From the moment the bereaved families challenged the psychological diagnosis of Anders Breivik as a paranoid schizophrenic with active psychosis, there was never really any doubt that he would be found criminally accountable (ie, sane in our parlance) for his deeds in Oslo and on the island of Utøya on 22nd July 2011.

The court’s order to re-assess Breivik, with the result that he was diagnosed as suffering “only” from narcissistic anti-social personality disorder, satisfied the Establishment, the families, the Norwegian public, and Breivik himself. The latter’s greatest fear was to be committed to a mental institution and have his actions put down to psychosis and his stated causes and goals written off as the logic of a madman.

But the court’s declaration of Breivik’s sanity put an end to that and re-focussed proceedings on his politics, and that, of course, does a grave disservice to the cause of the Norwegian life. The judge herself said, “Breivik’s views are not a sign of madness but consistent with extreme political views,” as if the natural, normal, healthy, moral desire that Norway’s people must not be colonised and replaced by racial aliens is “extreme”.

It seems likely, however, that, far from making a shock wave that will loose an avalanche of “nationalist” violence, Breivik will simply disappear into his secure prison cell, and be lost to view. The memory of his sad, stubborn little salutes and his blushes at the mention of “Knights Templar” and “justiciar knights” will occasion only contempt and loathing, and Norway will move on. That is certainly what Norwegians hope, nationalists among them.

Meanwhile, membership of the Labour Party youth wing, which was the organiser of the Utøya summer camp attacked by Breivik, increased during the last year from 9,600 to 14,000.

Most of that increase was likely driven by the Rose Marches that followed the attacks, and the feeling of national unity that was generated by them. But that has ebbed away and the realities of division and discontent that were there before 22nd July 2011 are exposed once again. Norway’s population increased by 1.3% in 2011, one of the highest rates in Europe. Net immigration accounted for 71% of growth, but this figure is deceptive because Norway’s oil-rich economy has sucked in as many European-descended professionals and skilled workers as it has racial aliens. The proportion of the population that is racially alien is very likely not less than 7.5%. Grønland, east of the Akerselva river which runs through Oslo, is already as good as lost.

Politically, Norway has the small-c conservative Progress Party, to which Breivik belonged before his radicalisation. It is sceptical about multiculturalism but not opposed to immigration. It is a dog in the nationalist manger, like all such respectably culturist and assimilationist mainstream parties. In the immediate aftermath of the attacks even a party with such a weak-tea platform suffered a loss of membership. But it has clawed it back since, and appears to be advancing further.

An authentic Norwegian nationalism is impossible to advance, of course, crushed as it is between the Progress Party and Breivik’s murderousness.

As for the rest of us, well, nationalism found some respite from association with Breivik in his original diagnosis, as well as in the scarcely nationalist Christian Zionist anti-jihadism he espoused. As someone who spends a fair amount of time on newspaper threads arguing the case for the European life, I encountered few references to the Utøya massacre beyond the immediate aftermath. Now the court has tied Breivik to the motives of every nationalist, there will likely be a longer tail to the damage he has done.

But that, too, will pass. The horror of Breivik is receding, and just as Norwegians cannot hide from the realities of the world their politicians are creating, neither can any of us. Nationalists remain the only political actors with a true heart and a true analysis.