GWALIOR: In the rugged terrain of the Chambal, the Bahujan Samaj Party elephant’s shadow has made its presence felt in the traditional war between BJP and Congress. Gwalior-Chambal is considered Madhya Pradesh’s Dalit belt, SC communities concentrated in Datia, Morena and Bhind districts. The BSP vote is also found in Vindhya Pradesh, around Rewa and Satna. It’s a localised and concentrated vote in these limited areas.

Today, the BSP’s haathi may not be the force it once was but with a vote share of 9.1% in 2008 and 6.3% in 2013, it remains a distinct ‘X’ factor in what is set to be a closelyfought election between BJP and Congress. In 2013, BSP won four seats, 2 from Morena, 1 each from Satna and Rewa.

It was here in the Gwalior-Chambal belt, along UP’s border districts that BSP took its first tentative steps at a foothold in MP. Since then, BSP under Mayawati has stayed an amoeba-like entity with no credible state leadership.

It is a transactional rather than a cadre-based party operating as a spoiler for both Congress and BJP. A media analysis said that BSP and Congress fighting each other cost Congress at least 22 seats in 2003, 41 in 2008 and 34 in 2013.

In this election, Mayawati’s shunned an alliance with Congress, preferring to go solo. But Dalits in Gwalior-Chambal say BSP is unlikely to register any significant victory. “The Dalit vote has fragmented across the state,” says Sudhir Mandeliya, head of Bharatiya Dalit varg shan, “The way BSP leadership refused to speak up for us during the April 2 kaand has alienated us. The Mayawati craze is over among MP’s Dalits.”

Bhim Nagar in

district saw raging inter-caste violence during the April 2

when Dalit organisations staged a nationwide

to protest the dilution of the anti-atrocities SC-ST Act. Savarnas and Dalits fought pitched battles. Two died in Bhim Nagar alone. Bhim Nagar is a sprawling Dalit basti, with open drains running with blue-grey slush and dogs picking through mounds of garbage. Clumps of unemployed young men hang about in narrow alleyways, brightly painted mandirs jostle between brokendown crowded tenements.

Two students Kajal and Kiran hold up a picture of their father Rakesh Jatav, who was killed in the crossfire. “Rakesh was an innocent labourer. He was still carrying his tiffin when bullets hit him,” says local businessman Brajesh Dhanuk of the MP dhanuk samaj, “but Mayawati didn’t utter a word for Dalits killed. Were we the ones who fired? We were the ones who died. And we were the ones slapped with cases, too. We die, we go to jail, there are cases against us. Not a word from Mayawati.” In Morena’s Tushtipura locality, over 750 Dalits were booked. Many are still in jail. “None from BSP has even visited those jailed Dalits,” says Dhanuk.

The overwhelming feeling here is every party uses Dalits to their purpose while social humiliation and abuse goes on apace. They’re angry with BJP, frustrated with Congress. “BJP is determined to replace Indian Constitution with Manu’s constitution; they want Dalits as slaves,” says Gopal Singh Chowdhury, a schoolteacher in Gwalior. Says Rakesh Jakodiya, a Dalit farmer in Morena, “BJP normally blacken Ambedkar’s portrait and throw shoes at him, yet at election time they garland him.”

Ganga Ram Sahu, a retired government official in Bhim Nagar, says, “Congress keeps Dalits as trophies who they want to control… Mayawati is only a satta ka dalal (power-broker) who charges crores for tickets. But anger and disillusionment among Dalits is high. It can explode any time.”

Campaigning in Dabra, BSP nominee TS Mandeliya points to the upper castes’ double standards but says BSP does not stand for Dalits alone but for all the oppressed and poor. “Today, BSP doesn’t represent only Dalits. When upper castes build statues, it is okay, but we aren’t allowed to build statues of our ancestors. They accumulate treasure chests in their party, but we’re not allowed to raise funds.”

That’s why this time we’re against both nagnath (Congress) and saampnaath (BJP).” But is BSP on a weak wicket? “The elephant takes time to stand up,” says Mandeliya “but when it does, it begins to run.”

“BSP is now a neta–making factory, no longer ours,” says Kamlesh Roziya, a cable operator and Dalit activist in Bhim Nagar. “Kanshi Ram worked for us but under Mayawati, upper castes get tickets. Dalits are controlled by the savarnas,” he says.

Journalist Ram Vidrohi says the Dalit vote this time will be split three-ways between BJP, Congress and BSP. “CM Shivraj Singh Chouhan’s waiving of electricity bills has made him popular. Many poor Dalits may go with him.”

The caste violence over the SC-ST Act led to two rival fronts Ajjaks (Dalit proreservation) and Sapaks (upper-caste anti-reservation) emerging. Though the fronts are electorally insignificant, the intensifying caste rivalry has its roots in the state’s crippling joblessness.

MP has 44% rural unemployment and 40% in urban areas. Says former Dalit

in Gwalior Lakhansingh Raje, “Every family has at least 3-4 unemployed. My three sons are jobless. None in my locality has a job. Which party cares? No party is willing to accept Dalits as equals.”

With its core vote disillusioned, BSP’s influence is waning though it could still play spoiler in some seats. But Dalit political assertion and anger is fierce across the region and with Congress dependent on feudal elites and BJP trapped in the RSS-led upper caste mindset, Dalits say they’re forced to vote on caste. “The only weapon we’re left with is the vote, but the days of voting blindly for BSP are gone,” says Gopal Chowdhary.