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That said, history suggests Saskatchewan has not been a virtual one-party state like oil-boom-era Alberta, where voters for decades didn’t exactly view it as a priority to have a viable opposition scrutinizing seemingly unlimited government spending of natural resource revenue.

Saskatchewan has seen its own massive majorities, but its dramatic swings both to the right (55 Progressive Conservatives in 1982) and left (55 NDP seats in 1991) were followed by an inevitable rebalancing of our legislature with the return of a sizeable opposition. For example, the NDP did win a massive 55-seat government in 1991, but after a reconfiguration of the opposition from Progressive Conservatives to Liberals, the Sask. Party won 26 and 28 seats, respectively, in its first two general elections.

By the time the general election rolls around in October, it will be 13 years since the last change in government in Saskatchewan. History tells us that it might be now or never for the NDP to make some sort of political move.

Although the Sask. Party still has significant support mostly due to its rural base, the province isn’t exactly flush with resource revenue anymore, and costly choices like the $1.9-billion bypass and the Global Transportation Hub (GTH) have frustrated many voters. For an opposition not to show tangible progress in the 2020 election would be a failing for Meili and the NDP.

After three consecutive elections in which the NDP allowed the Sask. Party to build its majority government from 38 seats (in 2007) to 49 seats (in 2011) to 51 seats (in 2016), failure to curtail the Sask. Party growth in 2020 would seem a death knell for not only Meili but also perhaps the NDP. At the very least, it would seem to open the door for another party because history tells us the Saskatchewan electorate will only be so tolerant of any party that’s seemingly going nowhere.