Under Trump, though, enhanced presidential powers under the unitary-executive theory have produced neither robust protections for the American people during the COVID-19 pandemic nor accountability for his actions since taking office. After weeks of stalling and misinformation, Trump has declined to use his far-reaching presidential powers to take all necessary steps to protect the public from widespread suffering and death in this unprecedented global health crisis. He has also been unequivocal that “I don’t take responsibility at all” for the federal government’s failures over coronavirus testing, affirming his personal impulse to shirk accountability—not accept it—in the face of criticism.

What could Trump be doing with his unitary-executive power to help the nation in this time of crisis? For starters, he could have used the precious weeks of February to marshal widespread testing, which we now know would have saved countless lives, instead of falsely pretending that he had the problem under control. But even in this late moment, at least three things come immediately to mind: Mandate increased domestic production of necessary equipment, comprehensively manage the supply chain for medical equipment, and order everyone in the United States to stay home while the first wave of illness crashes over the U.S. medical system—offering it a fighting chance to stay alive and maybe even catch up with the rate of infection, illness, and death.

Late last week, after weeks of intensifying pressure, Trump finally ordered General Motors to prioritize the production of ventilators, pursuant to his Korean War–era powers under the Defense Production Act. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reported the first U.S. case of COVID-19 on January 21, more than nine weeks ago. Although better than nothing, the ventilator-production order might have come too late to save the lives that could have been saved if the ventilator count were higher to date.

Fred Milgrim: A New York doctor’s warning

The United States now has more confirmed infections than any other country on the planet, with no end in sight. Supply-chain intermediaries are capitalizing on the crisis, gouging prices and forcing states and hospitals to compete with one another for protective material and other lifesaving medical supplies. The federal stockpile of equipment is insufficient, with states and health-care professionals complaining that the Trump administration is not delivering promised supplies. Calls from Congress that Trump use the DPA to hasten the production and purchase of millions of N95 masks and other needed equipment for medical personnel and broadly implement a national, coordinated system of disseminating supplies have so far gone unheeded. Beyond approving the GM order, the most Trump has done on this front is to delegate DPA authority to Alex Azar, the secretary of health and human services—presumably for use at some point—and put Peter Navarro, an economic adviser who currently heads an obscure trade-policy office, in charge of government-business coordination.