Donald Trump just spent a week showcasing all of the qualities that make him unfit for the presidency. He began by directing a bigoted slander at the family of a Muslim soldier killed in Iraq, then followed it up with a sexist defense of serial sexual predator Roger Ailes. He attacked multiple fire marshals at a rally for following the law, used his stature as the GOP standard-bearer to settle personal scores with three prominent Republicans facing primary challenges (Paul Ryan, John McCain, and Kelly Ayotte), and repeatedly lied about having seen Iranian video footage of the United States delivering cash to Tehran.

As his polling tanked, Republican officials grew increasingly panicked and angry; many of them organized a sheepish pressure campaign to get him to drop out of the race altogether. Some Republican National Committee members reportedly began contingency planning for a vacancy at the top of the ticket.

But by the end of the week, for precipitating reasons unknown to anyone outside of the campaign’s highest echelons, Trump—the candidate who fetishizes dominance and self-congratulation—capitulated. As if confronted by an imminent threat that his GOP leadership allies would abandon him, Trump endorsed Ryan, McCain, and Ayotte. He abandoned (for now) his vendetta against the Khan family and even tweeted an admission-of-sorts that the fabled Iran-cash-delivery video doesn’t exist.

But the wages of contrition went beyond half-hearted endorsements and disingenuous tweets. On Monday, Trump firmed up his fraying alliance with GOP leaders with a speech to the Detroit Economic Club recommitting himself to supply-side economic doctrine, but with new policy specifics that are vintage Paul Ryan.

Perhaps Trump really is a great negotiator.

Many of Trump’s conservative critics have fallen out with Ryan and other GOP leaders for sacrificing basic moral decency on the altar of supply-side economics—for tolerating Trump’s racism and authoritarianism as long as it seems like he might cut taxes on rich businesses and families. Many of Trump’s liberal critics have long argued that Trump’s popularity among white voters stems more from racial resentment than from his appeal to working-class economic concerns. Once again, Trump has vindicated both sets of critics.