Full text of "The Gothic history of Jordanes in English version;"

THE GOTHIC HISTORY OF JORDANES IN ENGLISH VERSION WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND A COMMENTARY BY CHARLES CHRISTOPHER MIEROW, Ph.D. Instructor in Classics in Princeton University 1^ (i 3 V 1^ PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS PRINCETON LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1915 Copyright, 1915, by Charles Christopher Mierow Published, February, 1915 PREFACE This edition of the Getica of Jordanes is based ERRATA p 2. 1. 10 /or mentiones read mentions p 3, 1- '3 for Grienberger ' read Grienberger* p 13. 1- 5 for 155 read 551 p 26, 1.36 for Ptolomaeus read Ptolemaeus p 132 margin, . 30 for Thiudimer read Theodoric p 148, 1- 15 for Borithenide read Boristhenide p 152, 1. 9 for Ptolomaeus read Ptolemaeus p 156, 1.36 for Princton read Princeton p 160, '• 5 for impratores read imperatores p 162, 1. 42 for inacessis read inaccessis p 167, 1. 18 .for ad annum p. 400 read ad annum p. C. 400 p 170, 1- 5 for Aoi})3ots read Aod^cos p 172, 1. 42 for ^irepaididixey read eirtpai(j6n)ix(v p 173. 1. 17 for avT(fi read avTifi p '73. 1. 18 for Kai read Ka.1 p 185, 1. 2 for TV read r<^ p 185, 1. J4 for dp-/ip read dv^f/p upon "isen luc- rial )per )rds ire- rted clu- mp- s of 'ica. Bin urg ;on- his- om- md. and nry, nan dge ork ;ton ting few : of 1 in any ex- rest r. PREFACE This edition of the Getica of Jordanes is based upon the authoritative text and critical apparatus of Mommsen as found in the Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auc- fores Antiqiiissimi 5 (Berhn 1882), with other material added. I have adhered closely to his spelling of proper names, especially Gothic names, except in a few words which are of common use in another form. I have care- fully reviewed all the existing evidence on controverted points, dissenting in several instances from the conclu- sions of Mommsen, particularly in regard to the sup- posedly Gothic writer Ahlabius, the ecclesiastical status of Jordanes, and the place of composition of the Getica. For the Latinity of Jordanes the studies of E. Wolff lin (Arch. f. lat. Lex. 11, 361), J. Bergmiiller (Augsburg 1903), and Fritz Werner (Halle 1908) have been con- sulted, and for ready convenience of illustration in his- torical matters frequent reference is made in the com- mentary to Hodgkin's "Italy and Her Invaders" (2nd. edition. Clarendon Press, 1892), Gibbon's "Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire" (edited by J. B. Bury, London 1896), Bury's "History of the Later Roman Empire" (MacMillan & Co., 1889), and "The Cambridge JVIedieval History" (The MacMillan Co., New York 1911). The translation, already separately printed (Princeton University Press, 1908) and thus far the only existing English version, has been revised throughout, and a few slight changes have been made. As the Latin text of Mommsen is available elsewhere, it is not reprinted in this edition. I desire to make especial acknowledgment of the many helpful criticisms received from Dean West and to ex- press my gratitude for his constant and unfailing interest in this as in all my studies in the later Latin. Charles Christopher Mierow. Princeton University. CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION 1. Jordanes: His Life and Works i Jordanes i The Author's Name 2 His Family 2 His Nationality 3 His Position in Life 4 His Ecclesiastical Condition 5 His Literary Activity 10 Where the books were written 11 Date of Composition of the Romana 5SI A.D 12 Of the Getica 551 A.D 13 Nature of the work 13 His Originality 14 Cassiodorus Senator 15 Aim of Cassiodorus 15 The Aim of Jordanes 16 Language and Style 16 2. The Literary Sources used in the Getica 19 Authors mentioned : Ablabius 19 Cassiodorus 23 Claudius Ptolemaeus 29 Dexippus 29 Dio 29 Fabius 30 Josephus 30 Livy 30 Lucan 30 Pompeius Trogus 30 Pomponius Mela 30 Priscus 31 Strabo 32 Symmachus 32 Tacitus 32 Vergil 33 CONTENTS Further authorities used : Dictys 33 MarcelHnus 33 A continuator of Ammianus MarcelHnus 34 MarcelHnus Comes 35 Prosper 35 Rufinus 36 Solinus 36 A geographical map 36 3. Chronological Table 38 4. Genealogical Chart of the Amali 41 5. Bibliography 42 6. Literary Analysis of the Getica 47 II. THE ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS 51 III. COMMENTARY 143 INTRODUCTION I. JORDANES: HIS LIFE AND WORKS Jordanes. The author of "The Origin and Deeds of the Goths" is not a model of Hterary excellence or originality. He tells us himself^ that he was an un- learned man before his conversion, and his writings fully bear out this statement. His book is mainly a compilation, not very carefully made; his style is irreg- ular, rambling, uneven, and exhibits to a marked de- gree the traits of the decadent, crumbling later Latin. Yet he is important as the earliest Gothic historian whose work has survived, and he gives much informa- tion in regard to the Goths that is nowhere else recorded. Across the scene he unfolds before us pass some of the greatest — and some of the most terrible — figures in history: Attila the Hun, "the scourge of God," the Visigoth Alaric who thrice sacked the Eternal City, Gaiseric the Vandal and the great Theodoric. So for the matter, if not for the style of his history of the Goths, Jordanes deserves careful consideration. And there is too a certain irresistible charm in his naive simplicity. He is so credulous, and tells in all sin- cerity such marvellous tales of the mighty achievements of his people, that the reader is drawn to him by his very loyalty and devotion to the defeated Gothic race in whose greatness he has so confident a belief. For despite the fact that he is following closely in another's footsteps and is giving at second hand practically all the matters of fact he relates, his own simple, trustful personality so pervades the whole work as to awaken sympathy for the writer and his great tale of the lost cause. ^ Getica L 266. I 2 JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS The Author's Name. Of his life little is known apait from the scant information contained in a few brief sen- tences of his own. The very spelling of his name was long- a matter of controversy, and Jacob Grimm- (fol- lowed later by Dietrich^) argued in favor of the form Jornandes, which appears in the first printed editions of his works. But the authority for this spelling is only the second class of manuscripts, while the name Jordanes is attested by the primary family of manuscripts and by the only ancient author who mentiones him — the Geo- grapher of Ravenna. His Family. Jordanes was himself a Goth^ and held the office of secretary or notary (notarins) in a noble family of the Gothic race. Here is his own brief but tangled account of himself and his ancestors:^ Scyri vero et Sadagarii et certi Alanorum cum duce suo nomine Candac Scythiam minorem inferioremque Moesiani accepertmt. cuius Candacis Alanoviiamuthis patris niei genitor Paria, id est meus avus, notarins, quous- que Candac ipse viveret, fuit, eiusque germanae filio Gun- thicis, qui et Baza dicehaUir, mag. mil., filio Andages fill Andele de prosapia Amalorum descendente, ego item quamvis agramatus lordannis ante conversionem nieam notarius fid. From this passage it appears that at the time of Attila's death (453 A.D.) Candac was leader of part of the Alani. Candac's sister was the wife of the Ostrogoth Andag, whom Jordanes mentions elsewhere*^ as the slayer of Theodorid I in the Battle of the Catalaunian Plains. This ' Abhandlungen der Berliner Akademie 1846, pp 1-59 = Kleine Schriften III 171-235. * liber die Aussprache des Gothischen (1862). * Getica LX 316. ° L 266. . " XL 209. INTRODUCTION 3 Andag was the son of Andela who was descended from the family of the Amah, The son of Andag and Candac's sister was Gunthigis (or Baza), whose notary Jordanes was. Paria, the grandfather of Jordanes, had served Candac in the same capacity. It would appear from Mommsen's text that the name of Jordanes' father was Alanoviiatnuthis. For this long and unwieldly word Erhardt''' suggested the reading Alanorum diicis, to be taken in apposition with Candacis. The conjecture was reasonable enough; the serious objection to it is the unnatural omission of his father's name in a passage where Jordanes is avowedly giving an account of his ancestry. Grienberger^ more plausibly explains the form as ALAN. D. UIIAMUThlS; that is, the abbreviation of Alanorum ducis (in apposition with the preceding Canda- cis) followed by the name of Jordanes' father, which would thus be Uiianmth (Gothic V eihanwths) . His Nationality. This Gothic name accords also with the statement of the author himself as to his national- ity,® and tends to overthrow Mommsen's theory that in reality he belonged to the tribe of the Alani, like the leader whom he served.^*' Not only is this an unneces- sary assumption, but if Jordanes belonged to that tribe he might well be expected to mention the fact explicitly in the passage quoted above. It is difficult to find in the Getica any such prejudice in favor of the Alani as Mommsen mentions, and Jordanes has certainly not ' Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen ly (1886), pp. 669-708. 'Die Vorfahren des Jordanes, Germania 34 (1889), pp. 406-409. * LX 2ii6: nee me quis in favorem gentis praedictae, quasi ex ipsa trahenti originem, aliqua addidisse credat. " Friedrich (Uber die Kontroversen Fragen ini Leben des got- ischen Geschichtschreiber's Jordanes, Sb. d. philos.-philol. u. hist. Kl. d. K. B. Ak. d. W. 1907, III pp. 379-442) cites a number of in- stances of leaders of barbarian tribes whose secretaries were not of the same race as themselves. 4 JORDANES : ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS availed himself of the opportunity here presented to glorify Candac, as he could easily have done if he were eager to bring this race into prominence. It seems more reasonable therefore to take his words in their simplest and most obvious meaning when he says that he traces his descent from the race of the Goths. His Position in Life. The office of secretary in mili- tary life was a position of some distinction, and was often conferred by leaders upon their equals ;^^ in this case the fact that Paria, the grandfather of Jordanes, had held a like office under Candac gives added distinction to the secretaryship as an honor perhaps hereditary in this fam- ily. The Gunthigis or Baza whom Jordanes served has been identified with some plausibility by Friedrich^- with Godigisclus, a leader of the Goths mentioned by Proco- pius/^ and further with the Batza of Marcellinus Comes/^ who was in 536 dtix of the Euphrates limes and entrusted with the defense of the empire's farthest frontier. Fried- rich argues that Jordanes must have resigned his office before this year (since he shows no intimate knowledge of Asia), acting as secretary for Gunthigis only during the time that he was stationed in the European part of the Eastern Empire, and accordingly that a considerable space of time elapsed between the resignation of his office " See for example Anonymus Valesianus 38 : Orestes Pan- nonius eo tempore, quando Attila in Italiam- venit, se illi iunxit et eius notarius factus fuerat: unde profecit et usque ad patridatu^ dignitatem pervenit. "0. c. ^ Bell. Pers. I 8 (on the years 502-505); ToSlSi(rK\6sTe KalB^a-a-at T6r6oi dvdpes. Compare with this the mention of nostri temporis Bessa patricius by Jordanes in the same passage (L 265-266) with Gunthicis . . . mag. mil. " On the year 536 : limitem Euphratesiae ingressa, ubi Batsas dux eosdem partim blanditiis partim districtione pacifica fovit et inhiantes bellare repressit. INTRODUCTION 5 and the writing of the Getica}^ At all events it is evident that Jordanes, writing in 551, was an elderiy man when he composed his history : for his grandfather was almost contemporary with the Battle of the Catalaunian Plains in 451 — just a century before — and he himself had served the son of a man who had taken part in the same conflict.^*^ His Ecclesiastical Condition. The words ante con- versioneni meam in the passage quoted above have occa- sioned much difference of opinion with regard to the author's status during the latter part of his life. The phrase has been variously interpreted as referring to conversion to Christianity,^^ conversion from Arianism to the Nicene belief, ^^ entrance upon the monastic state,^^ or merely a withdrawal from everyday activities into a life of meditation and quiet. "*^ It is by no means neces- sary to infer from these words that Jordanes became a monk, as Mommsen sought to prove, -^ for the expression may just as well be understood to refer to entrance upon the life of an ecclesiastic,^- and Jordanes is probably to "In further support of which see the letter to Vigilius prefaced to the Romana: me longo per tempore dormieiitem vestris tandem interrogationibus excitastis. "See Erhardt, I.e. " Bergmiiller, Einige Bemerkungen zur Latinitat des Jordanes. Progr. Augsburg 1903. ^ Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Literatur des Mittelalters (Leipzig 1889), p. 557, n. 2. ^ So Mommsen, following Muratori (Scriptores rerum Italicarum Vol. I, 1723). In support of his view he quotes the preface of the de orthographia of Cassiodorus (gramni. Lat. ed. Keil 7, 144) : post commcnta psalterii, ubi . . . conversionis meae tempore primum studium laboris impendi. *° Friedrich, o.c. pp. 395-402, feels convinced that he became a religiosus. " Mommsen claimed further that he wrote in a Moesian, Thracian or Illyrian Monastery (Introduction to the Getica p. ix, and Momm- sen's edition of Marcellinus Comes p. 53). ^ See Simson, Neues Archiv 22, pp. 741-743 ; Pope Gelasius I 6 JORDANES : ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS be identified with the Bishop Jordanes of Crotona who was with Pope VigiHus in Constantinople in the year 55 1.-^ Mommsen opposed the theory that Jordanes was a bishop, asserting that he became and remained a simple monk. Yet the first class of manuscripts calls him epis- copus^* in the title of the Romana, while the third class, in the title of the Getica, speaks of him as Bishop of Ravenna. This he certainly was not, as Miiratori showed,-^ basing his proof on an extremely accurate list of the archbishops of Ravenna by Rubens, Ughelli and others. Moreover we find no trace of Jordanes in the lives of these prelates by Agnellus, who wrote in the ninth century under the Emperor Lothar I. It is hard to believe that he could have escaped the investigations of Agnellus, particularly as the church at Ravenna was so celebrated and abundantly supplied with records. Simson's attempt-*^ to show that Jordanes was possibly a bishop of Africa was not very successful, and has found few supporters. But there was a Bishop of Crotona named Jordanes who was in Constantinople with Pope Vigilius in the year 551, and it seems reasonably cer- tain that he is identical with the author of the Getica.^'^ We find mention of Bishop Jordanes in the document (Thiel p. 370) : sub religiosae conversionts obtentu vel ad mpnasteria scse conferre, vel ad ecclesiasticum famulatum . . . indiffcrenter admitti. ^ See below (p. 7-10). There was also a lordanes defensor eccle- siae Romanae in 556 (mentioned by Pope Pelagius in his fifth" letter to the bishops of Tuscia, Mansi 9, 716). " So also Sigebert of Gembloux, de script, eccl. 35 : lordanns episcoptis Gothorum scripsit historiam. ^ Muratori, Scriptores i, 189. "N. A. 22, 741-747. "Among the adherents to this theory are Bessell, Cassell, Er- hardt, Grimm, von Gutschmid, Manitius, Martens, Schirren and Wattenbach. INTRODUCTION 7 known as the Damnatio Theodori^^ in which the Pope says : nos . . . cum Dacio Mediolanensi . . . Paschasio Aletrino atqiie lordane Crotonensi fratribus et episcopis nostris. As Bishop of Crotona in Bruttium Jordanes would have Hved not far from the monastery (monas- terium Vivariense) to which Cassiodorus had retired in his old age. Here then is the one place where he might easily have obtained the twelve books of the Gothic His- tory of Cassiodorus, -'^ and his inability to refer to them later when he was actually writing his compilation^^ would be explained by his absence in Constantinople. It is furthermore probable that he wrote his work at Constantinople because of his evident ignorance of the later and contemporary events in Italy and his accurate knowledge of the trend of affairs in the Eastern Em- pire.^^ His eulogy of the Emperor Justinian and his general Belisarius is also just what might be expected from one who wrote in the vicinity of the imperial court. And finally it has been pointed out that his words to Castalius in the introduction to the Getica: si quid parum dictum est et tti, ut vicinus genti, commemoras, adde, are peculiarly appropriate if we may suppose that his friend was a fellow-townsman of his and lived at Crotona, which was in close contact with the Goths but not actually in their possession. The fact that the Romana is dedicated to a Vigilius has made this theory still more plausible, and it is hard to avoid the conclusion that this Vigilius is the Pope of that name. Mommsen follows Ebert^- in denying even '^ Acta concil torn. 5, p. 1314; Mansi 9, p. 60. ^,See below (p. 10). ^ Getica, preface 2. '^Friedrich {o.c. pp. 402-428) in support of his theory that Jor- danes wrote in Thessalonica cites arguments which indicate an eastern rather than a western origin of the work and which are at least equally applicable to Constantinople. ^^^ Geschichte d. christlich lat. Lit. i, pp. 556-562 (1889). 8 JORDANES : ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS the possibility of this, and Friedrich still more scornfully rejects the hypothesis ;^^ their arguments are based on both the fomi and the content of the letter to Vigilius which forms the introduction to the Romana. With re- gard to the salutation, nohilissime f rater, and later novi- lissime et magnifice f rater, while it is not, indeed, the way in which a simple monk would have addressed the pope, yet a bishop might perhaps use such expressions to- one who was his friend. And, as Grimm has pointed out,^* these words of greeting sound more respectful than the frater Castali and f rater carissiuie in the opening sections of the Getica.^^ Even so, frater carissime is the very salutation used by Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, in a letter^*' to the Roman Pope Cornelius in the year 250- 251, and again in 433 we find John, Bishop of Antioch, addressing Pope Xystus simply as "brother. "^'^ It will be remembered too that Pope Vigilius held the office under trying circumstances which detracted from ^^P- 433: So toricht spricht kein Bischof oder gar ein romischer defensor ecclesme zu einem Papst. Others who agree with Momm- sen on this point are Teuffel § 485 and Werner, Die Latinitat der Getica des Jordanis, Halle 1908. '^ Kleinere Schriften 3, pp. 171-235. " Friedrich claims that no argument can be based upon a com- parison of the salutations of these two letters because the intro- duction of the Getica is borrowed from Rufinus, asserting that even the words frater Castali merely correspond to the frater Heracli of that author! And since magnificus was a title of respect bestowed upon the holders of certain offices of importance, he would see in Jordanes, Castalius and Vigilius three men in secular life, perhaps veterans of the imperial army. Yet Friedrich else- where calls attention to the fact that Pope Vigilius was of dis- tinguished ancestry, a Roman and the son of a consul, which might in itself account for such a title of respect, and further the use of the word frater in both letters is a significant fact; it surely savors more of ecclesiastical than military life. ^In Epist. roman. pontif. ed. Constant, Paris 1721, pp. 125, 131, 139- "Ibid. p. 1242. INTRODUCTION 9 the dignity usual to the position. He was made Pope at Rome in 537 through the influence of BeHsarius and at the request of the Empress Theodora, who hoped that he would be unorthodox. In 547 he was summoned to Constantinople because of his refusal to sign the Three Chapters issued by Justinian. It was not until 554 that he finally obtained permission to return to Italy, and during the seven years of his captivity — for he was vir- tually a prisoner in Constantinople — he was much perse- cuted by the imperial party, and was twice compelled to flee to a church for sanctuary. ^^ It was in Constantinople and in 551, the very year when Jordanes was writing the Romana and Getica, that Vigilius issued the Damnatio Theodori from which we have quoted above a sentence containing the name Jordanes.^** Bearing these facts in mind, let us now glance at the dedication of the Romana to Vigilius, and see if its con- tent is such as to preclude its having been written to the pope of that name. Jordanes says that he is sending the universal history which he has just completed iungens ei aliud volumen de origine actttsque Getice gentis, quam iam dudum communi aniico Cast alio ededissem, qiiatinus diversarum gentium calamitate conperta ab omni erumna liberuni te fieri cupias et ad deiim coiivertas, qui est vera lihertas. legens ergo utrosqiie lihellos, scito quod dili- genti mundo semper necessitas imminet. tu vero auscidta lohannem apostolum, qui ait: 'carissimi, nolite dilegere mundiim neqiie ea que in mundo sunt, quia mundus tran- sit et concupiscentia eius: qui autem fecerit voluntatem dei, manet in aeternum.' estoque toto corde diligens deum et proximum, tit adimpleas legem et ores pro me novilissime et magnifice frater. If this, as Mommsen would have us believe, is merely ** See Vigilius Encyclica p. 55 Migne. ^^ See above (p. 7). lO JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS an exhortation to a friend, bidding him to follow his own example, renounce the world, and become a monk, why should Jordanes already address him as "brother" and ask for his prayers ? On the contrary, we can easily understand these words as an attempt on the part of Jordanes to console his distinguished friend in the midst of his trials — and we have seen that this pope had his share of cares and tribulations — by recalling to his mind the disasters that have overtaken men in all ages, and by exhorting him anew to find freedom from anxiety in trusting God's purposes, while he continues steadfast in doing what he feels is the divine will, and persists in that love of God and of his neighbor which is the ful- filling of the law. His Literary Activity. There are two books that have come down under the name of Jordanes. One is a compendium of universal history, which he entitled De summa temporum vel origine actibiisqiie gentis Roman- orum. The other is the abbreviation of the Gothic His- tory of Cassiodorus, a large work of twelve books which Jordanes reduced to the small pamphlet which alone has survived. This, like the original work of which it is an abridgment, is entitled De origine actibusque Ge- tariim. The terms Romana and Getica, introduced by Mommsen, are most convenient for compendious refer- ence to the two works. As we learn from Jordanes himself in the introductory sections of the Getica, he was engaged in the work of "the abbreviation of the Chronicles," that is, he was writ- ing the Romana, when his friend Castalius requested him to undertake the composition of the Gothic History. So laying aside for a time the work he had in hand (which was probably almost completed), he first wrote and pub- lished the Getica and then returned to the Romana. The INTRODUCTION II latter work was dedicated to Vigilius and sent to him with the Getica.^^ Where the books were written. Where Jordanes was when he wrote these books is a matter of dispute. Of course if the author can be identified with that Bishop Jordanes who accompanied Pope VigiHus to Constanti- nople, this difficulty is at once cleared up; and we have tried to show the reasonableness of this theory. Mommsen believed that Jordanes makes his whole narrative hinge upon the home of his ancestors, namely the two Roman provinces of Scythia, with its capital at Tomi, and Moesia Inferior, with its capital at Mar- cianople. He found too that there is an enormously dis- proportionate number of Moesian names in the Getica compared with those belonging to other provinces of the empire. He believed he could discover a pushing for- ward of Moesia and Thrace and an intimate acquaintance with these regions, from which he drew the conclusion that Jordanes was himself a Moeso-Goth dwelling in this part of the country, and that he wrote his book perhaps at Tomi, Marcianople or Anchiali.^^ And yet, as Erhardt^^ and Schirren^^ have shown, even granting Mommsen's premises, the conclusions he draws therefrom do not necessarily follow. For these regions were in a sense the cradle of the race, and must naturally have a central interest for all Goths, and the subject itself makes it proper that they should be placed in the foreground. Jordanes' personal knowledge of the coun- try may be easily explained by his previous office as notary, and it is not necessary to assume that he continued to ** See the letter to Vigilius § 4. "■ Friedrich (pp. 402-428) adduces a number of arguments in support of an eastern origin, and favors Thessalonica as the place of writing. *^G6tt. gel. Anzeigen 1886 N. 17 p. 669. *^ Deutsche Literaturzeitung 1882 N. 40 p. 1420. 12 JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS dwell in Moesia and wrote his books there just because he shows an intimate acquaintance with these regions. In fact, when Jordanes borrowed the work of Cassiodorus from his steward (dispensator) for a three days' read- ing"*"* he must naturally have lived — for the time at least — in the neighborhood of where the book was, and we know that Cassiodorus lived only in Bruttium."*^ Of course it does not follow that Jordanes wrote in the place where he read the book of Cassiodorus, for his own language indicates a composition considerably later than the read- ing. The weight of evidence is still in favor of Constan- tinople rather than Moesia. The very fact that he calls upon the absent Castalius to corroborate his statements as "a neighbor to the race" seems to show that he wrote from the non-Gothic Constantinople, and not from Moesia, where remnants of the Gothic race were still dwelling in their ancestral regions. Date of Composition of the Romana, 551 A.D. There can be little doubt with regard to the date of the completed composition of the Romana, for Jordanes himself says in his introduction^*^ that he wrote it in vicensimo quarto anno lustiniani imperatoris, and again in the body of the work"*" we find this sentence : lustiniamis imperator re gnat tarn iuhante domino ann. XXIIII. The twenty-fourth year of the reign of Justinian is the year beginning April i, 551. The content of the work is in agreement with these statements of the author, for we find recorded the death of Germanus^^ which occurred in the autumn of 550 and the birth of his posthumous son. Mention is likewise made of the ''daily"^^ instantia . . . Bulganmi, Antium 4A *^ Getica preface 2. So W. A. in Lit. Centralblatt 1883 p. 1060. ** Romana § 4. " Romana § 363. *^ Romana § 383. *' Romana § 388. INTRODUCTION 1 3 et Sclavinorum (that is, their expedition into Thrace in 550), and finally"^ of the victory of the Lombards over the Gepidae in 551. On the other hand, there is no men- tion of later events. Of the Getica,^55| A.D. If then Jordanes wrote the Getica after he had begun the Romana, and pubHshed it first, we may conckide that it too was written in 551. In this work also we find the death of Germanus mentioned, while there is no record of events later than those re- counted in the Romana. Furthermore, he speaks of the plague^^ qiiod nos ante Jios novem annos experti sumus. Now this is probably the pestilence which arose in Egypt^^ in 541, reached Byzantium in October 542, and there caused great desolation for four months, and finally in 543 devastated Italy. So this too serves to support the opinion that the Getica was written in 551. Jordanes says, to be sure, in the preface to the Romana that he has published the Getica "iam dudum," but this expression may readily indicate as short an interval as several months. Nature of the Work. Now as already seen, Jordanes himself admits that the Getica is merely an abridgment of the history of Cassiodorus. Furthermore he claims that in writing it he was obliged to rely largely upon his memory, as he did not have the original work before him at the time.^^ He says of the twelve books of the Gothic History •^'^ "The words I recall not, but the sense and the deeds related I think I retain entire. To this I have added fitting matters from some Greek and Latin histories. I ^Romana §§ 386, 387; Procopius bell. Goth. 4, 25 p. 638. "^ Getica xix 104. " See Clinton's Fasti for 542. "^Friedrich (p. 438) flatly refuses to believe tins statement: "Er hatte sie ja in Wirklichkeit vor sich." " Getica preface 2, 3. 14 JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS have also put in an introduction and a conclusion, and have inserted many things of my own authorship." His Originality. These are statements hard to believe. His introduction, as we shall see,^^ is taken almost word for word from Rufinus. At the end of the work, in re- lating events not found in the work of Cassiodorus, he makes use of Marcellinus Comes as an authority without once mentioning him — though to be sure we must credit him here with jfirst-hand quotation. Most of the sixteen authors from whom he quotes as if from personal knowl- edge were perhaps not known to him at all except at second hand, for in the Romana, written but a short time before, he apparently knows nothing of these sources, even when relating the same events on which he cites them as authorities in the Getica. The inference is that he has taken over quotations and references to sources directly from the work of Cassiodorus. As to the "many things of my own authorship" which Jordanes claims to have inserted, it is difficult indeed to locate many of these. Mommsen goes so far as to believe that almost his sole original contribution consists in quotations from Orosius at first hand!^*' The unfairness of Mommsen's view lies in the fact that he overlooks the personal tone of the style of Jordanes, which colors the entire work, and that he minimizes the evident joining and fitting that have to be done to connect the parts of the narrative. Perhaps Jordanes does little more than bow in and bow out his authors as they appear and disappear ; but this at least he does. Moreover we must not underestimate our indebtedness to this ecclesiastic whose compiled book has become practically the sole authority for much of our information about the Goths, and notably for the Battle ■^Literary Sources (p. 36). "'See Literary Sources (p. 26). INTRODUCTION IS of the Catalaunian Plains (451 A.D.) and Attila's mem- orable defeat, so far-reaching in its consequences. Cassiodorus Senator. Cassiodorus Senator, the great statesman and man of letters, who was secretary both to Theodoric the Great and to Athalaric, his grandson and successor, wrote his history at the personal bidding of Theodoric.^^ In it (as Cassiodorus himself says in a speech'^ ^ written for the young King Athalaric) "he carried his researches up to the very cradle of the Gothic race, gathering from the stores of his learning what even hoar antiquity scarce remembered. He drew forth the kings of the Goths from the dim lurking-place of ages, restoring to the Amal line the splendor that truly belonged to it, and clearly proving that for seventeen generations Athalaric's ancestors had been kings. Thus did he assign a Roman origin to Gothic history, weaving as it were into one chaplet the flowers which he had culled from the pages of widely scattered authors." "Consider therefore," Athalaric continues in his ad- dress to the Roman senate, "what love he showed to you in praising us, by his proof that the nation of your sover- eign has been from antiquity a marvellous people ; so that ye who from the days of your forefathers have ever been deemed noble, are still ruled by the ancient progeny of kings." The Aim of Cassiodorus. His intention then was to reconcile the Romans to the rule of those whom they regarded as barbarians by glorifying the Gothic race in general, tracing its history back into the dim past and bringing it into close contact with the great classical na- tions of antiquity, and to exalt in particular the House of " Usener's Anecdoton Holderi p. 4; and see the Literary Sources (p. 24). On the spelling Cassidor(i)us, see Manitius, Geschichte der Lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, I page 39. °' Cassiodorus Var. g, 25, Hodgkin's version. This is a eulogy of Cassiodorus upon his appointment as Praetorian Prefect in 533 A.D. 1 6 JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS the Amali, a line of kings from whom Theodoric traced his descent. In order to win for his race a place in the remote past, he identified the Goths with the Getae and with the Scythians — a very vague term which covered practically all the tribes who had their homes east of the Vistula and Danube and north of the Black Sea. And the Amazons, according to his account, were Gothic women. Though he may have done this in good faith, these are mistaken identifications, and accordingly we must reject as evidence for true history the chapters that deal with these peoples.^^ The Aim of Jordanes. When Jordanes wrote his abridgment of this great work, he rested his hope for the future of the Gothic race as much upon the Romans as upon his own people. It is the union of the two races that he feels sure will bring peace and prosperity to both in the days to come. So he refers frequently^^ to the marriage of Mathesuentha the Goth to Germanus the Roman, and of their young son Germanus he says :^^ "This union of the race of the Anicii with the stock of the Amali gives hopeful promise, by the Lord's favor, to both peoples." So it is evident that the Getica, though primarily a his- torical work, naturally concludes somewhat in the manner of a political pamphlet, portraying the reconcilement of Goth and Roman under the beneficent rule of Justinian. Language and Style. ^^^ To the student of classical Latin only, the text of Jordanes as exhibited in Momm- ^' Hodgkin omits entirely chapters V-XIII of the Getica in using Jordanes as a source. •*XIV 8i, XLVIII 251, LX 314. •^LX3i4. *^* The Latinity of Jordanes has been investigated by Wolfflin (Arch. f. 1. Lex. 11, 361), Bergmiiller (Augsburg 1903), and most recently and exhaustively by Fritz Werner (Halle 1908), whose satisfactory exposition I have followed. INTRODUCTION 1 7 sen's edition appears uncouth and almost barbarous. Interchange of vowel sounds gives rise to such forms as paenitus, Grecia, efoehi, distinavit, helaritatem, prumtis- simum^ Eoropam. Consonantal changes are fully as fre- quent, resulting in such spellings as lacriniaviliter, Atri- atici, storicus, hahundans, Cauchasum. In consequence of the omission of final m the accusative is often identical in form with the ablative, as mann movent, confidentia addehat, and sometimes -um is represented by -o, as in Danubio transtneantes. As regards inflection, there are fourth declension words now changed to the second (laco, grados), and conversely (imnensu) ; third declension adjectives changed to the second declension (acri ingenii) and sec- ond to third (magnaniniis) . There are ablatives of i stems in e {mare), datives in e {tali hoste), and nouns ordinarily inflected now changed to indeclinables (a cor- piis, foedus inito). There are also many changes in gender, as may be seen from such phrases as laetus vid- giis, iugfis antefatus, quod dolus reminiscens. In matters of conjugation, we find deponents that have become active {renwrasse) and the reverse (diitqiie certati), and frequent interchange of conjugations {inquiret, 3rd. sing. pres. indie, cognoscent, 3rd. plu. pres. indie, accersicntes). In syntax the changes are no less marked. Preposi- tions occur in combination with unexpected cases ( inter Danubinm Margiimqne fluminibus; a Pannonios fines . . . distabat; cum mnltas opes; sine ipsos). Among other peculiarities in the use of cases the following ex- amples may be cited : oninem . . . phylosphiam eos in- struxit; equo insidens; ipsiiis urbis ferre subsidium; vix biennio . . . perseverantes; Orestem interfectimi (accu- sative absolute). Verb constructions are marked by many changes of voice, mood and tense : there are pres- l8 JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS ent participles used like perfects (egressi . . . et transcuntes), unusual infinitive combinations {quis . . . cedere faciehat armatos?), and indicatives in indirect questions {doceamiis, qnomodo . . . explevit). The use of conjunctions is likewise distinguished by many pecu- liarities, such as the use of quia and the indicative in indirect discourse, a confusion of duin and cuvi, inox equivalent to siiniil atque, and a great variety in condi- tional usage. Moreover the periodic structure has in large measure disappeared. Clauses and phrases whether of principal or subordinate character are loosely swung along in careless and sometimes clumsy succession, not infrequently tangling the sense and at times making close translation impossible. Finally, there are many changes in the meanings of words, and substitutions of new words for the familiar expressions of classical Latin, as : ampins, grandis and int- inensiis for inagnus; proprius for siiiis; gcrrnamis for f rater; solacinm for auxilmm; cizntas for urbs. We find also patria synonymous with terra, pelagiis usurping the place of mare, and pars and plaga used as equivalents for regio. There is a frequent use of abstracts, and some specifically Christian phrases of course appear in the work of this ecclesiastic. Jordanes is fond of circum- locutions and sententious utterances, and his style is at times almost hopelessly confusing. In seeking a cause for these many and exasperating peculiarities of form and ex- pression, we must take account not only of the changing language itself, with its many alterations similar in nature to the changes in Western Latin, glimmerings which preceded the dawn of the Romance languages, but also of the candid confession of this Gothic secretary to whom Latin was at best an imperfectly mastered foreign tongue : ego . . . agramatus lordannis ante conversio- nem meam . . . ftu. 2. THE LITERARY SOURCES USED IN THE GETICA In the preface to his Getica, after stating that the book is an epitome of the larger Gothic History of Cassiodorus Senator, Jordanes says :^- "To this I have added fitting matters from some Greek and Latin histories," and in the chapters that follow sixteen ancient writers are cited as authorities. Besides those whom he mentions, some seven or eight others have evidently been used. The question of the literary sources of Jordanes was investigated by Sybel,^^ and again by Mommsen in his edition. The following consideration of the sources is largely an abridgment of Mommsen's thorough treat- ment of the subject, although in several important points (notably his opinion of the value of the unknown writer Ablabius and his low estimate of the personal element in Jordanes' work) his views cannot be accepted without question. The authorities mentioned by Jordanes are here taken up in alphabetical order; his indebtedness to each can be more clearly traced by comparing the text of the Getica with the passages cited in Mommsen's footnotes and here given in the commentary. Ablabius. This otherwise unknown descriptor Gotho- runi gentis egregius is mentioned three times by Jordanes : once his verissima historia^^ is cited as authority, and in two other passages he is referred to as Ablabitts . . . storicus.^^ He can not be identified with any writer *^ Preface 3. '^ De fontibus libri lordanis de orlgine actuque Getarum, Berlin 1838. " IV 28. •=XIV 82, XXIII 117. 19 20 JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS known to have borne this name (which is not an uncom- mon one), and it is not even clear whether he was a Greek, a Roman or a Goth.^^ Upon this meagre foundation of fact Mommsen has built up an elaborate theory, ascrib- ing to Ablabius all the material in the Getica which comes ultimately from narratives of the Goths. According to his view Cassiodorus could hardly have collected from the lips of the people such legends and traditions, as he was busied his life long with affairs of state, and perhaps not even skilled in the Gothic tongue, as he was a Bruttian by birth. In fact he undertakes to prove that Cassiodorus condemned oral tradition as a source in saying:®^ nee eorum fabnias aliciihi repperimus scriptas, qui eos (the Goths) dicunt in Brittania . . . in servitnte redactos et in uniiis caballi praetio a quodam ereptos, adding fur- ther: nos potius lectioni credimns qiiam fabitlis anilibus coftsentimus. Concluding therefore that he used literary sources entirely, Mommsen decides that of all the authors mentioned by Jordanes the only one to whom such legends can be attributed is Ablabius. He regards this unknown writer as the author of a book on Gothic History (rather than of a Roman History merely containing references to the Goths), and believes that his work concerned itself largely with the origins of that race. And since the third passage^^ quoted as from Ablabius seems really to be from Dexippus, Mommsen makes the further inference that Greek too was beyond the attainments of Cassiodorus, and that most of the references to Greek authors (and notably those to Priscus) are really quoted through Abla- bius.^^ Mommsen believed, therefore, that Cassiodorus °*The passage about the HeruH (XXIII 117) might just as well be derived from a Greek as from a Roman writer. " V 38. ** See XXIII 117, and commentary. *" To support this theory Mommsen points out that what is said of Vidigoia (V 43, XXXIV 178) is undoubtedly derived from the same author as the Gothic legends. INTRODUCTION 21 was indebted to this Ablabius for the greatest and most valuable part of his Gothic History, including the first part of the work that deals with the three abodes of the Goths, ''''^ and among the passages derived from Ablabius he would include XI 72, XI 69, III, XIV, XVII, XXIII 116. Schirren''^^ presented some strong objections to this highly complicated theory of the importance of Ablabius. He justly observes that Mommsen goes too far in assign- ing to this Ablabius practically everything in Jordanes that goes back to old Gothic tradition, in spite of the fact that no definite statements can be made about the man or his work. Indeed there is no real proof of any specific Gothic tradition that can be attributed to him, and in the passages that can be assigned with certainty to Ablabius as a source his knowledge is only such as a Greek writer might have had. In his rebuttal of Mommsen's view Schirren makes three main points : (i ) Mommsen states : omnes (referring to the passages in which this author is mentioned) ostendnnt Ablabium egisse de Gothoriim originihus. On the contrary, in one of the three instances we must read this meaning into the passage, and in the other two we cannot even do that much. (2) Mommsen claims that Ablabius deserves high place as an author because Jordanes speaks of him as descriptor Gothonmi gentis egregius. We might with equal right have judged Jordanes himself, had his works been lost, by the reference in the anonymous Geographer of Ra- venna (4, 14) : lordanis Cosniographiis subtilius exposuit. (3) As to the various passages cited as probably ascrib- able to Ablabius, some are thus assigned arbitrarily (for "*V 38-42. Mommsen held that this was practically attributed to Ablabius by the statement in XIV 82. " Deutsche Literaturzeitung 1882, N. 40, pp. 1420-1424. 22 JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS example, XI 69 and XI 'J2), and some can even be defin- itely referred to another writer. So the stemma Aina- lorum in XIV is almost certainly to be attributed to Cassiodorus, who emphatically claims it as his own. So that whereas Mommsen laments the lost Herodotus of the Goths, and would even favor changing the reading Favins in XXIX 151 to Ahlabiiis, despite all the manu- scripts, we find that everything that may be clearly as- signed to Ablabius corresponds with Dexippus, and the other passages are attributed to Ablabius on very doubt- ful grounds. Now regarding Mommsen's argument from the sentences found in V 38 : nee eorttm fabulas . . . consentimus. He holds, as has been seen, that this is a remark made by Cassiodorus, and that Cassiodorus could not have used any oral Gothic tradition but was indebted to reading (leetioni) for everything. As to the story about the horse, which has called forth the author's disap- proval, Mommsen believes Cassiodorus undoubtedly found it mentioned in some author. But the speaker expressly states that he nowhere found the story in written form. So it must have come to him orally, and moreover as a generally known tale (as is seen from the use of the plural eormn). Consequently Cassiodorus did have some knowledge of Gothic tradition, and Momm.- sen's theory, based on the opposite assumption, falls to the ground. Schirren suggests that it is perhaps more plausible to ascribe this passage directly to Jordanes him- self, a view made more probable by the use of the first person repperinius. Then the word leetioni would refer to Cassiodorus, whom Jordanes followed. As to the fable itself, it may have been a story not known to Cassiodorus at all — perhaps a good joke told at Constantinople at the expense of the Goths. INTRODUCTION 23 Cassiodorus."- Flavius Magnus Aureliiis Cassiodorus Senator (about 487 — about 583) of Bruttii was one of the most eminent men of his time and came of distin- guished ancestors; his grandfather had been tribune and notariiis under Valentinian III, who died in 455; his father filled the highest offices under Odoacer and Theo- doric, and was made patrician by the latter. He himself was quaestor sacri palatii shortly after 500, afterwards patrician, and then in the year 514 consul ordinarius and finally magister officionim. This office he seems to have held for many years; at any rate, he held it in 526 when Theodoric died and his grandson Athalaric succeeded to the throne, but he resigned it when appointed praefectus praetorio in 533-534- In the year 534, when Athalaric died, Cassiodorus delivered a public eulogy of his suc- cessor Theodahad, and both under him and under Vitiges (who became king in 536) he held the office of quaestor. When the Goths were overcome he forsook secular life and became a monk. In the monastery he founded Cas- siodorus wrote a number of theological, historical and educational works, and sought to impress upon his monks the value of the ancient literature. Even after his ninety- third year he wrote a book on orthography, and died probably as late as his ninety-fifth year. Of his work on Gothic history we learn solely from Jordanes and from Cassiodorus himself. The earliest mention he makes of it is in a letter written in 533 to the senate of Rome.'^ He writes in Athalaric's name of himself : tetcndit se . . . in antiquam prosapiain nostram lectione discens quod vix maiorum notitia cana retinebat. iste reges Gothorum longa ohlivione celatos latibido vetu^ statis eduxit. iste Amalos cum generis sui claritate resti- "For his life see Mommsen's Introduction (from which this ac- count is taken) and Hermann Usener: Festschrift zur Philo- logenversammlung in Wiesbaden 1877, p. 66 onward. " Var. 9, 25. 24 JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS tuit, evidenter ostendens in decimam septimam progeniem stirpem nos habere regalem. originem Gothicam histo- riain fecit esse Romanam colligens quasi in iinani coronam germen floridiim quod per librorum campos passim fuerat ante dispersum. perpendite quantum vos in nostra laude dilexerit, qui vestri principis nationem docuit ab antiqui- tate mirabilem, ut, sicut fuistis a maioribus semper nobiles aestimati, ita vos regum antiqua progenies imperaret. When made praefectus praetorio and entering upon his office he wrote a letter to the senate^^ in which he makes mention of the Hne of Amal kings, which is taken from this work, and again''"'^ he refers to a passage in his his- tory which Jordanes has epitomized. '^'^ Finally, in the preface to his Variae, apparently written in 538, his friends address him thus : duodecim libris Gothorum his- toriam defloratis prosperitatibus condidisti: cum tibi in illis fuerit secundus eventus, quid ambigis et haec publico dare, qui iam cognosceris dicendi tirocinia posuissef Moreover in the Codex Caroliruhensis edited by Use- ner'^^ we have preserved the ordo generis Cassiodoriorum conmique qui scriptores extiterint ex eorum progenie vel qui eruditi, and from it we learn the following : Cassio- dorus Senator vir eruditissimus et mid f is dignitatibus pollens iuvenis adeo dum patris Cassiodori patricii et prae- fecti praetorii consiliarius fieret et laudes Theodorichi regis Gothorum facundissiine recitasset, ah eo quaestor est f actus, patricius et consul ordinarius, postmodum de- hinc magister officiorum et praefuissct fonmdas dictionimi, quas in XII libris ordinavit, et variarum titulum siiperpo- suit, scripsit praecipiente Theodoricho rege historiam Gothicam originem et loca mores in {moresque XII is Usener's emendation) libris annuntians. Usener be- ""Var. II, I. " Var. 12. 20. "See Getica XXX 156 and note. '''' Ancedoton Holderi; for full title see p. 23, note 72. INTRODUCTION 25 lieved that the book from which these excerpts are made had been written by Cassiodorus in 522,'^^ and that there- fore the History of the Goths must have been pubhshed before that date. But Mommsen points out that this very passage mentions his praefectura praetorii, which he obtained in 534, and the pubHcation of the Variae, which is to be dated about 538. Furthermore, in the very be- ginning Cassiodorus is called monachiis servus dei. So this fragment is evidently from a book published after Cassiodorus became a monk, or else (as is possibly the case) it has been added to by others. But it is unrea- sonable to say that the part relating to the Variae is an interpolation and then to make use of this fragment as evidence to define the date of the appearance of the Gothic History. It seems entirely probable that the his- tory was begun at Theodoric's suggestion, and all indica- tions point toward its publication between 526, the year of Theodoric's death, and 533, when it is mentioned in the letter cited above. '^^ Mommsen calls attention to the fact that Cassiodorus (who was not sparing of self- praise) mentions this work only in the last years of his office. Furthennore the statement, apparently taken from the history itself, that Athalaric, the successor of Theo- doric, is reigning as the seventeenth in the succession, makes it clear that Cassiodorus could not have finished his Gothic History in Theodoric's lifetime. The title of the Gothic History of Cassiodorus was in all likelihood the same as that given by Jordanes to his abridgment, De origine actibusqiie Getariimf^ it was di- vided into twelve books, like most of the other works of " Mainly because it gives the lives of Symmachus and Boethius without making any mention of their trial and death. "Page 15. ^ See the passage from the Variae quoted on page 24 with its mention of originem Gothicam, and the preface to the Getica i. When Cassiodorus speaks of the work as historiam he is referring to its content rather than its title. 26 JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS Cassiodorus, and starting from the beginnings of the Gothic race carried on the account to his own day, per gencrationcs regesque, as Jordanes states in his own preface. Aside from making an epitome, the author of the Getica claims that he has added to the work : ad quos et ex nonmiUis historiis Grecis ac Latinis addedi conven- ientia initiiim fineuique et phira in medio mea dictione per- miscens. As regards the latter part of the book this statement must, of course, be true, for Cassiodorus closed his account with the year 526. But Mommsen is loath to give any further credit for originality. He wholly dis- credits the statement that Jordanes has himself added conrenientia from various Greek and Latin authors, as- signing rather to Cassiodorus all that comes from Priscus, both Dios, Strabo and Ptolemaeus, and ultimately refer- ring even this back to Ablabius and Ammianus ]*klarcel- linus. He concedes to Jordanes as a possible personal contribution at the beginning of the work quotations from Orosius at first hand (regarding this author as an author- ity whom Cassiodorus did not hold in especially high regard), ^^ and even goes so far as to admit that perhaps all the passages from Orosius throughout the Getica are quoted by Jordanes and make up the pliira in- medio.^^ jMommsen expresses small confidence in the truth of any of the author's claims, however, remarking that Jordanes was not ashamed to appropriate for his Getica an intro- duction from Rufinus and to pretend to give a quotation from lamblichus at the beginning of the Roniana, that he might adorn his book by that distinguished name. " In support of this he quotes from Inst. div. lift. 17 : Orosius quoque Christianoriim toiiporum paganornmque collator praesto vobis est, si eum volueritis legere. " But Mommsen is in error, as Erhardt first pointed out. when he says that Orosius is the only author referred to in the Getica with the addition of the number of the book ; references to books are found also in III 16 (Ptolomaeus) and XV 83 (Symmachus). INTRODUCTION 27 Of course what Jordanes says of himself and his own people^^ cannot be referred back to Cassiodorus, nor can so sharp a denunciation of Arianism^^ have been found in the larger work, for Theodoric's magister officiorum though orthodox himself was mindful of the Arian con- victions of his king. In general, to discover what pas- sages are the actual work of Jordanes one must start from the Roinana, and after observing what authorities are there employed note whether in the Getica the cpiotations from these same writers are also made by Jordanes him- self. ^^ Schirren,^^ in his careful investigation, found in many passages an ornate style (whether peculiar to Cas- siodorus or to his age) which is very different from the meagreness of Jordanes as he reveals himself in the Roniana and in those sections of the Getica which treat of events later than 526. According to Mommsen's theory, Jordanes was a Moeso-Goth and a subject of the Eastern Empire (whereas Cassiodorus was a Gotho-Roman attached to Theodoric's court), and in his epitome the account of the Foederatio of Gothic mercenaries and the history of the provinces on the Danube has taken the place held in the work of Cassiodorus by the account of the kingdom of Theodoric the Great ; in short, he held that as Cassiodorus made the Gothic History Roman, so Jordanes made it Moesian. It will be noted, however, that Mommsen himself " L-LI. "XXV 131-132; XXVI 138. 8S So Mommsen points out that the death of Valens is described in the Romana 314 in the words of Victor's epitome, whereas in the Getica he has fused with this the account taken from Am- mianus Marcelhnus which he found in Cassiodorus. ^ Dc ratione quae inter lordanem ct Cassiodorium intercedat commentatio, Dorpat 1858. See Gutschmid's review of this, Kleine Schriften 5, 293-336. 28 JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS admits'^' that these very Moeso-Thracian references to which he calls so much attention appeared also in Cassio- dorus, and, as Schirren first observed, there is need of a more convincing proof than Mommsen has given to establish the fact that in Cassiodorus the Gotho-Moesian history stood in a noticeably different proportion to the Gotho-Italian than is the case in Jordanes. For after all, the Gotho-Italian history begins with Theodoric, and what precedes must necessarily have occupied a consider- able space in Cassiodorus as it does in the abridgment of his work.^^ Mommsen is unfair in his charges of pla- giarism, for in his borrowed preface Jordanes indicates, in some measure at least, his indebtedness to Rufinus by the words ut quidam ait; moreover the author of the Getica should be judged by the standards of his own age, i:i which such customary open incorporation of another's writings was not viewed as plagiarism. The accusation that Jordanes has at the beginning of his Romana used the name of lamblichus to add lustre to his own work, in pretending to quote from him while in reality putting for- ward his own ideas, is likewise too severe a criticism. Friedrich^^ makes clear that Jordanes is accrediting lam- blichus merely with the phrase arinis et Icgibus exer- centes, which may well have been circulated under his name, as it is quite in accord with a passage from his work. Erhardt,^" while agreeing in the main with Mommsen's views on the literary sources and pointing out that these conclusions are strengthened by a comparison of the Romana with the Getica, inasmuch as the former work contains few citations because Florus^*^'' seldom refers to ""Introduction XIII. ^ See also the introduction to this book, p. 15. 90 Pp. 379-442. Gott. gel. Anz. 1886, p. 669. ' Jordanes follows Florus in the Romana. INTRODUCTION 29 his authorities, while the latter bristles with them since Cassiodorus loves to make a show of learned quotations, would still not go so far as to say that Jordanes added nothing of his own. He thinks that the quotations from Symmachus regarding Maximin and perhaps some of the geographical digressions have been added by Jordanes to the account as found in Cassiodorus. Claudius Ptolemaeus. The geographer of Alexan- dria, orbis terrae discriptor egregins, a contemporary of Marcus Aurelius, is quoted on Scandza in III 16-19. Dexippus. This author, who wrote in Greek in the period before Diocletian, is cited^^ in regard to the march of the Vandals from the ocean to the Roman frontier. Moreover the passage about the Heruli,^- which is credited to Ablabius, comes from Dexippus. Mommsen believed that in both instances Dexippus was quoted through Ablabius. ^^ Die. In his description of Britain, Jordanes once cites^^" and elsewhere makes use of Dio . . . celeherri- mus scriptor annalium, and later refers to him as an au- thority on Ravenna^^ and on the siege of Odessus.^^ He also praises him^^ as : Dio storicus et antiquitatwn dili- gentissirnus inquisitor, qui operi suo Getica tittdum dedit, and again^''' as Dio, qui historias (of the Goths) an- nalesque Greco stilo composuit. But both Cassiodorus and Suidas®^ have erred in assigning to Dio Cassius the "XXII 113. ■"XXIII 117. '* See above, p. 20. »"'II 14. »*XXIX 151. " X 6s. "IX s8. ''V 40. '' Aiwc 6 Kd(7(7toj • ■ ■ eypafe ^VufiaiKTjv . , . UepffiKa, TeriKk MSia. 30 JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS work Oil the Getae, contrary to the testimony of Philos- tratns."*^ It is Dio Chrysostom (b. 40 A.D.) who wrote the TcTLKa. Fabius. It seems impossible to identify this author, from whom part of the description of Ravenna^^" is taken. Mommsen's view is that Jordanes may have writ- ten Fabius where Cassiodorus had named Ablabius. Josephus. The historian of the Jewish War (b. 37 A.D.), annaliuui relator verissinius, as he is called in the Getica, is referred to in IV 29. Cassiodorus^*^^ re- garded him as paene secundus Livins. Livy. As Sybel pointed out,^*^^ the apparent quo- tation from Livy in II 10 rests in reality upon a passage in the Agricola of Tacitus where Livy's name is mentioned. Lucan. Lucan (39-65 A.D.) plus storico quam poeta, as Jordanes says, accepting the judgment of former critics, is cited once, in V 43. Pompeius Trogus. This contemporary of Livy is now known chiefly through the epitome of his Historiae Philippicae by Justinus. According to Gutschmid^*^^ Jordanes or his authority Cassiodorus used, not the epi- tome, but the original work of Trogus. He is cited in VI 48 and X 61 and used also in VII 50 and in VIII (see commentary). Pomponius Mela. Pomponius Mela, of Tingentera in Spain, wrote under Caligula or Claudius three books ^''Vit. soph. I, 7 p. 487. '""XXIX 151. ^"''Inst. div. litt. 17. ^"^ De fontibus libri lordanis, p. 13. ^'^Jahn's Jahrbiicher fiir classische Philologie, suppl. 1856/7 pp. 193-202. INTRODUCTION 3I De Chorographia, the oldest extant Latin treatise on geography. He is cited in III i6 and is used also with no mention of his name throughout the whole of II and in V 44-45, XII 75. Manitius (Neues Archiv 1888, p. 213) calls attention to the verbal resemblance between V 37 and Mela 3, 34. Priscus. In the year 448 Priscus, a Thracian from the town of Panium, accompanied Maximin, the general of Theodosius II, on his celebrated embassy to Attila, and to his account of this trip we owe our detailed knowl- edge of the great Hun.^°^ Priscus is cited in XXIV 123^ XXXIV 178, XXXV 183, XLII 222, XLIX 254-255, and Mommsen argues from the agreement of fragments of Priscus elsewhere preserved with the account of Jor- danes that the following passages also come from his work: XXIV 126, XXXVI 184, XLII 223, XLIII 225, and probably III 21. He would also refer to the same source what Jordanes says of the sons of Attila (L 266, LIII 272, and compare LII 268), remarking that in the Getica all the passages derived from Priscus deal with Attila, and that conversely there is no account of Attila which does not come from Priscus. Among the excerpts from this author, three passages appear to have been added to from other sources : (i) In XL 209, where credit for the victory at the Catalaunian Plains is wrongfully given to the Goths (as also in the chronicle of Cassiodorus). (2) In XLII 223, where the account of Pope Leo's embassy to Attila is increased by material from Prosper's chronicle. (3) In XXXV 181, concerning the murder of Bleda, where the sententious statement at the close, librante iustitia detestabili remedio crescens deformes exitus suae He wrote in Greek a iffropiav fiv^avriaKrjv Kal Tck /caret rbv ' kTT-rfKav, in eight books. 32' JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS cnidclitatis invenit, is not in accord with the simple and dignified manner of Priscus. Mommsen calls particular attention to the difference in style between the general clumsiness and difficulty of the Getica and the smoothness and charm of those passages which are based upon Priscus. ^^^ In these are found accurate descriptions of the distinguishing traits of various peoples/*'*' a life-like and truthful portrayal of men,^*'' a keen and careful analysis of the causes and meanings of various events/^^ and the use of apt figures of speech and comparisons.^*'^ Mommsen believed that Jordanes was impressed by the beauty of the narrative of Priscus (evident even in the version of Cassiodorus) and copied out these passages rather than condensed them. Strabo. The geographer, Grecorum nobilis scriptor (b. 64 B.C.) is cited in II 12 concerning Britain, and is elsewhere used as an authority on the same subject. Symmachus. Jordanes speaks of the life of the Em- peror Maximin recorded by a certain Symmachus in qninto suae historiae lihro,'^^^ and there seems to have been a consul ordinariiis of that name in 485 who wrote a Roman history in seven books. The passages preserved by Jordanes correspond almost word for word with the life of Maximin given in the Scriptores historiae Au- giistae under the name of Julius Capitolinus ;. so it seems that Symmachus borrowed his account from that work. Tacitus. Cornelius annalium scriptor is cited in II 13 and used elsewhere on the same subject, namely Britain. '"» See XXXVI 187, XXXIX 202, XLIX 257. "" L 261. "'XXXV 182, XXXVIII 200, XLIX 254. "' See the passages on the number of Attila's soldiers, XXXV 182; the funeral pyre, XL 213; Honoria, XLII 224. "'XXXVIII 200; XL 212 '"'XV 83, and see 88. INTRODUCTION 33 Manitius (Neues Archiv 1888, p. 213) sees a resemblance between X 62 and the Germania 36; also between XXXIV 176 and Annals 12, 49. Vergil. "The Mantuan," as Jordanes calls him, is quoted in I 9, V 40 and VII 50. A paraphrase of a verse of the Aeneid is found in XXVI 134. In XXXV 182 is the expression hue atqite illuc circmnferens ocitlos, remin- iscent of Aeneid 4, 363. To these Manitius (Neues Archiv 1888, p. 214) would add the following resem- blances between the two authors: XX 108 and Aeneid 9, 450; XXIX 150 and Georgics i, 482; XLIX 254 and Aeneid 6, 520; LVI 288 and Aeneid i, 249. This completes the list of authorities actually named by Jordanes as sources. Aside from these there are several whom he almost certainly made use of without acknowledging his indebtedness. It is worth while to consider these also. Dictys. Lucius Septimius wrote in the second half of the fourth century what purported to be a Latin ver- sion of a Greek story of the Trojan War by a certain Dictys of Crete. Mommsen's opinion, that the story of Telephus in the Getica rests not on the Latin version of Dictys but upon the lost original, is rendered more plausi- ble by the discovery of part of the Greek original in Egypt.^^^ Marcellinus. Ammianus Marcellinus of Antioch (about 330-400) wrote at Rome a continuation of Taci- tus. He himself says that his work covered the period from Nerva to the death of Valens (that is, 96-378 A.D. ) , '" See Grenfell, Hunt and Goodspeed, Tebtunis Papyri vol. II N. 268, London 1907. Also Dares and Dictys, N. E. Griffin, Balti- more 1907; Ihm, Der Griechische und Lateinische Dictys, Hermes 1909, 1-22; The Greek Dictys, Griffin, American Journal of Phil- ology 29. 329. 34 JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS but only books XIV-XXXI are extant, beginning with the last years of Constantins II (353-378). Jordanes records some events of Roman history of this period in XXIV 126, 127, 128. In XXV and XXVI he also uses Ammia- nus; not much, to be sure, for after the victories of Claudius and Aurelian almost to the time of Valens the Goths per longa saeciila silnerunt immobilcs/'^^ and ac- cordingly Jordanes passes directly from Constantine to Valens. Schirren conjectured that such passages as XVI 89-93, XVIII loi, XX 109, and XXI 11 1, 112, pertain- ing to the emperors from Philip to Constantine I are taken from the lost parts of the work of Ammianus.^^^ The story of the war between the Goths and the Gepidae,^^^ and the account given of Geberich and of Hermanaric^^^ does not seem to be taken from Am- mianus, for he says^^® that Hermanaric committed sui- cide through fear of the Huns, while Jordanes tells of his murder by the brothers Sarus and Ammius. Mommsen believed that the passages in the Getica based on extant portions of Ammianus Marcellinus reveal how Jordanes (or Cassiodorus) perverts the records in his zeal for the Goths, pointing out as a notable instance of this the ac- count of Fritigern's escape in XXVI 136-137 (see commentary), A Continuator of Marcellinus. In Mommsen's opin- ion some continuator has been made use of between the excerpts from Ammianus, which end in XXVI 138, and those from Priscus, which begin in XXXIV I78.^^''' ^"Ammianus Marcellinus 31, 5, 17. "' See also notes on XVI 93, XVIII loi, 103, XX 108. "'XVII. "°XXII, XXIII and XXIV. "•In3i, 3, 2. "^Koepke (Anfange d. Konigthums bei den Gothen p. 81) sug- gests Eunapius. INTRODUCTION 35 Marcellinus Comes. As this author's work^^^ was not pubhshed until 534, Cassiodorus, writing between 526 and 533, could not have used it, but Jordanes evi- dently availed himself of this chronicle, probably in fuller form than the version we now possess, in writing the latter part of both his works. ^^^ Mommsen believed that there are traces of consularia also in those part of the Getica which can be referred with reasonable assurance to Cassiodorus himself, ^-*^ and that this chronicle began either from the end of Prosper or perhaps from the end of Hieronymus. Cassiodorus could not make use of his own annals (published in 519) on account of their brevity, but we find that such passages as he there changed (in abbreviating Prosper) because of his Gothic tendencies are similarly treated in the Getica, so that the germs of the greater work may be said to appear in the smaller.^-^ In narrating the events of Theodoric's time, Cassiodorus availed himself of the so- called Ravenna Annals. Prosper. Prosper of Aquitaine (b. about 400 A.D.) wrote a continuation of the chronicle of Hieronymus, covering the years 379-455. Cassiodorus used Prosper in writing his chronicle of the world (to the year 519), and also commended the work to his monks.^-^ In ^"A chronicle by Count Marcellinus, an Illyrian, exclusively on events in the eastern empire. It falls into three parts: (i) the chronicle proper, 379-518; (2) a continuation to 534; (3) a further continuation to 548. "* See what is said in Rotnana 388 of the annales consulumque seriem. ^In XLV and XLVI (on the years 455-477), and perhaps also in XXXII 165-166 (on the years 411-427). ""See the commentary on: XVIII 103 (Decius) ; XXVIII 144 (Athanaric) ; XXX 154 (Pollentia) ; XXX 156 (Capture of Rome) ; XXXII 166 ("Flight" of the Vandals into Spain) ; XL 209 (Battle of the Catalaunian Plains) ; XLII 221 (Siege of Aquileia). ^Inst. div. litt. 17. 36 JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS XXXIV 177 the story of Litorius is taken over from Prosper, consuls and all/^^ and in XLII 223 the account of Pope Leo's embassy to Attila is from the same source. These passages must go back to Cassiodorus, for in the Rouiana there is no trace of Prosper. Rufinus. Rufinus of Aquileia (about 345-410) de- voted himself almost exclusively to the production of Latin versions of the works of the Greek patristic writers, and it is from one of these that Jordanes borrowed his preface to the Getica}^'^ Solinus, C. lulius Solinus, the grammarian, who lived probably in the time before Diocletian, composed a Collectanea rennn inemorabiliinn, based mainly on Pliny's Natural History, and containing a selection of the curiosities therein mentioned, arranged from a geo- graphical point of view. While Cassiodorus probably did not make use of this writer directly, yet certain passages in the Getica (V 46, VII 53-55) so closely resemble the Collectanea as to suggest the inference that both writers drew from a common source. A Geographical Map. Finally, it is Mommsen's belief that such geographical passages as the descriptions of Scythia,^-^ Pannonia,^-^ the Danube,^^" Scandza.^^^ the mouths of the Vistula, and the river Vagus, ^^^ in which places are portrayed as they would appear on a map, are based upon an actual map. Even the list of the islands of the Indian Ocean^^'^ is given in exactly the same order "* See commentary on Litorius, XXXIV 177. ^ See commentary on the preface to the Getica. ^V 30. ^L 264. "'XII 75. ^III 16. ""Ill 17. ^^I 6. INTRODUCTION 37 as in the work of Julius Honorius who wrote from a map. Mommsen would ascribe to a like source five passages in which countries or tribes are located with reference to the points of the compass. ^^^ Now the provinces there mentioned are of the time before Diocletian, and the descriptions do not hold good for the time of Cassio- dorus or Jordanes, but for about the second century, whereas the other names of localities and races found in the Getica accord properly with fifth century conditions. It would be difficult, however, to decide whether Cas- siodorus actually made use of a map of the world as it was in the second century or merely of an epitome from such a map, like the extant books of Julius Honorius^^^ and the Geographer of Ravenna.^^^ As Cassiodorus^^* speaks highly of this very Cosniographia of Honorius, it not unlikely that he used it, perhaps in fuller form than it is now known. To these Manitius (Neues Archiv 1888, pp. 213-214) would add the following as possible sources : Sallust, Jugurtha 60, i and 7 for XVII 99 and 100; Caesar, B. G. 8, 27 for XXXI 161 ; Martianus Capella 6, 628 for XLIV 230. But there is no evidence that Jordanes read or used these writers. "^Galicia XLIV 230, Pannonia L 264, the Vandals XXII 114, Dacia XII 74, Scythia V 31 (compare 33). '^ This work, although dating from the 5th century, contains the names taken from a map constructed about 360 A.D. "'End of the 7th century. ^^ Inst. div. litt. 25. 3. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE (Following Gutschmid) Jordanes says (LX 313), probably following the fig- ures of Cassiodorus and adding in on his own account the fourteen years from the death of Theodoric in 526 to the capture of Vitiges in 540, that the Kingdom of the Goths endured 2030 years. This statement assigns the beginning of the Gothic Kingdom to the year 1490 B.C. Gutschmid (in Mommsen's preface, XX-XXI) sought to explain the chronology as follows : Five generations of the first kings of the Goths, from Berig to Filimer son of Gadaric (IV 25, XXIV 121), about 167 years. B.C. 1490^-1324 Tanausis,^ shortly before the Amazons (VI 47, VII 49), about 33 years. 1323-1290 Three generations of Amazons (Lam- peto and Marpesia, Menalippe and Hip- polyte, Penthesilea) , about 100 years VII 52). 1289-1190 From the Trojan War, or the death of Penthesilea (VIII 57), or the death of ^ This year rests on the testimony of Herodotus, 4, 7 : erea vcpiai (the Scythians) iiretre yeySvaffi to. fftj/j-iravTa 'Kiyovai. elvai. dirb rod wpwrov ^a<Ti\ios Tapyirdov is rrjv Aapelov did^affiv rrjv iwl ff<pia.s xiXfwi' ou ir\iw dXXd roaavra. Hieronymus assigns the battle of Marathon to the year of Abraham 1525 = B.C. 492. ^Tanausis, a contemporary of Vesosis or Sesostris, reigned ac- cording to Eusebius from 1374-1319 B.C. Cassiodorus has assigned him a more reasonable date. 38 INTRODUCTION 39 Eurypylus (IX 60), to the reign of Cy- rus,^ almost 630 years (X 61), actually 631. 1190-559 From Cyrus to Sulla S58-91 Buruista, king in Sulla's time (XI 6y) 90-57 King Comosicus (XI 73) 56-23 The forty-year reign of Coryllus (XII 73) the time of Tiberius (XI 68) ? B.C. 22-18 A.D. Interval of one generation (XIII 76) 19-50 Amali Balthae Gapt^ King Dorpaneus time of Domitian (XIII 76) 51-83 Hulmul 84-117 Augis 1 18-150 Amal 1 51-183 Hisarnis 184-217 Ostrogotha Nidada 218-250 Hunuil Ovida (King Cniva? XVIII loi) 251-283 Athal Hilderith 284-317 Achiulf Geberich^ (XXII 113) 318-350 * This is the year Jordanes meant, although he has indicated the last year of his reign. * Accordingly both King Dorpaneus and the first of the Amali, whom Jordanes mentions together (XIII 78), lived in the reign of Domitian. " Constantine, who established the Vandals in Pannonia (XXII 115) died in 337; if the Vandals lived there for 70 years (so Gutschmid would emend, in place of LX) they went off into Gaul in 406. Thus the victory of Geberich over the Vandals occurred in 336, approximately. 40 JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS Hermanaric 35i~376 Vinitharius Hunimund Thorismud ' ...404? 40-year interregnum (XLVIII 251) 405?-444? Valamir 445?-. . . Thiudimer ....... Theodoric 475-526 Athalaric 526-534 Theodahad 534~536 Vitiges 536-540 Years of the reign of the Goths amount to 1490 + 540 = 2030 (LX 313). KINGS OF THE VISIGOTHS Alaric I Athavulf Segeric Valia Theodorid I Thorismud Theodorid II Eurich Friderich Retemer Himnerith Alaric II Amalaric Thiudis Thiudigisclus Agil Athanagild 395-410 410-415 415 415-419 419-451 451-453 453-466 466-485 Brothers of the three preceding 485-507 507-531 531-548 548-549 549-554 554-567 w o 3 n.»Q" c 2 2. H Bt 5' a- (J5" o > ? 3 ° SL-+ 2. > H V o Ln p. > 3- o\ > 3 ■ + > a. » a. H to + n 3-4- P — r 3 o re 3 3 B + > 3 rr P 3 3 3 + > 3_ 5 M -J P -+ H 5" &- B o »( < 3~ <1 - . <-♦■ p— n." < -3- < ;2 < p 3 a' E. p* D- *-f P - -cr- — p P C9 < ►1 "1 p M. 3 ^ e en Ui Id c~ 3 C td n -+ > 3 -§ _|_3-_i K" B S s- B g g. E 3 1^ l-ft O ft) 3 3 3 a> crq 3 v; o c- 3 > S S. til > r> 3 -t ui a . =r — 3 — o — P — 3 P. 3 " M > 3 K — = P £L K- 3 •S O in* U3 O •-t 3 3 to ft) S= fD Cu o Q tr Cfl p 3 fD O o en P o n O •-t I 5. BIBLIOGRAPHY^ 1. Manuscript Sources of the Text. For a detailed account of the manuscript sources of the text, see Mommsen's discussion in the Monumenta Germanme Historica V i, pp. XLIV-LXX. For a later discussion see the article lordanes in a forthcoming volume of the Pauly-Wissowa Real Encyclopddie. 2. Editions.- Holder, A. : lordanis, De origine actibusque Getarum. Freiburg I.B. und Tiibingen 1882. Without critical apparatus or commentary, and fully superseded by Mommsen's edition. Mommsen, Th. : lordanis Romana et Getica. Monu- menta Germaniae Historica, Auctores Antiquissimi V I, Berlin 1882. The authoritative edition. 3. Translations. Jordan, J. : Jordanes Leben und Schriften nebst Probe einer deutschen Uebersetzung seiner Geschichte. Progr. Ansbach 1843. Contains a translation of chapters 1-4 and 24-27, made as samples. Martens, W. : Jordanes Gothengeschichte nebst Aus- ziigen aus seiner Romischen Geschichte. Leipzig 1883. (Geschichtschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit Vol. 5.) The translation is based on Mommsen's text, but con- tains many inaccuracies and mistakes. Savagner, M. A. : Jornandes de la succession des royaumes et des temps, et de I'origine et des actes des Goths. Paris 1842. A faithful rendering of an older text, in the main that of Muratori (1723). *This bibliography does not give references to such general works as the histories of literature by Ebert, Manitius and Teuffel, Wattenbach's Geschichtsquellen, or similar general source books. ' Mommsen records nineteen editions that preceded his own, all now of little value. 42 INTRODUCTION 43 4. Special Monographs, Journal Articles, and Reviews. Arndt, W. : Review of Mommsen, in Literarisches Cen- tralblatt 1883 N. 31 pp. 1060-1063. Arndt, W. : Review of Holder, in Literarisches Central- blatt 1883 N. 36 p. 1263. Bachmann, A : Zu lordanis, in Neues Archiv der Gesell- schaft fiir altere deutsche Geschichtskunde 1898 (23) pp. 175-176. Bergmiiller, L. : Einige Bemerkungen zur Latinitat des Jordanes. Progr. Augsburg 1903. Cipolla, C. : Considerazioni sulle "Getica" di Jordanes e sulle loro relazioni colla Historia Getarum di Cassio- dorio Senatore. Torino 1892. (Mem. della R. Accad, di Torino sen II torn. 43, 116.) Erhardt, L. : Review of Mommsen, Holder and Martens, in Historische Zeitschrift 1886 (56, or Neue Folge 20) N. 6 pp. 513-519- Erhardt, L. : Review of Mommsen, in Gottingische ge- lehrte Anzeigen 1886 N. 17 pp. 669-708. Frick, C. : Review of Cipolla, in Berliner philologische Wochenschrift 1894 N. 44 pp. 1387-1392. Friedrich, J. : Ueber die kontroversen Fragen im Leben des Gotischen Geschichtschreibers Jordanes, in Sit- zungsberichte der philosophisch-philologischen und der historischen Klasse der K.B. Akademie der Wissen- schaften zu Miinchen 1907 pp. 379-442. Grienberger, Th. v. : Die Vorfahren des Jordanes, in Germania 1889 pp. 406-409. Grimm, Jac. : Ueber lornandes und die Geten, Kleinere Schriften III pp. 171-235. Berlin 1866. Gutschmid, A. v. : Review of Schirren, in Jahn's Jahr- biicher fur classische Philologie 1862 pp. 1 24-151. (Kleine Schriften V pp. 288-336, Leipzig 1894.) Jordan, J. : see above, under Translations. Kopke, R. : Die Anfange des Konigthums bei den Gothen pp. 44-77. Berlin 1859. 44 JORDANES : ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS Manitius, M. : Zii Ekkeharcl uiid Jordanes, in Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft fiir altere deutsche Geschichts- kunde 1888 (13) pp. 213-214. Manitins, M. : Geschichtliches aus mittelalterlichen Bib- liothekskatalogen : lordanis, in Neues Archiv 1907 (32) pp. 651-652. Manitius, M. : Review of Bergmiiller, in Wochenschrift fiir Klassische Philologie 1903 N. 44 pp. 1204-1207. Manitius, M. : Review of Bergmiiller, in Blatter fiir das Gymnasial-Schulwesen herausgegeben vom bayer. Gymnasialschulwesen 1904 I/II pp. 94-95. Martens, W. : Review of Mommsen and Holder, in Lit- eraturblatt fiir germanische und romanische Philologie 1883 N. 3 pp. 85-87. Schirren, C. : de ratione quae inter lordanem et Cassio- dorium intercedat commentatio. Dorpat 1858. Schirren, C. : Review of Mommsen and Holder, in Deutsche Literaturzeitung 1882 N. 40 pp. 1420- 1424. Simson, B. v. : Zu Jordanis, in Neues Archiv 1897 i^^) pp. 741-747- Sybel, H. v. : de fontibus libri lordanis De origine actuque Getarum. Berlin 1838. Sybel, H. v. : Review of Kopke and Schirren, in His- torische Zeitschrift 1859 N. 2 pp. 5 11 -5 16. Usener, H. : Anecdoton Holderi, Festschrift zur Philo- logenversammlung in Wiesbaden 1877. Weise, O. : Review of Bergmiiller, in Neue Philologische Rundschau 1904 N. 23 pp. 539-540. Werner, F. : Die Latinitat der Getica des Jordanis. Halle 1908. Wofflin E. : Zur Laitinitat des Jordanes, in Archiv fiir Lateinische Lexicographic und Grammatik XI pp. 361- 368. Leipzig 1900. THE GOTHIC HISTORY OF JORDANES 6. LITERARY ANALYSIS OF THE GETICA [The Arabic numbers, printed in the Literary Analysis below and in the margin of the English version, correspond to the Arabic numbers which mark the sections in Mommsen's text.] Preface 1-3 I Geographical Introduction 4-24 Ocean 4-5 The Eastern Islands 6 The Western Islands 7-24 Lesser Islands 7-8 Britain 10-15 Scandza 9, 16-24 II The United Goths 25-130 1. Migration of the Goths under their first king, Berig, from Scandza to Gothiscandza and thence to the land of the Ulmerugi 25-26 Migration to Scythia under Filimer 27-29 [Description of Scythia 30-37] The three successive abodes of the Goths 38-42 In Scythia near Lake Maeotis In Moesia, Thrace and Dacia In Scythia again, above the Sea of Pontus. [Their archery and heroes 43] 2. The Goths in Scythia, near Lake Maeotis 44-57 Exploits of King Tanausis 44-48 [Description of the Don and Dnieper 45-46] The Scythian Amazons in Asia Minor 49-57 [Description of the Caucasus 52-55] 47 48 JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS 3. The Goths in Moesia, Thrace and Dacia 57-81 Teleftis and Eurypyhis : the Trojan War 58-60 Queen Tomyris defeats Cyrus 61-62 King Antyrus defeats Darius 63-64 Queen Gudila's daughter becomes the wife of PhiHp of Macedon 65 Sitalces conquers Perdiccas 66 King Buruista. The wise rule of Dicineus, a contemporary of Sulla 67, 69-72 The Goths in the time of Caesar, Augustus and Tiberius 68 Kings Comosicus and Coryllus 73 [Description of Dacia and the Danube 74-75] King Dorpaneus wars with Domitian 76-78 [Genealogy of the Amali 78-81] 4. The Goths again in Scythia — beyond the Sea of Pontus 82-130 Maximin, the Goth, a Roman Emperor 83-88 King Ostrogotha wars with Philip 89-92 [Description of Marcianople 93] The Gepidae and their defeat at the hands of Ostrogotha 94-100 King Cniva at war with Decius 101-103 The Goths in the time of Gallus, Volusianus and Aemilianus 104-106. The Goths plunder Asia Minor in the reign of Gallienus 107-109 [Descriptive references to Chalcedon, Ilium and Anchiali 107-109] Deeds of the Goths in the times of Diocle- tian and his colleagues no The Goths under Ariaric and Aoric in the THE GOTHIC HISTORY 49 time of Constantine I. King Geberich con- quers the Vandals. Ill -II 5 King Hermanaric conquers the Heruh, Ve- nethi and Aesti ii 6-120 [Origin and history of the Huns 121-128] Battle of Hermanaric with the Huns. His death. The Goths separate into Visigoths and Ostrogoths. 129-130. HI The Divided Goths 131-314 I. The Visigoths 131-245 Fritigern with the Visigoths enters Thrace and the two Moesias 131-137 They defeat and slay the Emperor Valens 138 King Athanaric makes peace with Gratian and Theodosius I. Dies at Constantinople 139-144 The Visigoths, serving under Theodosius, conquer the usurper Eugenius 145 Deeds of Alaric I in the time of Arcadius and Honorius. His death 146-158 [Description of Ravenna 1 48-151] Deeds and death of King Athavulf 159-163 King Segeric 163 Deeds of King Valia 164-175 [Digression: The Kingdom of the Van- dals 166-173] [Digression: Migration of the Amali to the Visigoths 174-175] First breach between King Theodorid I and the Romans 176-177 [Character of Attila the Hun 178-183] League of the Visigoths and Romans against Attila 1 84-1 9 1 50 JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS Battle of the Catalaunian Plains. Death of Theodorid I 192-217 Deeds and death of Thorismud. Continua- tion of Attila's career 218-228 King Theodorid II 229-234 King Enrich 235-244 The Western Empire from the death of Va- lentinian III to Romulus Augustulus, the last Western Emperor 235-241 The rule of Odoacer 242-243 Alaric II, last King of the Visigoths 245 2. The Ostrogoths 246-314 King Vinitharius conquers the Antes and is conquered by the Huns 246-249 King Hunimund 250 King Thorismud 250 Interregnum of forty years 251 King Valamir 252-276 Death of Attila and dissolution of the King- dom of the Huns 254-263 Homes of the Goths along the Lower Dan- ube 264-266 The Gothic origin of the author, Jordanes 266 The Lesser Goths 267 The Ostrogoths in Pannonia 268-276 King Thiudimer. Seizure of Macedonia 277-288 King Theodoric the Great, and the King- dom of the Ostrogoths in Italy 289-304 King Athalaric. Amalasuentha 305-306 The Ostrogoths overcome by the Emperor Justinian 307-314 IV Conclusion 315-316 THE ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS Preface Though it had been my wish to ghde in my little boat by the edge of the peaceful shore and, as a certain writer says, to catch little fishes from the pools of the ancients, you, brother Castalius, bid me set my sails toward the deep. You urge me to leave the little work I have in hand, that is, the abbreviation of the Chronicles, and to condense in my own style in this small book the twelve volumes of Senator on the origin and deeds of the Getae from olden time to the present day, descending through the generations of the kings. Truly a hard com- mand, and imposed by one who seems unwilling to realize the burden of the task. Nor do you note this, that my utterance is too slight to fill so magnificent a trumpet of speech as his. But worse than every other burden is the fact that I have no access to his books that I may follow his thought. Still — and let me lie not — I have in times past read the books a second time by his steward's loan for a three days' reading. The words I recall not, but the sense and the deeds related I think I retain entire. To this I have added fitting matters from some Greek and Latin histories. I have also put in an introduction and a conclusion, and have inserted many things of my own authorship. Wherefore reproach me not, but receive and read with gladness what you have asked me to write. If aught be insufficiently spoken and you remember it, do you as a neighbor to our race add to it, praying for me, dearest brother. The Lord be with you. Amen. 51 OCEA,N AND ITS 52 JORDANES : ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS Geographical Introduction I Our ancestors, as Orosius relates, were of opinion 4 that the circle of the whole world was surrounded by the girdle of Ocean on three sides. Its three parts they called Asia, Europe and Africa. Concerning this threefold division of the earth's extent there are almost Lesser Isles innumerable writers, who not only explain the situations of cities and places, but also measure out the number of miles and paces to give more clearness. Moreover they locate the islands interspersed amid the waves, both the greater and also the lesser islands, called the Cyclades or Sporades, as situated in the vast flood of the Great Sea. But the impassable farther bounds of Ocean not only has 5 no one attempted to describe, but no man has been al- lowed to reach ; for by reason of obstructing seaweed and the failing of the winds it is plainly inaccessible and is unknown to any save to Him who made it. But the 6 nearer border of this sea, which we call the circle of the world, surrounds its coasts like a wreath. This has become clearly known to men of inquiring mind, even to such as desired to write about it. For not only is the coast itself inhabited, but certain islands off in the sea are habitable. Thus there are to the East in the Indian Ocean, Hippodes, lamnesia, Solis Perusta (which though not habitable, is yet of great length and breadth), besides Taprobane, a fair island wherein there are towns or estates and ten strongly fortified cities. But there is yet 7 another, the lovely Silefantina, and Theros also. These, though not clearly described by any writer, are neverthe- less well filled with inhabitants. This same Ocean has in its western region certain islands known to almost everyone by reason of the great number of those that journey to and fro. And there are two not far from the neighborhood of the Strait of Gades, one the Blessed Isle and another called the Fortunate. Although some THE GOTHIC HISTORY 53 reckon as islands of Ocean the twin promontories of Galicia and Lusitania, where are still to be seen the Temple of Hercules on one and Scipio's Monument on the other, yet since they are joined to the extremity of the Galician country, they belong rather to the continent 8 of Europe than to the islands of Ocean. However, it has other islands deeper within its own tides, which are called the Baleares; and yet another, Mevania, besides the Orcades, thirty-three in number, though not all in- 9 habited. And at the farthest bound of its western ex- panse it has another island named Thule, of which the Mantuan bard makes mention : lO II "And Farthest Thule shall serve thee." The same mighty sea has also in its arctic region, that is, in the north, a great island named Scandza, from which my tale (by God's grace) shall take its beginning. For the race whose origin you ask to know burst forth like a swarm of bees from the midst of this island and came into the land of Europe. But how or in what wise we shall explain hereafter, if it be the Lord's will. n But now let me speak briefly as I can concerning the island of Britain, which is situated in the bosom of Ocean between Spain, Gaul and Germany. Although Livy tells us that no one in former days sailed around it, because of its great size, yet many writers have held various opinions about it. It was long unapproached by Roman arms, until Julius Caesar disclosed it by battles fought for mere glory. In the busy age which followed it became accessible to many through trade and by other means. Thus it revealed more clearly its position, which I shall here explain as I have found it in Greek and Latin authors. Most of them say it is like a triangle pointing between the north and west. Its widest angle faces the mouths of the Rhine. Then the island shrinks in breadth and recedes until it ends in two other angles. Its two Britain Caesar's two invasions of Britain B.C. 55-54 54 JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS long sides face Gaul and Germany. Its greatest breadth is said to be over two thousand three hundred and ten stadia, and its length not more than seven thousand one hundred and thirty-two stadia. In some parts 12 it is moorland, in others there are wooded plains, and sometimes it rises into mountain peaks. The island is surrounded by a sluggish sea, which neither gives readily to the stroke of the oar nor runs high under the blasts of the wind. I suppose this is because other lands are so far removed from it as to cause no disturbance of the sea, which indeed is of greater width here than anywhere else. Moreover Strabo, a famous writer of the Greeks, relates that the island exhales such mists from its soil, soaked by the frequent inroads of Ocean, that the sun is covered throughout the whole of their disagreeable sort of day that passes as fair, and so is hidden from sight. Cornelius also, the author of the Annals, says that in 13 the farthest part of Britain the night gets brighter and is very short. He also says that the island abounds in metals, is well supplied with grass and is more produc- tive in all those things which feed beasts rather than men. Moreover many large rivers flow through it, and the tides are borne back into them, rolling along precious stones and pearls. The Silures have swarthy features and are usually born with curly black hair, but the inhab- itants of Caledonia have reddish hair and large loose- jointed bodies. They are like the Gauls or the Spaniards, according as they are opposite either nation. Hence some 14 have supposed that from these lands the island received its inhabitants, alluring them by its nearness. All the people and their kings are alike wild. Yet Dio, a most celebrated writer of annals, assures us of the fact that they have been combined under the name of Caledo- nians and Maeatae. They live in wattled huts, a shelter used in common with their flocks, and often the woods are their home. They paint their bodies with iron-red. THE GOTHIC HISTORY 55 whether by way of adornment or perhaps for some other 15 reason. They often wage war with one another, either because they desire power or to increase their possessions. They fight not only on horseback or on foot, but even with scythed two-horse chariots, which they commonly call essedae. Let it suffice to have said thus much on the shape of the island of Britain. 16 III Let us now return to the site of the island of ' Scandza, which we left above. Claudius Ptolemaeus, an excellent describer of the world, has made mention of it in the second book of his work, saying: "There is a great island situated in the surge of the northern Ocean, Scandza by name, in the shape of a juniper leaf with bulging sides which taper to a point at a long end." Pomponius Mela also makes mention of it as situated in the Codan Gulf of the sea, with Ocean lapping its shores. 17 This island lies in front of the river Vistula, which rises in the Sarmatian mountains and flows through its triple mouth into the northern Ocean in sight of Scandza, sep- arating Germany and Scythia. The island has in its eastern part a vast lake in the bosom of the earth, whence the Vagus river springs from the bowels of the earth and flows surging into the Ocean. And on the west it is sur- rounded by an immense sea. On the north it is bounded by the same vast unnavigable Ocean, from which by means of a sort of projecting arm of land a bay is cut off 18 and forms the German Sea. Here also there are said to be many small islands scattered round about. If wolves cross over to these islands when the sea is frozen by reason of the great cold, they are said to lose their sight. Thus the land is not only inhospitable to men but cruel even to wild beasts. 19 Now in the island of Scandza, whereof I speak, there dwell many and divers nations, though Ptolemaeus men- tions the names of but seven of them. There the honey- making swarms of bees are nowhere to be found on Scandza 56 JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS account of the exceeding great cold. In the northern part of the island the race of the Adogit live, who are said to have continual light in midsummer for forty days and nights, and who likewise have no clear light in" the winter season for the same number of days and nights. By 20 reason of this alternation of sorrow and joy they are like no other race in their sufferings and blessings. And why? Because during the longer days they see the sun returning to the east along the rim of the horizon, but on the shorter days it is not thus seen. The sun shows itself differently because it is passing through the southern signs, and whereas to us the sun is seen to rise from below, it is said to go around them along the edge of the earth. There also are other peoples. There are the Screrefennae, who 21 do not seek grain for food but live on the flesh of wild beasts and birds' eggs; for there are such multitudes of young game in the swamps as to provide for the natural increase of their kind and to afford satisfaction to the needs of the people. But still another race dwells there, the Suehans, who, like the Thuringians, have splendid horses. Here also are those who send through innumer- able other tribes the sapphire colored skins to trade for Roman use. They are a people famed for the dark beauty of their furs and, though living in poverty, are most richly clothed. Then comes a throng of various nations, Theu- 22 stes, Vagoth, Bergio, Hallin, Liothida. All their habita- tions are in one level and fertile region. Wherefore they are disturbed there by the attacks of other tribes. Behind these are the Ahelmil, Finnaithae, Fervir and Gauthigoth, a race of men bold and quick to fight. Then come the Mixi, Evagre, and Otingis. All these live like wild ani- mals in rocks hewn out like castles. And there are be- 2^ yond these the Ostrogoths, Raumarici, Aeragnaricii, and the most gentle Finns, milder than all the inhabitants of Scandza. Like them are the Vinovilith also. The Suetidi are of this stock and excell the rest in stature. However, THE GOTHIC HISTORY 57 the Dani, who trace their origin to the same stock, drove from their homes the Heruli, who lay claim to preemi- nence among all the nations of Scandza for their tallness. 24 Furthermore there are in the same neighborhood the Grannii, Augandzi, Eunixi, Taetel, Rugi, Arochi and Ranii, over whom Roduulf was king not many years ago. But he despised his own kingdom and fled to the embrace of Theodoric, king of the Goths, finding there what he desired. All these nations surpassed the Germans in size and spirit, and fought with the cruelty of wild beasts. The United Goths 25 IV Now from this island of Scandza, as from a hive of races or a womb of nations, the Goths are said to have come forth long ago under their king, Berig by name. As soon as they disembarked from their ships and set foot on the land, they straightway gave their name to the How the , . , ... . , , 11 1 /-- 1 • Goths came place. And even to-day it is said to be called Gothi- to Scythia 26 scandza. Soon they moved from here to the abodes of the Ulmerugi, who then dwelt on the shores of Ocean, where they pitched camp, joined battle with them and drove them from their homes. Then they subdued their neighbors, the Vandals, and thus added to their victories. But when the number of the people increased greatly and Filimer, son of Gadaric, reigned as king — about the fifth since Berig — he decided that the army of the Goths with 27 their families should move from that region. In search of suitable homes and pleasant places they came to the land of Scythia, called Oiuiii in that tongue. Here they were delighted with the great richness of the country, and it is said that when half the army had been brought over, the bridge whereby they had crossed the river fell in utter ruin, nor could anyone thereafter pass to or fro. For the place is said to be surrounded by quaking bogs and an encircling abyss, so that by this double obstacle nature has made it inaccessible. And even to-day one SCYTHIA 58 JORDANES: ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS may hear in that neighborhood the lowing of cattle and may find traces of men, if we are to believe the stories of travellers, although we must grant that they hear these things from afar. This part of the Goths, which is said to have crossed 28 the river and entered wath Filimer into the country of Oium, came into possession of the desired land, and there they soon came upon the race of the Spali, joined battle with them and won the victory. Thence the victors hast- ened to the farthest part of Scythia, which is near the sea of Pontus ; for so the story is generally told in their early songs, in almost historic fashion. Ablabius also, a fa- mous chronicler of the Gothic race, confirms this in his most trustworthy account. Some of the ancient writers 29 also agree with the tale. Among these we may mention Josephus, a most reliable relator of annals, who every- where follows the rule of truth and unravels from the beginning the origin of things; — but why he has omitted the beginnings of the race of the Goths, of which I have spoken, I do not know. He barely mentions Magog of that stock, and says they were Scythians by race and were called so by name. Before we enter on our history, we must describe the boundarie