Democratic Presidential candidate Hillary Clinton speaks at her official kickoff rally at the Four Freedoms Park on Roosevelt Island in Manhattan on June 13, 2015 in New York City. | Spencer Platt / Getty 5 takeaways from Clinton’s relaunch rally And one big one: This was Hillary being Hillary.

Hillary Clinton, who has spent most of the early campaign touting her virtues as a note-taking listener, had lots and lots to say — and then some more — during her epic 2016 kickoff speech on Roosevelt Island.

Much of it was the expected proto-State of the Union stuff — the entire last half was a policy agenda full of vague specifics (“I will rewrite the tax code so it rewards hard work and investments here at home, not quick trades or stashing profits overseas”) and wonked-out data points geared to justify government investment (“eighty percent of the brain is developed by age three”).

But much of the address — which was obsessively written, marked up and rewritten by the candidate herself over the last week with speechwriter Ben Schwerin — had the discursive and intimate quality of a Facebook stream, as if Clinton were sending a friend request to the entire Democratic Party and hoping for the best. It was replete with snapshots from her past, hyperlinks to cool ideas she’s read in the progressive blogosphere, and above all, self-definitional passages that connected her own life with the experiences of middle-class and low-income Americans.

In all, the speech wasn’t in a class with her famous “glass ceiling” barnburner, which closed out the 2008 campaign. Yet like that speech, it did reflect Clinton’s stated goal inside the campaign — creating an ideological “foundation” for the next 17 months of campaigning. And it certainly reflected the Hillary her staff knows: a little long-winded, earnest to a fault, and above all, trying very hard to connect with her party’s base.

Here are five political takeways from the speech:

1. The Democratic Party is moving left fast, and she knows she needs to move with it. Clinton’s spiel was slight on specifics (she’ll unveil a series of new economic initiatives in a series of speeches from July to August), but her economic-inequality rhetoric could have been comfortably uttered by the likes of Elizabeth Warren, Joseph Stiglitz, Bernie Sanders or Martin O’Malley.

While many of you are working multiple jobs to make ends meet, you see the top 25 hedge fund managers making more than all of America’s kindergarten teachers combined

“While many of you are working multiple jobs to make ends meet, you see the top 25 hedge fund managers making more than all of America’s kindergarten teachers combined,” she said. “And, often paying a lower tax rate.”

In 2008, Clinton didn’t want to be cast as a class warrior or a tax-and-spender — and those fears still linger in terms of the general election. But she has embraced the language of grievance, if not the specific policies of the pitchfork left. Here’s why: The numbers of voters identifying themselves as “liberal” is rising fast, up three percentage points from 23 to 26 percent in the last year alone. That’s still smaller than the percentage who self-identify as conservative — but that percentage has plunged five points in the last year, according to an NBC/Wall St. Journal poll released earlier this month.

On Saturday, she promised to “reward businesses who invest in long-term value rather than the quick buck — because that leads to higher growth for the economy” a direct reference to Stiglitz’s call for an end to “short-termism,” the corporate practice of eschewing long-term investments to make fast profits via market gimmicks like stock buy-backs.

The reaction on the left was a grudging head-nod. “This was mostly a typical Democratic speech,” wrote Adam Green co-founder of the Progressive Change Campaign, which has called for student debt reform and a renewed crackdown on Wall Street. “That said, if Hillary Clinton represents the center of the Democratic Party right now, this speech shows that the center of gravity in the Democratic Party is changing — moving away from corporate Democrat priorities and toward populist ideas.”

2. She’s doesn’t really mind that “Obama’s Third Term” talk after all. Clinton has tried to distance herself from President Obama on certain policies (her campaign manager, for example, said Friday that her plan to slow deportations would go even further than the president’s), but Clinton spent a fair amount of time touting the 44th president as a friend and portraying him as a fighter — just like her.

Rhetorically, that entails placing Obama in a longer lineage of progressive presidents starting with FDR and extending through her husband — a characterization Obama’s aides viewed as nonsense a few years ago, accusing Bill Clinton of churning out low-risk domestic proposals like school uniforms. But if Hillary Clinton is to win using Obama’s 2012 map, she needs to use Obama’s base and that means showing him the respect that Al Gore wouldn’t show her husband in 2000. This she is prepared to do, telling the crowd that both ascribe to the “basic bargain” of economic fairness.

“When President Clinton honored the bargain, we had the longest peacetime expansion in history, a balanced budget — with the bottom 20 percent of workers increasing their incomes by the same percentage as the top 5 percent,” she said to stout applause. “When President Obama honored the bargain, we pulled back from the brink of Depression, saved the auto industry, provided health care to 16 million working people, and replaced the jobs we lost faster than after a financial crash.”

3. Nobody expected her to talk about emails or the foundation. But she hardly even mentioned being secretary of state. With the exception of a brief mention of the United Nations headquarters — visible to her left, across the East River, as she spoke – Clinton hardly mentioned her four-year tenure as the nation’s top diplomat, apart from talking about how happy she was to have Obama as a boss.

Last week, a Clinton campaign official told me, with an air of amusement, that the GOP field was in “a state of delusion” by focusing so intensely on foreign policy when poll after poll shows most Americans are far more concerned with the water-treading economy. Clinton breezily mentioned ISIS, China and Iran in the nether regions of her speech (As your president, I’ll do whatever it takes to keep Americans safe”). She was far more passionate about slamming Republican George W. Bush for his funding of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, employing language that was used against her in 2008 for her pro-war votes.

She touted no specific accomplishments in Foggy Bottom, and her passive brag line on national security — “I was in the Situation Room on the day we got bin Laden” — was almost a gift to Republicans who say she accomplished little as she gallivanted around the world racking up air miles.

4. She’s 67 years old — deal with it. Reporters baking in the Roosevelt Island heat were treated to the blare of Katy Perry’s “Roar” — and treated to hip-sounding alternative bands from deepest artisanal-gazpacho Brooklyn. But this is a candidate who named her kid after a Joni Mitchell song, and she likes the Beatles, so the tune she picked to ridicule Republicans came straight off the Easy Listening Boomer channel: “Yesterday.”

“You know the one — ‘all our troubles look as though they’re here to stay … and we need a place to hide away… They believe in yesterday,” she said to “Oh, Mom” chortles from the mainly under-30 audience at the kickoff.

She might owe a hat tip to her Gen-X adversary Marco Rubio, who said this during his own launch speech a day after Clinton’s original announcement: “Just yesterday, a leader from yesterday began a campaign for president by promising to take us back to yesterday. But yesterday is over, and we are never going back.”

Rubio aside, this is less about making a particular demographic pitch than allowing the candidate to feel more comfortable in her own skin – and part of a general move within the campaign to recast Clinton’s past fights (her failed 1993 health-care initiative, right-wing ridicule of her “It Takes a Village” phase, even her loss to Obama) as a reminder of how tough she is.

“Well, I may not be the youngest candidate in this race,” Clinton quipped. “But I will be the youngest woman president in the history of the United States!”

5. The most popular lines were about social issues — LGBT marriage and women’s rights. To be sure, this was a New York crowd, but the campaign needs to energize young liberals to feed its volunteer base and generate enthusiasm for a candidate who has been on the wrong side of the passion gap in the past.

Here are the two lines that elicited the most enthusiastic reactions:

“We should ban discrimination against LGBT Americans and their families so they can live, learn, marry, and work just like everybody else.”

And: “[We] want higher pay for employees, equal pay for women.”

And that’s a paradox, former Clinton Labor Secretary Robert Reich and others have noted: Uniting the party (and peeling off young Republicans) over social issues is relatively easy; it’s the un-sexy economic choices that are tough. All Democrats, Clinton included, pay lip-service to inequality and wage stagnation but really attacking those problems could divide the party by sparking fights over trade pacts, raising taxes or forcing companies to accept intrusive government interventions.

Just ask Barack Obama how that works out.