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But given that middle-class moderation is clearly a theme Conservatives want to emerge from their campaign, one might think Scheer would be champing at the bit to contrast his views with Bernier’s on a national stage — something the two haven’t shared since the 2017 federal Conservative leadership race that saw Bernier lead on the first 12 ballots before being edged out by Scheer on the 13th ballot.

By bolting the CPCs a year ago and founding the further right-wing PPC with far more strident views opposing more immigration and refugees, denying man-made global warming and opposing supply management, one might argue the contrast Bernier provides is a favourable one for Scheer. Alas, politics is never that simple, especially at election time.

For starters, there’s always the lingering Quebec question in any federal election. Scheer and the Conservatives have reason to fear that Bernier’s presence in the French debate affords him a platform to not only appeal to Quebec voters but also potentially drain off right-wing votes in close Quebec and Ontario ridings.

Simply put, Bernier’s debate presence leaves Scheer caught between coming across as too left for the right or too right for the centre.

This would seem less of a problem here, where conservatives understand the benefit of having a single, right-of-centre party (See: creation of the Saskatchewan Party) and where the PPC votes (with the remote possibility of Ralph Goodale’s Regina Wascana riding) can’t realistically affect results.

But if one follows the anti-climate change, anti-immigration social media postings of conservative movers and shakers, including former Stephen Harper cabinet ministers, you may wonder why they support Scheer and not Bernier.

As such, Bernier poses a two-fold problem for Scheer.

Mandryk is the political columnist for the Regina Leader-Post.