“Kerry, go,” “Kerry, come,” “Kerry, jump,” “Kerry, stay.” It is beyond belief how many commands U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry heard from Israeli politicians and journalists over the past week. Because, unfortunately, Kerry has become the Israeli “selfie.”

When the left looks at him, it sees an obstacle to its vision of the broken bones it would like to see in the right-wing government. Kerry, leftists say, should depart the scene so as to leave the field open for a new intifada, a complete boycott of Israel and demonstrations by the "settlement enterprise.” The left wing believes that only then, when things are worse, will the situation get better. Lenin is alive and kicking.

Furthermore, the left believes that “Kerry’s talks” are only giving Israel's government a break from dealing with more important, domestic issues: poverty, housing prices, the quality of education. “Go, Kerry,” they command. We'll break the bones ourselves.

And like in Photoshop, when the right looks at Kerry, it sees its own reflection staring back at it. This is a cunning right wing that knows all the tricks to make itself look like a pursuer of peace. Kerry, its members say, must stay around until he is convinced that we are not rejectionists. He is the arbitrator who must rule that the Palestinians are to blame. Until then, he must not be let go.

Meanwhile, the left has already forgotten its strong yearning for American involvement and for pressure that could be brought to bear on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, as well as the torrent of angry words that poured out like cascades over the inaction of President Barack Obama, his weakness and neglect of the peace process.

“Obama could be the first sitting American president to visit Israel as a tourist,” Thomas Friedman wrote in The New York Times a year ago, about the president's neglect of the Israel-Palestinian conflict.

Does anyone remember that presidential visit? The “You are not alone” speech? It was not waves of farewell from people that accompanied his ascent to Air Force 1 en route home, but waves of dismissal.

Then, suddenly, like a bucket of cold water being poured over everything, Kerry arrived. Like an untrained pit bull, he attacked the negotiations with a plethora of goals: “A peace agreement within eight months,” which was replaced by a “framework agreement,” which was in turn superseded by “determining conditions for holding talks,” which moved aside for “the fourth release of Palestinian prisoners.”

Now it is the turn of declarations like “We knew that nothing would come of it” from the left wing, and “We made sure that nothing would come of it” from the right. Everybody won. And Kerry? He is now the gladiator who must die.

But there could be a turning point in this play. Perhaps Kerry will not beget an agreement, but he has succeeded in shaking up the political balance of power around here.

The leaders of Hatnuah, however many of them there are, speak loudly about quitting the coalition. Yisrael Beiteinu's Avigdor Lieberman is prophesying a prime minister who speaks Russian rather than English. Yair Lapid of Yesh Atid is starting to check the rope bridge that helped him escape the peace process until this point. And Labor is inviting Netanyahu to a duel in the next election.

Until a few weeks ago, would anyone have dreamed that the peace process would overshadow the corruption trial of former Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, the testimony of his longtime bureau chief Shula Zaken, the issue of the price of housing or the scandal surrounding singer Eyal Golan?

Suddenly, this battered piece of furniture that no one dared throw out and whose ugliness was covered with a pique blanket, has revived, and is not threatening war or even, at the least, an intifada; it is bringing the elections into the heart of the discourse.

Kerry has succeeded in throwing Israel into a dilemma that it never wanted to deal with: an election that could end up with Lieberman, Likudnik Danny Danon, Yisrael Beiteinu's David Rotem and Habayit Hayehudi's Naftali Bennett leading the Kingdom of Israel, or yet another victory for Netanyahu. Or a second chance for the center-left to do what it did not succeed in doing 14 months ago.

Kerry could force Israel to redefine itself and hold the real referendum. Because he will not apportion blame to either of the sides, rather declare that each one is fully to blame with respect to itself.

So, here is another command: Kerry must stay. Not to serve the right wing or inflame the left. Because as long as he is around, there is an opportunity to change the government. After all, we will not carry out the revolution on our own.