The Naga Republic

Written by Rhelo Kenye, Arenla T Ao (PhD Scholars, English and Foreign Languages University, Hyderabad); Kethosilhou Meyase, Riku Khutso, Tumbenthung Humtsoe (PhD Scholars, University of Hyderabad) and Dr. Venusa Tinyi (Assistant Professor, Department of Philosophy, University of Hyderabad)

For the first time in the history of elections in Nagaland, we are witnessing a phenomenon of sorts. In social media platforms and related spaces where we have been participating, discussion on elections and the disquieting emergence of the BJP in state politics have been overwhelming during the last few days! This write-up is an outcome of further discussion and revision on an earlier work by one of us. It does not aim at any particular candidate nor is it written in the immediate context of this election alone, where we are already showing signs of collective amnesia once again (This notion of collective amnesia will be elaborated later on). It comes from the lens of observing the political developments from a distance, from outside the state. If not always, we hold that such a perspective from outside the actual site of events caters to and provides a more comprehensive analysis on the events. However, this view does not necessarily decry the views, suggestions and arguments put forth by many others within the state. In other words, let it be seen as another perspective for us to think-through with regard to the existing state of affairs.

The talking point so far has been largely from the angle of religion – the threat that RSS backed (and baked) Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) pose towards the integrity and identity of a predominantly Christian state, not just now but importantly, in the long run. As much as this should continue, an equally significant and related field that we have in certain ways, sidelined over the course of our discourse is the cultural and ideological domain. In fact, we would see the cultural sphere as the larger context (against religion, and here we deliberately use the word ‘religion’ and not Christianity per se) within which we can get a better picture for our analysis on the issue at hand; where our desires and anxieties as Christians, our voices of dissent against a Hindu fundamentalist political party can be better articulated (These views will be elaborated in the following sections). And unless we get to see how the politics of BJP is operating at the cultural level, like it or not, we are only going to be blinded by their half-revealed/covered mask of a Hindu India, disguised through the immediate perks of development and economic incentives.

Besides the obvious manifestations of religious extremism in the form of violence and persecutions against Christians and other minorities across the country, a more dangerous tool of achieving the ideal of ‘Hindutva’ and a subsequent Hindu nation in India by the BJP and its makers is the seemingly subtle yet deadly medium of cultural hegemony. A concept developed by the Italian philosopher and politician Antonio Gramsci, cultural hegemony is the domination or control of a culturally diverse society by a ruling class who manipulate the values, practices and beliefs etc of that society, so that the imposed worldview of the ruling class becomes the accepted system or norm.

In other words, hegemony is control and dominance without coercion or force. Along this conceptual line, let us stretch our thought process a little further. The inroads made by the party in the region and the state, not only during this election but from the past, is a gradual process in their pursuit for not just political mileage but for an imminent Hindu cultural hegemony, of their desire for consolidating a Hindu Rashtra. No wonder, BJP is labelled as communal party even by ‘mainstream’ Indians, especially Dalits and other minorities, who oppose Brahminical system.

Those who are endorsing the party right now (driven by momentary- political and material opportunism) and its probable allies, may assert that the primary concern of the party in the state is development and leadership. That may be well taken; however, that appears to be too light a justification. To give the benefit of doubt in our present context, one can observe that the raise of BJP and the regional parties’ effort to forge an alliance with them –to ensure development –is but about the struggle for power. In the battle between the political parties, the idea of enemy’s enemy is a friend is at play at the behest of their differing ideologies. Yet, such temporal arrangements by the parties in their effort to gain power should be critically looked at in the larger interest of the people. For one thing, politics is bigger than material development. For instance, politics of Caste in India or even Naga National Politics cannot be reduced to the rhetoric of development politics etc.

To validate the argument on how real the pursuit of a Hindu nation is at play through the cultural and ideological mechanisms, let us look into a couple of references. “Hindutva: The Great Nationalist Ideology”, an article in the official website of the BJP celebrates Bharat as the motherland of the Hindus. It goes on to discuss the resurgence of the Hindus with implication to the demolition of the Babri masjid and what they call “the return of their most religious site, Ayodhya”. The article goes on to end with these lines,

“The future of Bharat is set. Hindutva is here to stay… The era of one way compromise is over, from now on, secularism must mean that all parties must compromise. Hindutva will not mean any Hindu theocracy or theology. However, it will mean that the guiding principles of Bharat will come from two of the great teachings of the Vedas, the ancient Hindu and the Indian scriptures… ”

Leaving aside the analysis of these disturbing lines for now, with the success the party has achieved in penetrating into one of the most unlikely states (perhaps, even by their own estimates) –Nagaland, their aspiration for establishing Bharat is only going to grow fiercer. And these are not mere speculations. Besides other reasons, the imminent threat can be corroborated by the external manifestation of their agenda –the innumerable acts of atrocities the party and its affiliates have unleashed across the length and breadth of India over the years. For the second reference, let us look at the (cultural) mission of the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh (RSS), the quasi-military brotherhood of the Sangh Parivar founded in 1925. Some lines of the mission read,

“The Hindu culture is the life-breath of Hindusthan. It is therefore clear that if Hindusthan is to be protected, we should first nourish the Hindu culture. If the Hindu culture perishes in Hindusthan itself, and if the Hindu society ceases to exist, it will hardly be appropriate to refer to the mere geographical entity that remains as Hindusthan….” (Source, from the article, “Hindu Nationalism in Action: The Bharatiya Janata Party and Indian Politics” by John Harris, South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies. Vol 38. Iss 4, 2015).

There is nothing much to elaborate on the above lines. They are explicitly clear. The point is as much as we try to avoid or over-rule these Hindu-centric agendas as having nothing to do with the Naga milieu, we are only deviating from the core issue. We are only playing an escapist game; for like it or not, they are coming for us and they are already here. Given the socio-cultural context of a Christian majority state like Nagaland, if this view of the steady Hindu take-over is ruled out as trash and irrelevant, the process of control without dominance has actually begun then and there. Thus, no matter how hard one tries to justify and detach ideology from good governance or development, it becomes a vain effort. For, ideology of any party is embedded in, and precedes any other promises or vision the party makes. The ‘developmentalist’ discourse becomes all the more problematic when the idea of development is confined only to the material realm. By now, one can infer that the politics that the RSS-BJP plays in reality is not primarily development; it is seeking to nurture their values and principles with which they can run the country.

This, in the context of the discussion, is real politics and without knowing this nature of politics, it is futile to be doing politics. In the Naga context, a holistic notion of societal or community progress is also about safeguarding and promoting our way of life –our cultural mores, values and principles which has synced with and is now grounded in Christianity (for now, the question of good and bad Christian is outside the purview of this discussion). Thus, the idea of development (whatever it is) from the political wing of the Sangh parivar can never remain competent within a predominant Christian society, irrespective of the Church’s successes and failures.

Religion is exclusive by nature but culture is not; almost everything goes by and in the name of culture. Of course, there is symbiotic and organic relation between the two; however, if the ideal dream of RSS cannot become a reality (Hindu theocracy) as indicated by some of them and as noted above, they will go for the second best: cultural hegemony grounded in their sacred texts such as the Vedas. The power of cultural hegemony rests in one word –invisibility. And that is where the danger lies. A specific example can be seen in the recent visit of Baba Ramdev and the grand reception given to him by the politicians and the people alike; that as much as a Hindu cultural statement had already been made by his presence and projects, many remained oblivious of the same. It can be seen as a moment in marking the embrace of ‘Hindutva’. It must be noted that Ramdev is not just a religious figure but also a cultural icon used for the propagation of BJP and RSS’s fantasy of Bharat. To just cite one example, he campaigned for Modi in the run up to India’s general elections in 2014 (from the article “Politics and religion: As BJP government raises, so does yoga tycoon Baba Ramdev” in the Hindustan Times, June 12, 2017). He is also the same baba who infamously stated that he would have “beheaded” those who refuse to chant “Bharat mata ki jai”.

Anyway, leaving this additional information aside, it was disturbing to observe how during his visit to Peren, some of the flex banners carried morphed images of him braced in Naga traditional attires. What a classic manifestation of cultural assimilation! As insignificant as this point may seem, one can only go back to the idea of how a ‘dominant’ culture is ready to mingle, appropriate and operate in our context for fulfilling their cultural program. In sanctioning the setting up of five Patanjali institutes as investment in Nagaland, one also observes the one-sided idea of materialistic development at the cost of cultural and holistic progress espoused earlier. This is how a culture invades another culture, not with sword and guns, but masked in various cultural clothing with offer of good life. And so for an uncritical and uninformed mind, hegemonic politics looks harmless and safe when it is not. The Chief Minister’s statement on starting the institutions as going a long way in bringing quality education to the state is mind boggling and simply misleading.

A form of social amnesia is being manifested in our state right now. Simply put, it is collective forgetting by a group or community of people as a result of forcible repression, ignorance, changing circumstances etc. Caught in the fervor and fever of the coming elections, many of us seem to have forgotten about what has come before us, what is around us and what can happen to us in the long run. Many of us are so caught up in the moment that we seem to be deeply, madly in love with the party and the candidate we are vouching for. A person ready to almost die for the BJP in this election can do the same for another party or candidate in the next election. That is what amnesia does. Sooner or later, this idea of temporal excitement (and opportunity for many) is not really going to help us in any way. In the backdrop of the issue under discussion, what must be kept in mind is that while amnesia will come and go the processes of hegemony and enculturation will continue to work insidiously if we fail to recognize its forces at work. The political entry of a party like BJP is only strengthening the foothold of the religious and cultural agenda of the Sangh Parivar at large.

In conclusion, it is to be reiterated that the analysis is not only in the context of this upcoming hullaballoo, nor is it necessarily targeted at any individual or candidate from the party, for the others have done no better. Yet, we need to give a serious rethink on the question of why in the first place, should we even allow a cultural and religious force –which is bigger than our petty differences and momentary positions –to disrupt our well being in the long run or even in the immediate future. Here, BJP had to be studied because BJP is an exception! For once, let us zoom out of what is happening now and think of what is or can be the best for us, our future, and our children. At the moment, those who have chosen to stand for the concerned party in discussion may have to bear the brunt for a while (or perhaps, the party is on its way towards success in this election). Elections will come and go but –in the light of this reading– infiltration of mores and values, ideologies and belief systems of an unfamiliar culture (grounded in ulterior motives) will continue to take place when we make way for it.

Rhelo Kenye, Arenla T Ao (PhD Scholars, English and Foreign Languages University, Hyderabad); Kethosilhou Meyase, Riku Khutso, Tumbenthung Humtsoe (PhD Scholars, University of Hyderabad) and Dr. Venusa Tinyi (Assistant Professor, Department of Philosophy, University of Hyderabad).