Mikheil Saakashvili was president of Georgia from 2004 to 2013 and is chairman of the board of the New International Leadership Institute.

A few weeks ago, in reaction to remarks I made at an event organized by the German Marshall Fund that were critical of the Western response in Ukraine, the Italian foreign minister — now on the short list to be the next European Union high representative for foreign affairs — asked me sardonically, “So what are you suggesting, for Europe to bomb Russia?” Fed up with this self-limiting, all-or-nothing excuse for inaction, I replied: “Should Europe wait until Russia bombs it first?”

It goes without saying that nobody expects Europe to respond militarily to Russia. But last week, the EU again failed to follow the American lead and enact sanctions that could hit Putin where it matters, thereby deterring Russia’s objectives in Ukraine without force. Instead, European leaders again opted for a set of palliative measures, which Putin did not even bother to mention in his bitter statement attacking the United States. One day after the EU passed on another chance to pressure Russia to cease its activities in Ukraine, a civilian airliner carrying 298 primarily European passengers was shot down, allegedly by Russian missiles supplied to Russian-backed rebels in Ukraine.


For months, a meaningful European response to Russian actions in Ukraine has been held hostage to diplomatic maneuvers crafted by those who hoped the conflict in Ukraine would fizzle before biting sanctions would be required. This is a game Russia mastered long ago, and President Putin has steadily provided those looking to ignore his behavior with the placatory statements and talking points they need. He has called for peace talks while training and advising rebel groups; he has announced that Russian troops have moved away from the Ukrainian border when it seems more and more likely that Russian personnel and weapons are moving more freely back and forth across it. His rhetoric can rarely be supported by action, but Russia’s Western European partners have been only too willing to swallow these overtures while Russia has armed, fueled and funded a war in eastern Ukraine.

More credible observers have seen that Putin has meticulously followed his original plan: steadily supplying intelligence operatives, special forces and weapons to continue the insurgency while waiting for Ukraine’s forces to exhaust their own men and supplies, for Ukraine’s economy to collapse, and for Ukrainians, especially those in Kyiv, to become frustrated when their government is unable to end this assault and turn against the authorities again. But Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko has managed to re-energize his underequipped forces and turn the tide of the insurgency, so far preventing Putin’s vision from becoming reality despite the stream of Russian materiel and arms into eastern Ukraine.

So the conflict has not fizzled, and on one horrifying day the European response to the crisis has been exposed as utterly inadequate. Hundreds of EU citizens paid the price with their lives.

The choice is not to bomb or not to bomb. There is a long list of steps that European and Western leaders can take that might actually be more efficient than a military strike.

Here what Europe and the United States can jointly do:

Help Ukraine regain control of its eastern provinces through direct military assistance. The farcical narrative of “republics” being built by noble rebels is over; Russia’s tactic of manipulating countries seeking the West through separatist conflicts should be shown as a failure in Ukraine.

Move toward banning American and European companies from investment in Russian oil and gas, an initiative that can begin by banning the sharing of technologies in the oil and gas sectors with Russia. Russia’s energy sector depends entirely on Western technologies and investment, and this will paralyze Russia’s primary cash machine, raise the cost for Russia domestically to fund the insurgency in Ukraine and further squeeze Putin’s cronies.

Stop buying oil from Russia’s Druzhba pipeline, which transports the largest amount of Russian oil across Europe, or consider ways to begin sanctioning the purchase of Russian oil. Even with turbulence in the Middle East, some of the supply can be replaced by other sources, and symbolically it will challenge the idea in Russia that Russian energy exports in Europe are monolithic.

pipeline, which transports the largest amount of Russian oil across Europe, or consider ways to begin sanctioning the purchase of Russian oil. Even with turbulence in the Middle East, some of the supply can be replaced by other sources, and symbolically it will challenge the idea in Russia that Russian energy exports in Europe are monolithic. Ban military cooperation with Russia. The United States has already halted all military cooperation, and the Europeans should follow suit. It is especially important to end sales of game-changing military and defense technologies by NATO allies to Russia. This includes the absolutely shameless intention of France to deliver the sophisticated Mistral helicopter carriers to the Russian navy. As with the oil sector, Russia shouldn’t be getting technology from the West that is being weaponized against the West.

helicopter carriers to the Russian navy. As with the oil sector, Russia shouldn’t be getting technology from the West that is being weaponized against the West. Help counter Russia’s unending propaganda campaign in the West by banning American and European public relations and government relations firms from representing Russia or companies in which the government has shares. While the decade of wining, dining and buying European elites cannot be undone, the recruitment should at least be halted.

Evaluate how the U.S. Federal Reserve and the European Central Bank can freeze Russia’s foreign currency assets — which would cripple Putin’s corrupt government and the elite that support him.

Again, not everything is about pulling the trigger — the mere introduction of these measures can destroy much of Putin’s power in the eyes of Russian society, especially its elite. This power has been maintained by the idea that Putin is so powerful that he will always be able to manipulate, corrupt and neutralize the West — which has in turn strengthened the perception that if the West cannot stand up to Putin, nobody else should try (let alone ordinary Russians).

The Malaysian Air tragedy should be a turning point for the West, and it should begin with the challenge and reversal of Putin’s power narrative.