Three months before the election, the news is pretty much all bad for Republicans — so bad, in fact, that the question it raises is whether November is going to see a Democratic wave that not only washes Hillary Clinton into the White House but also secures majorities for Democrats in the Senate and even in the House of Representatives.

Clinton’s steady rise in the polls since the Democratic convention has solidified into a 7.5-point lead in the Real Clear Politics average — twice the margin enjoyed by Barack Obama over John McCain in 2008 and Mitt Romney in 2012 at roughly the same point in the cycle.

Her lead at the moment isn’t even remotely debatable. There are too many different pollsters with too many different agendas for it to be some kind of conspiracy. There isn’t a single national poll with Donald Trump out front; three have her ahead by double digits and only two have her on top by 3 or less.

The point here is that she’s on an upward trend after her convention bounce, and he’s fallen pretty vertiginously from his.

How about the state polls? In 2012 they were more predictive of Obama’s victory than the much closer national surveys. The news here is also lousy for Trump, though not as dreadful. In polling over the past two weeks in states in which there is any sort of contest, only one has Trump in the lead.

Yes, the margins tend to be closer than in the national polls (for example, a survey released yesterday had Clinton only up by 1 in Florida, though a different one a few days earlier had her up by 6).

But several eye-opening results should be scaring the Trump campaign — if there is a Trump campaign, that is, and if Trump can get scared, which doesn’t seem to be part of his makeup.

The two most recent polls in Georgia, which has gone Republican since 1996, have Clinton up by 4 and 7. The most reliable poll in Arizona, another GOP stronghold, has her up 3. And a poll this week in North Carolina, which Obama won in 2008 and lost in 2012, has Clinton ahead by 2.

If these three states go for Clinton, and Trump doesn’t turn a single Democratic state from 2012 to his advantage, she’d outdo Obama’s 2012 total by 42 electoral-college votes — for a total of 374 to Trump’s 164. (You need 270 to win.) If Trump managed to win Florida and Ohio, he’d still lose about as badly as Romney.

Of course, if Hillary wins Georgia, Arizona and North Carolina, that would be indicative of a national “wave” — a win so broad and deep that it flips downballot races to the Democrats.

And this is what terrifies other Republicans — that a wholesale rejection of Trump will combine with the “brand” problems of the GOP to threaten anyone and everyone who might be vulnerable.

Democrats need to net four seats in the Senate to take control (assuming a Hillary victory). The GOP figures two are already gone (Mark Kirk in Illinois and Ron Johnson in Wisconsin). The popular former Democratic senator and governor of Indiana, Evan Bayh, seems likely to prevail in the Senate race there. Which means Democrats only need one or two more.

A terrific race in New Hampshire between the able freshman GOP Sen. Kelly Ayotte and the similarly able Democratic former Gov. Maggie Hassan is starting to look very good for Hassan — likely because Trump appears to have melted down in the polls there and is sucking Ayotte into his sinkhole.

In Pennsylvania, another impressive first-term Republican, Pat Toomey, is up against a pretty lousy Democratic candidate named Katie McGinty — but again all the signs are that Trump is now down double digits in the state and that McGinty is benefiting from his weakness. She’s pulled into a very narrow lead over Toomey.

There are other Republicans in tight races, like Richard Burr in North Carolina and John McCain in Arizona (assuming he survives a primary challenge from someone to his right). They can prevail if November is relatively normal — even if Hillary’s win is relatively modest in scope — but likely could not survive a wave.

The same is true in the House of Representatives: A wave could net Democrats the 32 seats they’d need to take control there.

Republican consultant Adrian Gray reports that in his modeling of the race, Hillary Clinton is ahead in 54 Republican-held House districts, while Trump is ahead only in 3 Democratic districts. If this persists, and is bolstered by a Clinton margin over Trump of greater than 8 points, it’s bye-bye House.

If this happens, the recriminations on the Republican side will be epic, and the “anger” unleashed by Trump and his supporters — anger we’ve all been told we must respect and understand — will be unleashed right back upon them, threefold.