The shady Lebanese-Nigerian businessman who got Hillary Clinton’s State Department to arrange a high-level meeting was only one of a dizzying number of big ­donors to the Clinton Foundation to score government favors.

The list includes high rollers whose relationships with the Clintons made them even richer; countries with dubious human rights records; and companies looking to grease the skids to get an edge on the competition.

Frank Giustra, a billionaire mining magnate from Vancouver, pledged $100 million to the foundation in 2005 — and then reaped a fortune from the relationship.

Giustra had dinner in 2010 with Bill and Hillary Clinton right before the Clintons met with the president of Colombia.

Shortly afterward, a company Giustra partially owned acquired the lucrative rights to conduct logging operations in an ecologically sensitive area along the ­Colombian coast.

Giustra and Bill Clinton also jetted off to Kazakhstan in 2005 to meet with President Nursultan Nazarbayev, and Giustra’s mining company later signed a deal giving him stakes in three state-run uranium mines in the country.

The mines were acquired by the Russian atomic energy agency, Rosatom, in a deal that got State Department approval on Hillary’s watch.

Gilbert Chagoury, a Lebanese-Nigerian billionaire who owns Africa’s largest construction company, donated millions to the foundation and in 2009 pledged $1 billion to the Clinton Global Initiative, an offshoot.

That same year, longtime Bill Clinton aide Doug Band sent an email to two top Hillary aides at the State Department, Huma Abedin and Cheryl Mills, asking them to set up a meeting with “a substance person on Lebanon,” according to emails made public Tuesday.

It wasn’t long before Chagoury had an appointment with Jeffrey Feltman, the former US ambassador to Lebanon.

A rep for Clinton claimed Wednesday that Chagoury simply wanted to talk about the upcoming Lebanese election.

But Chagoury was also a key financial backer of pro-Hezbollah politician Michel Aoun, who was running for parliament on the Hezbollah-aligned bloc, according to multiple press accounts.

A close friend of Bill Clinton, Chagoury struck a plea deal on money-laundering charges in Switzerland in 2000 and was fined $66 million.

On Thursday, Chagoury’s spokesman, Mark Corallo, issued a statement saying he never got to meet with Feltman.

“Ambassador Chagoury doesn’t understand all of the media concern over the Clinton Global Initiative which has done so much good philanthropic work around the world – especially in Africa. He is proud to be associated with what he truly believes is a wonderful charitable organization.

“The last time the ambassador had any contact with Secretary Clinton was at a dinner in 2006. He has had no personal contact with Secretary Clinton or any of her staff since 2006. He has never met or had any contact with Ambassador Feltman. He had no contact of any kind with anyone from the State Department regarding the subject matter of the emails between Mr. Band and Ms. Abedin. He was simply passing along his observations and insights about the dire political situation in Lebanon at the time. But nothing ever came of it. He had no contact of any kind with the State Department.”

The emails between State ­Department aides and foundation staffers were hardly unique — the department estimated the number at more than 12,000.

The Clinton Foundation also has accepted millions from foreign countries — some with deplorable human rights records — that needed approval from State for roughly $165 billion worth of weapons deals.

In one case, State approved a huge increase in arms shipments to Algeria, even though the department’s own 2011 human rights report blasted the country for “arbitrary killing,” “widespread corruption” and a “lack of judicial independence.”

The Algerian government that same year donated $500,000 to the Clinton Foundation.

A year later, State approved a 70 percent jump in military exports to the country, including “chemical agents, biological agents and associated equipment.”

Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, Germany, the United Arab Emirates, Australia, Norway and the Dominican Republic all donated to the foundation.

Major corporations also made sure their names appeared on the Clinton Foundation donor list.

Walmart donated between ­$1 million and $5 million, and when Hillary Clinton went to ­India in 2012, she pressed a local minister to open the lucrative Indian market up to foreign companies, including Walmart.

Monsanto, which also gave between $1 million and $5 million, lobbied the State Department in 2009 to help it reach new markets. Clinton, then secretary of state, wrote a memo in 2009, available via WikiLeaks, pushing Monsanto’s agenda.

One early example of the Clintons’ apparent pay-to-play culture came in 2004, when Robert Congel, an upstate developer, gave $100,000 to the foundation just one month after Clinton successfully fought as a US senator for legislation that let him use tax-free bonds to build Destiny USA, a massive shopping mall on the shore of Onondaga Lake in Syracuse.

In 2005, Clinton added an earmark to a highway bill for $5 million for Congel’s project.

Reps for Clinton have said there was no connection between the donation and her support of the project, and noted that other lawmakers, both Democrats and Republicans, had also backed the mall.

Corning, an upstate corporation that makes materials used in fiber optics, gave $150,000 to the Clinton Foundation in 2010.

A company spokesman said at the time that, as secretary of state, Clinton helped Corning make valuable contacts.

“If we needed to know who to deal with somewhere around the world, she could help with names,” the spokesman said, ­according to a Bloomberg News report last October.

The FBI asked the Justice Department earlier this year to open an investigation into the foundation, but the public integrity unit declined, according to CNN.