In further support of abortion rights, overwhelming majorities in 2018 supported abortion during the first trimester if the mother’s life was endangered (83-15); when the pregnancy was the result of rape or incest (77-21); and by slightly smaller majorities when “the child would be born mentally disabled” (56-41) or “with a life-threatening illness” (67-31).

On the anti-abortion side, Gallup found that majorities opposed abortion in the second trimester (65-28) and by a larger margin in the third trimester (81-13). The public continued to support abortion in the third trimester when the life of the mother was in danger (72-22), but was much more lukewarm toward third-trimester abortions when the pregnancy resulted from incest or rape, supporting the procedure 52-42.

In addition, in 2018, the public opposed third-trimester abortions when the child would be born with a mental disability (61-35) and split (48-49) on third-trimester abortions if the child would be born with a life-threatening illness.

The states in the process of restricting abortion are either seeking to prohibit it after a set number of weeks, ranging from six to 20 depending on the state; or to prohibit abortion after a heartbeat can be detected (roughly six weeks); or, in the case of Alabama, to ban all abortions except those to save the life of the mother.

The abortion debate is a key element in the larger division of opinion in America about the sexual revolution, pitting those who believe that sexual autonomy is crucial to the achievement of gender equality against those who, in the words of the Southern Baptist Convention,

honor the rich and valuable contributions of full-time wives and mothers who through their service and self-sacrifice have strengthened their families, enriched our nation and pleased our God by honoring his purposes in their lives each day.

Leaders of the anti-abortion movement are explicit in placing blame on the sexual revolution for what they see as the larger corruption of the social order, the demand for women’s autonomy and for abortion.

“The abortion license has helped to erode the moral foundations of the American civic community,” wrote 39 prominent opponents of abortion in a famous 1996 declaration, “The America We Seek: A Statement of Pro-Life Principle and Concern.”

How do its opponents believe abortion has undermined the American moral character? According to the statement,

The abortion license is inextricably bound up with the mores of the sexual revolution. Promotion of the pro-life cause also requires us to support and work with those who are seeking to re-establish the moral linkage between sexual expression and marriage, and between marriage and procreation. We believe that a renewal of American democracy as a virtuous society requires us to honor and promote an ethic of self-command and mutual responsibility, and to resist the siren song of the false ethic of unbridled self-expression.

Liberal proponents of women’s rights have, in turn, countered this idea with a set of arguments about the real stakes in the argument over abortion. As Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York formulated it recently:

Abortion bans aren’t just about controlling women’s bodies. They’re about controlling women’s sexuality. Owning women. From limiting birth control to banning comprehensive sex ed, U.S. religious fundamentalists are working hard to outlaw sex that falls outside their theology.

Robert Kurzban, a co-author of “The Hidden Agenda of the Political Mind,” argued in an email that abortion opponents want to “impose a cost on those having sex without wanting to reproduce.”