You do not have to be a genius to discover two contrasting themes in Bihar. One, it is difficult to find people who are unhappy with Nitish Kumar. And, two, it is a statistical improbability that you'd meet anybody who is convinced the CM's alliance is winning the close contest

You do not have to be a genius to discover two contrasting themes in Bihar. One, it is difficult to find people who are unhappy with Nitish Kumar. And, two, it is a statistical improbability that you'd meet anybody who is convinced the CM's alliance is winning the close contest.

Nobody can escape constant reminders of a kaante-ki-takkar. On FM radio channels, the two alliances battle each other jingle for jingle, taunt for taunt. One calls the leader of the other Jumla Babu who has returned after 14 months in his 10-lakh ka suit with more jumlas. The other mocks at Sushasan Babu by pointing out there are no schools, hospitals or khaad-beej (fertilisers and seeds) in Bihar.

Statistics, mathematics, psephology and chemistry suggest both the coalitions are sitting on a committed vote-share of 35 percent. The fight is for the remaining 30 percent voters among Mahadalits and Extremely Backward Castes; whoever crosses 42 percent is expected to take it all. The real fun now is in watching how the two adversaries are throwing everything into the battle in their desperate bid to claim the larger chunk of this 30 percent pie.

The BJP's desperation is reflected best in the banners and slogans that dot the Patna skyline. Every few days, the faces and slogans on the banners change, perhaps in accordance with the feedback from the ground.

Beef has become stale, memories of special package have faded, reminders of jungle raj have come and gone and Prime Minister Narendra Modi has unloaded his entire arsenal of barbs and promises. The nub of the BJP's latest argument is that the same party should be in power at the Centre and Patna for coordinated development.

The BJP is constantly shifting the goal posts because it isn't sure of the game plan. On realising that it has very little to target Nitish Kumar with, the BJP pursued the strategy of attacking Lalu Prasad Yadav and talking about the return of crime and anarchy. But, the first phase of polling (12 October) threw up enough evidence to suggest voters and workers of RJD and JD(U) are working in tandem and every vote for the alliance is a vote for Nitish Kumar as CM and not for Lalu Yadav's jungle raj.

Modi's rallies aren't breaking the deadlock. Some voters in villages now argue that the BJP has over exploited Modi. "Nimbu ko zyada nichod do to kya hota hai maloom hai na (You must be aware what happens when a lemon is squeezed too much)?" a group argues in Jahanabad. In Hajipur another group wonders if Modiji will return next for the panchayat elections.

But Nitish Kumar also has huge problems. In Salaru Khera, a village deep inside Nalanda, there is eerie darkness all around as electricity keeps tripping. In the surrounding fields the only sound is of crickets and other post-monsoon insects.

In this almost surreal backdrop, villagers are sitting outside their homes, eating and talking. In a dark corner, workers of a party are negotiating the terms under which Manjhi voters here would support its candidate.

The village has a pucca road, schools and an overhead water tank. Earlier electricity used to be supplied "para-paari" (every alternate day). Now it is supplied for 20 to 22 hours, though it keeps tripping because of excess withdrawal for watering fields. All this development is credited to Nitish Kumar.

Yet, the village is not vocal in its support to Nitish Kumar. It is split down the middle among Modi and Grand Alliance supporters. Villagers say some of them will make up their mind only on the night before the polling. "We will call our friends and relatives to find out who is leading. Our vote will not be wasted, it will go to the party that is ahead," the villagers say.

The youngsters are eager to give Modi a chance. "There has been development. But there could be more if there is harmony between the state and the Centre," a young voter argues, before he is countered by older villagers claiming the final decision would not be taken by "bachcha log" but by the wise men of the village. Soon, they start arguing with each other, underlining the sheer improbability of a consensus.

If his work is not getting him votes, what can Nitish rely on?

Nitish Kumar's other headache is the urban youth. At a busy chowk, some college students are laughing at a morphed picture on their mobiles. It shows Nitish Kumar dressed in a choli and lehenga, standing suggestively under a tree. "Bihar ki item girl," they say and start giggling.

Rahul Gandhi's case in 2014 shows that a politician has very little chance of making a comeback once he becomes the subject of mirth and levity among voters. People can forget rivalries, change loyalties but find it difficult to forget the jokes that once made them laugh. Even if they realise elections are about jobs, employment and education and not whatsapp jokes that ultimately turn their lives into laughing stocks, a new generation takes over.

Even serious voters crack unintended jokes.

The historic town of Rajgir, the former capital of Magadha, resembles a set straight out of Naya Daur or Sholay, except that Basanti is missing from the cast of characters.

Hundreds of tamtams (tongas) ply on its streets, carrying passengers to historic sites like Jarasandhas Akhara, the ring where Pandava prince Bhima is supposed to have wrestled the Magadha king, and caves where Buddha and Mahavira meditated years ago.

The tamtam drivers, all male, call themselves Rajvanshis (from the royal family). They are strictly opposed to anything that takes them out of their Maurayan past. For this reason, they have ensured a complete ban on autorickshaws and taxis around the heritage sites of Rajgir. But, unlike Dilip Kumar in Naya Daur, they have not earned their monopoly after winning a race against motor cars, but by creating a reign of terror by thrashing anybody who supports faster means of transport.

Ask these domineering opponents of change what is the biggest issue in Bihar's election, and the Rajvanshis unanimously reply: Development.

Obviously, a confused voter will only throw up an election full of contrasts and a million ironies.