But most seasoned analysts doubt that this Sudanese government will buckle anytime soon. The military is not simply loyal to the government — it is the government. Sudan’s president, Omar Hassan al-Bashir, took power in a military coup in 1989 and has ruled ever since. The upper ranks of the military are said to be firmly behind him.

On top of that, the political opposition is weak, divided and widely discredited.

“There is certainly discontent with the regime, but it’s unclear if enough of the right factors are present to complete the equation in Khartoum,” said Zach Vertin, a Sudan analyst for the International Crisis Group. “Years of subjugation at the hands of the N.C.P.,” or the National Congress Party, as the ruling party is called, “have yielded both political apathy and a weak opposition. Likewise, the heavy and willing hand of security services and corresponding fears among the population act to inhibit such an uprising.”

In sum, Mr. Vertin said, “Protests undertaken thus far have not taken root with a broad section of the population, but given what we’ve seen in Egypt, nothing can be ruled out.”

Sudan is about to wade into a whirlpool of problems. The oil-producing southern third of the country, which has been the economic engine for the somewhat impressive growth in Khartoum, is preparing to split off. Last month southern Sudanese voters opted for secession by more than 99 percent in a long-awaited independence referendum, and some northern Sudanese blame the government for this.

The economy is already beginning to reflect the strains and worries of the coming split, scheduled for July. The value of the Sudanese pound has plunged. The government recently started cutting back on food and fuel subsides, which set the first protests in motion. But the government is trying to project confidence.

“The situation in Egypt is different than the situation of Sudan,” said Rabie A. Atti, a government spokesman. “We don’t have one small group that controls everything. Wealth is distributed equally. We’ve given power to the states.”

Many Sudanese, especially those in the war-torn and marginalized Darfur region, would probably argue with that. But few want to tangle with the police, who sometimes wear ski masks and commando-style uniforms and often smash civilians in the face with impunity.

“The Sudanese street is not yet prepared,” said Mouysar Hassan, 22, a student who took part in a recent protest. “Many are scared.”