By Jake McGowan

Sen. Bernie Sanders’s (I-Vt.) campaign is fueled by an outpouring of support from the youth of America, and this can be seen on college campuses. At Rutgers, Sanders apparel, whether it be car decals or stickers slapped on a laptop, is abundant.

The data backs this. Sanders dominated the youth vote in the March 10 Michigan primary by winning an estimated 77% of the 18-29 age group voting for him; a comparatively small 19% punched in for former Vice President Joe Biden.

Young people worship Sanders partly because of his position on policies, partly because of his personality. They’re drawn to his aggressive verbal attacks against the rich. In a sense, his most devoted supporters are living vicariously through him, as he lambastes the elites in the way that his following wishes they had the opportunity to.

Sanders’ policy proposals appeal to young people. Universal health care, the cancellation of student loans and guaranteed federal jobs are all platforms that would, in theory, help young adults, who are mostly financially insecure. The median net worth for a family with head of house who’s 35 or younger is just has about $11,100. As people get older, their wealth naturally tends to grow, giving them less of a need for the programs that Sanders supports. It’s no wonder why he fails to appeal to older voters.

“Sanders’s plans for universal healthcare and free college deliver the rights that many Americans have been deprived of," says Rutgers student Lavanya Attavane. "He has a great political track record of always voting for what he believes and always supporting the underprivileged and disempowered.”

The young people of today grew up during the Great Recession of the late 2000s, and are ready to vote for a man who promises to root out the issues that (in his opinion) caused it.

In the same way that President Donald J. Trump tapped into the growing resentment of globalism and establishment figures, Sanders is tapping into the growing resentment of corporatism in America. Both politicians do so in a similar manner - with brash rhetoric.

Whether Sanders — or Trump, for that matter — is truly genuine on the podium is not known, but he certainly portrays somebody who is legitimately concerned about the American people.

“I deeply appreciate his integrity," Martina Manicastri says of Sanders. "As a political science major, one of the first things we learn about the American electorate is that they strongly distrust American politicians; Bernie is the first candidate that makes me feel like I can trust him to have my back and tell me the truth.” Manicastri said.

But Sanders, much like Trump, has attracted more than just typical political support — he has a near cult-like following; a base of ardent supporters who are willing to upend the Democratic Party to push their candidate onto the ballot.

Trump and Sanders are certainly not the same policymaker, as their legislative ideals are amply far apart, but they are similar politicians. Both propose unworkable, unpassable, and nonsensical ideas; both cowardly hide behind attack-dog mentalities to hide their glaring ideological faults. Sanders’ viciousness shrouds the fact that he has never passed significant legislation.

Sanders supporters clearly aim to change the way that the controlling institutions in America work, and I do agree that alterations are needed. But electing someone who recoils the entirety of Washington D.C. will not get that done.

But all is not lost for Progressives. The Democratic establishment has moved significantly to the left, showing that Sanders’s rhetoric has had an influence on party members. The New York Times’ Frank Bruni opined that Sanders had won a moral victory in the Democratic primary.

“He won it when his rivals talked more about whether Medicare for All could ever get through Congress than about whether such a huge expansion of the federal government was a good idea in the first place,” he writes. “He won it when they competed to throw many more trillions than the next candidate at climate change. He won it when the disagreement became not about free tuition at public colleges but about the eligibility of students from families above a certain income level.”

Sanders has shown he is a natural-born politician, but a horrible policymaker. Who can be surprised that his biggest achievements were on the campaign trail and not on Capitol Hill? But America’s youth seem not to mind. For them, Sanders’ efforts to move the Democratic Party to the left, even if it has caused division, is a success.

“I happen to see that divide as a good thing," Manicastri says. "I think it means we’re taking a step toward changing the party for the better. Oftentimes, change is uncomfortable — that doesn’t make it unnecessary.”

She’s right. And if progressives ever achieve sustainable change, it will come from fundamentally shifting what the establishment stands for, not overthrowing it completely.

Jake McGowan is a sophomore at Rutgers University-New Brunswick, as well as the opinion editor for the student paper there, The Daily Targum.

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