a union organiser, he could be an inspiring orator at the factory gates. But there has been a notable improvement in Shorten's presentation recently. The exaggerated mannerisms have not disappeared, but have been muted. The slips of the tongue are less frequent and his voice seems to have dropped half an octave. The latter change is instructive. Researchers have studied that voters like deep voices, conveying strength, competence and integrity. This principle stands for men and women speakers. "There's been a huge improvement.," Mackay told Fairfax Media this week. "He's given up the zingers. There's more gravitas about him."

Shorten's office is reluctant to illuminate what positive role, if any, Frenkel played in the transformation, other than to confirm he has been coaching the Opposition leader. Frenkel is bound by a confidentiality clause in his employment contract with Shorten and can't comment. However, his website describes his skills as an "analyst, vocal coach, speech guru, writer, author and one of the world's best harmonic overtone singers". He is also a qualified hypnotherapist and has written a book on meditation. Another of his tomes is titled The art of being massaged. He first gained a measure of fame as a throat singer, an ancient musical form originated in Mongolia 14,000 years ago that sees otherworldly sounds brought forth ranging across tone. It can, purportedly, mesmerise animals, calm unsettled babies and allow people to project their voices across vast distances.

Vocal training is not uncommon for politicians. Bob Carr, a former radio journalist, has been coached and credits his "masterly" baritone for underpinning his political success. Margaret Thatcher was trained by an expert from Britain's National Theatre to lower her voice. Shorten's supporters prefer to focus on the Opposition leader returning, rejuvenated after his Christmas holidays, determined to hit the hustings and reconnect with voters. This year, the Labor leader has done 10 town hall forums and visited marginal seats 47 times. Over the same period, he has done 87 media events. Like an out of sorts batsman, Shorten has gone back to basics, hit the nets, and played himself into form.

"Bill's a confidence player," remarks one Labor staffer. That self-assurance grew as Turnbull faltered, beginning with his flirtation and abandonment of the GST in early February and culminating in the short-lived plan to hand the states taxation powers and Turnbull's musing on withdrawing federal funding from state schools. It was around this time, in late February and early March, that a "contingency plan" by Labor powerbrokers from both NSW and Shorten's home state in Victoria to replace Shorten with Anthony Albanese was shelved. How well advanced those plans were varies in the telling. "It was close to being a done deal," said one Labor source. "Then there was divine intervention in the form of Malcolm screwing up.

"Luck's a fortune and he's had some." Recent revelations of corporate malfeasance - Fairfax's revelations of industrial scale bribery involving Australian firms tied to the Monaco-based firm Unaoil, the Panama Papers highlighting tax avoidance, and allegations of manipulation of interests rates by Australian banks - could also be filed under good fortune by Shorten. It plays to Labor's strengths and shifts the debate away from union corruption. However, they say fortune favours the brave and Shorten's embrace of going early and hard on policy has allowed him to cash in. Labor launched its policy to crackdown on multinational tax avoidance last year. Its politically risky decision to clamp down on negative gearing and slash capital gains tax concessions gave Labor credibility on reform when it comes to its critique of the government chaotic policy conniptions. This week's Newspoll showed Labor ahead 51-49 on a two party preferred basis, well within the margin or error of 3 to 4 per cent. Malcolm Turnbull remains well ahead of Shorten as preferred prime minister at 48 per cent. Shorten's rating on this key measure of personal popularity is at 27 per cent, low but up from the devastating nadir of 14 per cent registered in December.

There hasn't been a one term federal government since James Scullin was ousted in 1932, in the midst of the Great Depression. Turnbull remains easily the most skilled communicator of the two. When the government delivers its budget on May 3, the damaging prevaricating over economic policy should end, removing a key advantage for Labor at the moment. The old adage that governments lose elections, rather than oppositions winning them, still holds, notes Mackay. Even so, the electorate is more volatile, less forgiving, less patient. The fall of one term governments in Queensland and Victoria in the past five years are testament to that. Dennis Glover, a speechwriter and adviser to several Labor leaders, says Shorten has been rewarded for his boldness on policy. He advised Kim Beazley who ran a small target strategy in 1998 election, concentrating on opposing John Howard's GST.

The famously pessimistic Beazley never really thought he could win and was banking on a two-term strategy to get back into power. Beazley comfortably won the two party preferred vote but lost the election, largely by being unable to sway middle-income voters in marginal seats. A more positive agenda, more policy differentiation could have won it. "If he can carry it off, Shorten will need some boldness. He should keep being brave, not curl up in a ball," says Glover. While Shorten's performance has improved, most voters still don't feel they know him. Many still don't like him or trust him, "He's stopped speaking in sound bites and zingers and started talking in sentences," he says.

"The next step is to speak in paragraphs." More policy - on health, higher education, innovation and budget repair is essential. But this must be accompanied by an over-arching narrative. "He shouldn't get preachy but he has to help people put together the pieces of the puzzle about what's happening to the nation and how it's affecting their lives."