“Jerusalem is the old walled city. The rest is not Jerusalem,” said Nazmi Jubeh, an archaeologist and historian who runs the Birzeit University Museum in the West Bank. “We mean by Jerusalem — and I think everybody around the world means — the holy sites. This game of playing with words has no meaning at all.”

In broad terms, the Trump administration plan would allow Israel to annex about 30 percent of the West Bank along with all the Jewish settlements in the territory, though most of the world considers those settlements a violation of international law.

Previous peace proposals envisaged Israel dismantling the more isolated settlements and maintaining a special security arrangement along the border with Jordan rather than annexing the entire area.

The Trump plan makes the Palestinians an unattractive and heavily conditional offer: an entity that they could call a state made up of the Gaza Strip and several enclaves in the West Bank — pockmarked with settlements and surrounded by Israeli territory — that would be linked by roads or other transportation.

While Israel hailed the plan, the Palestinians angrily rejected it out of hand.

In myriad ways, the Trump plan seemed to reward the Israelis and punish the Palestinians for what each has considered the other’s bad behavior.

The Israelis relentlessly created facts on the ground, like settlements in the heart of the West Bank aimed at preventing a Palestinian state from coming together. The Palestinians repeatedly resorted to violence, even after Israeli withdrawals, which led Israel to expand its security presence at the Palestinians’ expense and to insist on never uprooting its people again.

In its conceptual map of a Palestinian state, the Trump plan did not even mark the location of a capital, though the document did suggest calling it Al-Quds, the Arabic name for Jerusalem.