IT IS the sort of political crisis that might normally dominate the headlines for days. But these are hardly normal times in Britain. After a week in which voters decided to leave the European Union, causing the pound and the stockmarket to dive, David Cameron to resign as prime minister and politicians in both Scotland and Northern Ireland to call for independence referendums of their own, the implosion of the opposition Labour Party’s front bench on June 26th seemed like a mere footnote to the extraordinary events of the previous three days.

Labour had campaigned to Remain during the referendum—but only half-heartedly, owing to the lifelong Euroscepticism of its leader, Jeremy Corbyn, who has brought the party far to the left since becoming its leader nine months ago. Mr Corbyn, who won the leadership contest with a promise to re-engage with disaffected voters about whom the party had supposedly forgotten, conspicuously failed to persuade the Labour faithful to turn out for Remain. The Leave side won crushing majorities in many of Labour’s northern and midland strongholds. Polls showed that many Labour voters were unsure which side the party was even on.

All of this provided Mr Corbyn’s detractors, who fear he is unelectable, with another reason to oust him. And so the day after the referendum two backbench Labour MPs submitted a motion of no confidence in their leader, to be debated in a meeting of Labour MPs due on June 27th. The following evening Hilary Benn, Labour’s highly-regarded shadow foreign-secretary, called Mr Corbyn to express his lack of confidence; Mr Corbyn promptly sacked him. As news of this emerged on June 26th, a string of fellow shadow-cabinet members resigned. By mid-afternoon eight had gone: Mr Benn plus the shadow secretaries for health, education, transport, the environment, Scotland and young people, as well as the shadow chief secretary to the Treasury. More may follow.

Ousting Mr Corbyn will not be straightforward. The no-confidence motion would be only symbolic if it passes. And although Mr Corbyn commands only flimsy support among Labour’s 229 MPs and polls suggest that he is electorally radioactive, he retains the backing of party members. They are the ones who elect the leader; if it came to a fresh leadership contest they might well back Mr Corbyn again.

The turmoil in Labour further complicates what has already been perhaps the most chaotic week in British public life since the second world war. But getting rid of Mr Corbyn would represent a step back towards something approaching normality. Under Mr Corbyn—who expressed admiration for Hugo Chávez, speaks of “friends” in Hamas and Hizbullah and has appointed a shadow chancellor who lists among his hobbies “fermenting [sic] the overthrow of capitalism”—Labour has ceased to be a credible alternative to the Tories. As it begins the process of extricating itself from the European Union, Britain’s government needs a serious opposition. If Mr Corbyn goes, Labour will be one step closer to becoming such a thing.

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