The United States has its second universal periodic review (UPR) before the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva on Monday. Countries will be able to ask the U.S. questions and make recommendations about its implementation of human rights commitments made during its first review, which took place in 2010, as well as about other issues of concern.

At the top of the list should be Washington’s failure to hold accountable those responsible for the systematic torture carried out by the Central Intelligence Agency in the global “war on terrorism.” Five years ago, the U.S. accepted a UPR recommendation from Denmark to “take measures to eradicate” and “thoroughly investigate” all forms of torture and abuse by military or civilian personnel within its jurisdiction. But the only investigation into CIA torture conducted by the U.S. Department of Justice was limited in scope and closed in 2012 with no charges filed. Nor does it seem to have met basic standards of credibility or thoroughness; investigators apparently never bothered to interview key witnesses of the abuse: the detainees.

The U.S. has finally begun to tell the truth about what happened: the December 2014 release of a partially redacted summary of a detailed U.S. Senate Intelligence Committee report that describes, in harrowing detail, many of the acts of torture to which CIA officials subjected detainees. Yet the full 6,700-page report remains classified, and Barack Obama’s administration has expressed no interest in appointing a special prosecutor and opening new investigations. Countries that have succeeded in bringing to justice those responsible for atrocities should take the lead in pressing the U.S. to act.

Indefinite detention at Guantánamo Bay remains another outstanding concern. The administration has reiterated its commitment to close the facility and has gradually transferred some detainees to other countries. But 122 men remain locked up in the detention center because of congressional restrictions on transfers and apparent foot dragging by the Department of Defense. These men have no clear prospect of release or a fair trial under military commissions, which are fundamentally flawed. Among other problems, they allow the use of evidence obtained by coercion, fail to protect attorney-client privilege and use rules that block the defense from obtaining information essential to the case, including about the CIA’s treatment of the detainees on trial while they were in its custody.