Do not give weightage to those who argue that Modi's CNN interview was low on content and political drama. He is now PM and not somebody who wants to be one

by Vivek Bhardwaj

Narendra Modi’s critics in India can argue that we already know most of the things he said to Fareed Zakaria. Some can carp that his foreign policy statements were clichéd expressions of intent and hope rather than deep insights into his geopolitical strategy.

To be fair to him, the CNN interview was Modi’s first formal introduction to the USA. He was talking to those in the US — and not really to his audience back home — and each of his words and expressions was meant to give those across the Atlantic a glimpse of his mind and persona. To borrow Modi’s expression, it was a 'make in India' event made for the US.

So, do not give much weightage to those who argue that the interview was low on content, lacked crafty soundbytes and political drama. Elections are over and, as BJP spokesperson Sambit Patra said on IBN while dissecting Modi’s speech, you can’t expect Modi to hector China; or, as Zakaria said, get derailed by nationalist symbolism. Modi is now the Prime Minister of India; not somebody who wants to be one. So, he has to be both pragmatic and diplomatic.

In diplomacy, soundbytes really do not signify much. They are sometimes just a cover for the real intent, which, in some cases, may be exactly the opposite of what is being professed publicly. Still, we can say that we know a little more about Modi after his interaction with Zakaria. Here are some key takeaways.

#Hindi-Cheeni Bhai-Bhai: Modi says India is too big a country to worry about "every small" thing. But still we can’t close our eyes to problems. He said this when asked about China’s behaviour in the South China Sea.

Modi, instead, reposed faith in China’s understanding and signs that it does not want to remain ‘isolated’. He is confident that China will play by the rules and follow international laws and treaties.

Does he, like Jawahar Lal Nehru, trust the Dragon too much? Does he really believe that China will give up its attempt to gain strategic control over the Sea and settle its dispute with the other six sovereign states within the region under international laws?

But Modi is starting with China—at least publicly— almost with the Nehruvian idol of ‘we trust you to do what is right’.

#Joota Japani, but toupee not Russian: There was a time when Comrade Leonid Brezhnev was almost like India’s guardian angel. And India, though officially non-aligned, would almost always sympathize with the Soviets. But Modi doesn't carry this historical burden of emotion.

When asked about Russian action in Crimea, Modi talked only about those who lost their lives when a plane was shot down. He then reprimanded those eager to give advice by saying only those who have not sinned are entitled to throw the first stone.

His message was clear: let them sort out their dispute through talks. With Kashmir always hanging around India’s neck, nobody expected him to advocate mediation in a bilateral dispute, even if he is planning to cosy up to the US soon. But he didn't display any sign of bias towards Vladimir Putin either. Clearly, Brezhnev’s ghost has been put to rest.

#On US, it is really 56-inch seena: We know that the figure was just a metaphor for large-heartedness and courage. And Modi showed at least the first when baring his heart out on the US.

No, there is no rancor for being denied entry in the aftermath of Godhra. Modi, like the US administration, has buried the past and is looking at the future. “We are bound together by history and culture. These ties will deepen further,” he said.

Now, there is no place for personal hubris or vendetta in diplomacy. But Modi has shown remarkable grace and poise by not displaying an iota of bitterness (or triumphalism) for being first treated as a political pariah by and then as a coveted guest. Many of his bhakts would love to see him gloat, but Modi has stayed away from this temptation.

According to Indian mythology, Lord Shiva drank the entire poison—halahaala — that came out when the Ocean of the Milk was churned for the benefit of others. Obviously, Modi knows the importance of being Neelkantha.

#For Modi, no Jihadis in India, for love or war: You don’t expect the PM of a country like India to say to international audience that our country is a great catchment area for terror outfits. But Modi could have answered the question in million different ways.

By reposing faith in the country’s minorities—Congress calls it a certificate that is not needed—Modi is signaling an end to politics of confrontation.

Modi is an ambitious, sagacious politician. He now wants to leave his imprint on the global stage. But he must have realised that when your own backyard is burning—with anger and hatred—nobody can play the peace flute.

Will the lunatic fringe in his Parivar take cue? It will have to if it doesn’t want to embarrass its Hriday Samrat.

Finally, let us all accept this: Modi is remoulding himself. From a chest-thumping, rhetorician with a penchant for theatrics, he is turning into a soft-speaking, idealist who believes in peace at both home and in Crimea.

Gujarat of 2002 seems so far away.