Tim Hudak is offering Ontario tough love. And vowing to get tough with “union bosses.”

No need for you to love him back. The Tory leader just wants your respect.

The man who would be premier says he won’t triumph in the next election by winning any popularity contests. He’ll vanquish his more popular Liberal and NDP rivals — blessed with what he calls “winning personalities” — by focusing on what matters mo*st to voters:

Job-creation. Debt reduction.

That’s why he wants to move from his third-floor opposition leader’s office at Queen’s Park to the premier’s chair one floor below. Ensconced on his couch, clad in his customary blue leader’s suit and bold striped tie, Hudak isn’t going anywhere just yet — he just beat back a mini-revolt at a Progressive Conservative convention last weekend from disgruntled delegates.

Going forward, Hudak wants to use the latest vote of confidence from delegates as a springboard to tell voters why he’s ready to govern:

“Put people back into jobs. Put business back into business. And balance the books. Straightforward as that,” he asserts, skipping the personal pronouns for added emphasis.

“Every decision I make, every argument I settle around the cabinet table, every policy will be seen through the lens of what it does to create jobs and stimulate the economy.”

With all three parties vying for the mantle of economic management, the Tories insist they alone can put organized labour in its place once again. While Premier Kathleen Wynne and NDP Leader Andrea Horwath coddle “union bosses,” Hudak says, big labour is an obstacle to economic revival. Hence his controversial proposals for “right to work” laws that would make compulsory union dues voluntary.

But why keep spitting out the term “bosses” when referring to elected union leaders? After all, political leaders and corporate executives don’t merit the pejorative moniker. Even some Tories are fretting publicly that taunting unions is hurting the party’s image.

The Tory boss (sorry — Tory leader) won’t budge from his boss-baiting, union-busting rhetoric.

“Do we say what we believe and what we’re going to do? Or do we try to tell half the story and then do the rest once in office? I’m not that kind of politician.

“Nor do I believe that you be nice to the union bosses and they’re going to look the other way,” he says. “That’s a strategy of be nice to the alligators so they’ll eat you last.”

And so the PC chief will keep poking the union alligators in the eye. And in the pocketbook.

“With respect to taking on the union bosses, union leadership, whatever you want to say, I need a mandate to govern,” Hudak continues. “So I’m not going to be softening edges, I’m not going to be hiding things in the bottom drawer.”

Even if the anti-union approach seems wrong-headed, Hudak is clear-headed about taking a transparent approach to policy-making. He wants to let it all hang out. Early last year, in the wake of his 2011 election defeat, he resolved to revamp Tory policy with a pioneering series of 14 discussion papers covering almost every public policy issue:

Among the (non-binding) ideas floated so far: Partially privatize the big electrical utilities, rein in unions, tie student loans to marks (imposing “market discipline”), scrap a 30 per cent tuition rebate, trim taxes (unspecified) and allow more competition in the sale of beer and wine.

Now, after testing out those discussion papers at his policy convention, Hudak says he’s ready to winnow down his “wheelbarrow” of some 200 ideas. But he won’t be contracting out the job of crafting a campaign platform:

“It’s me. I’m the filter. I’ve got to believe it in my gut and know how it all fits together.”

The platform will show a party prepared to make tough economic decisions, while the Liberals and New Democrats tinker around the edges for fear of offending people, Hudak predicts.

“Kathleen and Andrea focus on likability, and they both have winning personalities,” he muses.

By contrast, Hudak says, he’s not a pleaser.

The Tory leader is perhaps making a virtue out of necessity. His popularity ratings remain far below those of his rivals, and he is often seen as failing to connect with voters. But whatever the motive, it’s hard to argue with his strategy of focusing on policy over personality:

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“While likability is a bonus, it’s more important to be respected.”

Even if unloved.