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In the second clip, Buzzfeed’s Thomas Frank reports that over 1,300 real estate transactions involving Trump properties were purchased by shell companies in cash. They have the hallmarks of money-laundering as outlined by FinCen, all of which could have generated as much as $1.5 billion in profits for Trump Co. accounting for 21 percent of their U.S. property sales. Meanwhile, 77 percent of Trump Soho properties were bought by shell companies in cash.

None of this is new for Trump.

In the 1980s, the Australian government rejected a bid for a Trump Casino in Sydney because of his alleged ties to the mafia.

Australian authorities once rejected Donald Trump’s bid for a hotel casino in Queensland, stating such a project would be “dangerous” on account of “Trump Mafia connections,” it has emerged. Cabinet minutes and a secret police report dated 1987 and published Wednesday as part of an investigation by the News Corporation-owned newspaper The Australian cast a dark shadow over Trump’s business reputation.

In the 1990s Trump’s Taj Mahal casino, which was a favorite gambling spot for Russian mobsters living in Brooklyn, was cited 106 times in 18 months for violating money laundering rules, particularly for failing to report when someone wins and withdraws more than $10,000.

The Trump Taj Mahal casino broke anti-money laundering rules 106 times in its first year and a half of operation in the early 1990s, according to the IRS in a 1998 settlement agreement. It's a bit of forgotten history that's buried in federal records held by an investigative unit of the Treasury Department, records that congressional committees investigating Trump's ties to Russia have obtained access to, CNN has learned The casino repeatedly failed to properly report gamblers who cashed out $10,000 or more in a single day, the government said. … The violations date back to a time when the Taj Mahal was the preferred gambling spot for Russian mobsters living in Brooklyn, according to federal investigators who tracked organized crime in New York City. They also occurred at a time when the Taj Mahal casino was short on cash and on the verge of bankruptcy.

Eventually the Taj Mahal did go bankrupt and his ability to borrow from U.S. banks was cut off, so he turned to other sources such as Deutsche Bank and the habit of accepting cash payments from sketchy foreign shell companies.

In the early 2000s Trump went into business with development firm Bayrock LLC, which was headed by Tevfik Arif. His brother had been the owner of the shell company that received ownership of a chromium mine in Kazahkstan—and whose managing director was former Russia mobster and convict Felix Sater, who had offices located on the 24th floor of Trump Tower in New York. Bayrock’s first joint project together with Trump was building a Trump Tower in Phoenix. They later worked with them on the Trump International in Fort Lauderdale, Trump Camelback in Phoenix, and Trump Soho in New York.

Between 2001 and 2007 at least 63 Russian oligarchs leased, rented, or bought various Trump properties in South Florida, spending upwards of $98.5 million on them. Many of these deals with Russian nationals in Florida and Manhattan reportedly are arranged through Bayrock Group LLC.

In the spring of 2012, Donald Trump’s two eldest children, Ivanka Trump and Donald Trump Jr., found themselves in a precarious legal position. For two years, prosecutors in the Manhattan District Attorney’s office had been building a criminal case against them for misleading prospective buyers of units in the Trump SoHo, a hotel and condo development that was failing to sell. Despite the best efforts of the siblings’ defense team, the case had not gone away. An indictment seemed like a real possibility. The evidence included emails from the Trumps making clear that they were aware they were using inflated figures about how well the condos were selling to lure buyers. In one email, according to four people who have seen it, the Trumps discussed how to coordinate false information they had given to prospective buyers. In another, according to a person who read the emails, they worried that a reporter might be onto them. In yet another, Donald Jr. spoke reassuringly to a broker who was concerned about the false statements, saying that nobody would ever find out, because only people on the email chain or in the Trump Organization knew about the deception, according to a person who saw the email.