In February, when attention was riveted on assembly elections in five states, voters in 30 zilla parishads (ZPs) in Odisha quietly cast votes for panchayat representatives. When results began trickling in there was a sense of disbelief. People were initially in denial mode, just as they would be a fortnight later, when the ticker for the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP’s) tally in Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand knew no stopping.In Odisha, however, Biju Janata Dal (BJD) remained the leader but its lead, compared to 2012, slipped from 651 seats to 460. More significantly, the Congress, principal opposition in the state since 2000 when Naveen Patnaik became the chief minister, was relegated to the third spot. Its tally of ZP seats was slashed by almost half, from 126 to 66. In contrast to massive losses of the BJD and Congress the BJP , which partnered BJD in the state from 1998 till Patnaik called off the alliance in March 2009, increased its tally by more than a whopping 800%, winning almost 300 seats, up from just 36 in 2012. Since the BJD’s formation two decades ago, this is the most dramatic political moment in the state and indicative of prospects.On April 13, counting was taken up for bypolls in 10 assembly seats from as many states. The spotlight was on Srinagar , for the lowest-ever turnout, and defeat of Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in a New Delhi constituency.But, the surprise came from Kanthi Dakshin in West Bengal. Won by the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) in 2016, the seat was vacated when the legislator was elected to Lok Sabha in a by-election. That AITC would win the segment again was not unforeseen. But it is the BJP’s climb up the ladder, pushing the Left Front to the third position, that has got people talking. In 2016, the same candidate, came second.The verdict is a pointer to the time when emergence of the BJP as the main challenger to the AITC can no longer be dismissed as flight of imagination. It can no longer be denied that sooner or later either the Congress or the Left Front, or even both, are likely to strike an alliance with the ruling party to counter the “threat from communal forces.”In an obvious device to mark its new status as principal challenger to Patnaik’s political hegemony, the BJP held its recent National Executive in Bhubaneshwar . In an altered strategy, Prime Minister Narendra Modi did not address a public meeting and instead the party showcased the PM. Concluding that Modi’s personal popularity matches, if it has not already crossed, Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi during their heyday, party bosses decided on a roadshow. The enthusiasm, despite sweltering heat, demonstrated the choice was wise. But more significant than traffic-stalling display of the strongman were a series of declarations at the BJP meeting. The phrase ‘golden era’ has a certain political ring, especially when voiced from a Sangh Parivar platform. Party chief Amit Shah used this imagery in his motivational speech to party leaders: it was time for the party to be equally focussed on all elections, regardless of level. Shah set a P2P target — Panchayat to Parliament — saying the BJP could claim the onset of a golden era only when success was achieved at each level.In Pic: Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his visit to Lingaraj Temple in Bhubaneswar, OdishaThis will not be an easy task, mainly since the BJP cadre’s self-image is of a party with regional limitations. Till recently, activists were unsure if the BJP could register a presence in regions where the party and Sangh Parivar did not have an overwhelming presence. But in a series of swift moves, the party under Shah made alterations in character and approach.The Modi-Shah duo believe opportunity does not knock twice. The victory in UP has provided a huge momentum and crippled the opposition for long time to come.This advantage must be pressed. Consequently, Modi’s slogan of Congress-mukt-Bharat was given a refit; the objective now is to ‘free’ India of regional parties, too. The BJP is unapologetic in steering India back to the era when national polity was characterised by single-party dominance.Immediately after victories in assembly polls and stealing opportunities in Goa and Manipur to form governments, when most would have anticipated Shah putting up his feet for at least a day and take delight in jubilations, he was off to Gujarat to start putting the house in order. Later this week, Shah will kick off a series of tours to state capitals, which will expectedly take three months. Besides touching base, Shah is also likely to evaluate deficiencies in these units. Between now and the next parliamentary elections, it will be an incessant grind for Shah and his team at one level and for Modi, whenever his presence is required for the decisive push. Leaders living up to expectations may be allocated greater responsibility and the exit door will be shown to those who perform sub-par. The presiding duo spares none.In Pic: ​ BJP national president Amit Shah pays tribute to Pt. Deendayal Upadhyaya at party office in BhubaneswarWhile the organisational machinery will expand to new regions and social groups, the political thrust is certainly to remain a mix of Hindutva and development. Contrary to his pro-corporate image during the 2014 campaign, Modi, as prime minister, consciously adopted a pro-poor public image. He repeatedly affirmed his government’s unwavering commitment to elevate the destiny of the ‘last man’ and proclaimed loyalty to Deendayal Upadhyaya’s idea of antyodaya.Yet, Modi is no socialist and is not expected to promote government ownership of business. Anti-corruption and elimination of unscrupulous business practises will be showcased by this government though opportunities for growth will be fashioned. Business for society is the likely mantra of the future. Modi’s government will promote policies which allow space for Hindutva to become more firmly rooted while it simultaneously pursues pro-poor policies and opens new opportunities for businesses.While not exactly socialistic, we are probably witness to the evolution of Hindu egalitarianism. As Shah steers BJP to venture into new areas, especially West Bengal, Odisha, Kerala, northeastern states and those state where polls are due before the next parliamentary round, the display of issues will remain consistent with the government’s thrust areas. The challenge for both Modi and Shah is to balance between Hindutva-centric euphoria of the cadre and development-based priorities of the government, between immediate jubilation and long-term admiration.( The writer is the author of Narendra Modi: The Man, The Times)