NSW’s and Victoria’s deradicalisation programs seem similar to the federal government’s offering, but Muslim leaders say there is a world of difference

Speaking at a Ramadan dinner on Monday, the New South Wales premier, Mike Baird, recalled the “desperate, terrible times” last December when a gunman took hostages in Sydney’s Lindt Cafe. He remembered the sense of unity that swept the city in its aftermath.

“One of the most incredible things was standing there with young Muslim leaders,” Baird said. “They said to me, they’ve never felt more a part of this state than they did in those days. What a credit that is. What an incredible thing happened amongst us.”

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Major Islamic social services have virtually boycotted the federal government’s deradicalisation efforts, either fearing any association with the Abbott government, or dismissing the programs as poorly funded and designed. In Victoria and NSW, the state governments have been taking notes.

In its state budget this week, NSW announced $4m in funding to counter violent extremism. In substance, the programs will largely echo those of the federal government. But their success is staked on something more intangible.

“Baird, the guy is different,” says Randa Kattan, the chief executive of the Arab Council of Australia and a persistent critic of what she calls “Arab-phobia”.



“What happened with the federal government is that it’s extremely dismissive of the community, that’s how it feels on the ground,” she says. “Whereas with the state if feels like it’s a bit different, like they’re actually engaging.”

The Victorian premier, too, has struck a different tone: more reflective than fire and brimstone. “The marginalisation of some of our young people is an issue we need to better understand,” Daniel Andrews said in April, following a wave of terrorism arrests across Melbourne.

His language reflects a fundamentally different understanding of the problem of radicalisation, says Kuranda Seyit, secretary of the Islamic Council of Victoria.

“[The Victorian government] actually see this is a community issue, not just a law enforcement issue,” he says.

“The way that the federal government has handled this has been a catalyst for the states not to repeat the mistakes, and basically be seen as more sincere.

“That’s what’s lacking at the federal government, sincerity. When you’re speaking to someone and you know they’re not listening, you can tell. The Abbott government is sort of like that person, they’re not interested in the discussion.”

Like others, he raises the prime minister’s speech to an international summit on violent extremism this month. The prime minister told his audience of diplomats, social workers, and civil society leaders: “Daesh [the term the government prefers for Islamic State] is coming if it can for every person and every government with a simple message: submit or die.”

Abbott persists also in saluting Egypt’s president, Abdel Fatah al-Sisi, for his call that “Islam needed nothing less than a religious revolution to reverse centuries of false thinking”.

“That language is abrasive and inflammatory and only puts us back in terms of addressing the issue,” Seyit says. “Indirectly, they are jeopardising the successful outcomes we’re working towards.”

The funding announced by NSW this week allocates $4m over two years for “mentoring and support” programs that complement the federal government’s work. If the the details are still vague, that’s by design, the state’s multiculturalism minister, John Ajaka, tells Guardian Australia. “I’m going out on a listening tour,” he says.

“We really need a holistic approach to this issue and the best way we can have one is to go out there, consulting with the entire community, the stakeholders, the experts and leaders and ensure we come up with an appropriate plan.”

Respect would be at the heart of his approach, he says. “I’ve always believed in this: respect is paramount. I want people to respect me, I should respect people. The community of NSW wants to be respected, we should respect all our communities.”

Victoria has established a ministerial taskforce, led by the state’s deputy premier, James Merlino, co-ordinating policy across the education, youth, multicultural affairs and police portfolios.

The state has also established a $4m social cohesion and multicultural research institute, a network of social researchers who will test strategies, and build an evidence base about what works.

“We don’t have all the answers when it comes to tackling radicalisation,” Merlino says. “This is not about creating unnecessary fear or politicians grandstanding to push their own cynical motives. It’s about finding a solution that protects every Victorian from the impact of radicalisation, no matter their background.”

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Advocates such as Silma Ihram, from the Australian Muslim Women’s Association, are wary, but she met Baird this week. “There hasn’t been enough consultation as far as I’m concerned, but on the interaction we’ve had so far, I’m looking very positively towards a different approach,” she says.

Sheikh Mohamadu Nawas Saleem, a spokesman for the Board of Imams Victoria, says it is still early days, but “it gives some sort of hope for Muslims to see the premiers not talking in the same wavelength as the prime minister. It reduces their anxiousness”.

“And of course, when the programs are up and running, Muslims will probably be more forthcoming to accept it,” he says.

Increasingly, it appears this crucial work – what spy boss Duncan Lewis has called the “silver bullet” in blunting Isis recruiting – will have to fall to the states. Relations between the federal government and most major Muslim organisations are bad, and worsening.

“People have stopped talking,” Seyit says.