We are all on a short clock. Whether or not we believe in an afterlife better than our mortal one, most of us like to think an essence of ourselves remains in the world, if only in the fond memories of loved ones. Those with public responsibilities might hope to be remembered in the history of their times for good works that outlive them.

History doesn’t dwell on the things that command most of our attention in politics -- the rivalries, posturing and self-promotion, the competition to dominate news cycles, and all the rest of the burlesque. In most instances, all but the most powerful don’t merit a mention in history. We might be considered in the aggregate. Our cause might be judged a success or failure, good or bad. But most of us remain nameless.

For the majority of people, investing our identity in a cause greater than ourselves is the only way to secure history’s favorable regard even if it is a general and not a personal acknowledgement. That’s the opportunity afforded most members of Congress, even most of its leaders, and most Cabinet secretaries, and members of the White House staff, and journalists.

What brief mention will history grant people with public responsibilities during the Trump administration? You will get as many different answers to that question as there are rival factions and institutions in Washington. Here’s mine.

I believe all of us will be judged by whether we tried to prevent or abet irreparable harm being done to our interests and values by a president, who many of us, maybe most of us, fear is unfit to hold the office and dangerous. That is all history is going to take note of after the present generation of power players and those who are supposed to keep them honest are pushed from the scene by succeeding generations.

I would like to be proven wrong, but I don’t believe Donald Trump is temperamentally capable of rising to the awesome responsibilities of his office and exercising better judgment and more self-control than he’s ever possessed before. If I’m right, it will take an uncommon country-before-tribe commitment from Republican and Democratic politicians, from the leaders of Congress, from Trump’s Cabinet and staff, from career government professionals, and from the press to prevent him from doing his worst. We can’t let partisan brawling and scheming be our chief preoccupation while Trump is in office.

We can wish for the best. But we shouldn’t assume Trump isn’t capable of treachery because he has made some good appointments to his Cabinet and staff or because it is too disruptive or unpleasant to prepare for the worst.

A cover-your-eyes attitude was apparent in some reactions to Russia’s interference in our election. It is evident in some reactions to the recent disclosure of a dossier prepared by a retired British counter-intelligence officer that alleges collusion between the Trump campaign and Kremlin and serious improprieties by Trump himself while he was in Moscow, all of which Putin could use to coerce him.

The allegations have not been verified. We don’t know if any of them are true. But unverified does not mean “fake,” as Trump and his aides insisted, and some reporters appeared to suggest. U.S. intelligence and counter-intelligence officials believe the author of the dossier to be credible, and some of his sources to be in positions that would make them knowledgeable.

The allegations are still being investigated by the FBI, and I hope by news organizations that aren’t cowed by the vindictiveness of Trump and his team.

That doesn’t mean the accusations will prove to be accurate. It does mean that every patriot in this country ought to want to know with certainty that they aren’t true, especially when considered in light of Trump’s repeated expressions of affinity with Vladimir Putin, and his dismissal of credible evidence of Russian meddling in the 2016 election on his behalf.

We cannot have in office a president who can be blackmailed by a foreign adversary with a few thousand nuclear warheads targeting our cities.

Until we know whether any of the charges have merit, Congress needs to play an assertive role in circumscribing Trump’s ability to conduct relations with Russia. That means passing Russian sanctions legislation that does not include a presidential waiver. Russia has invaded and dismembered a sovereign country. It is threatening NATO allies. It deliberately slaughtered innocent people, bombed hospitals and targeted aid workers in Syria. It interfered in our election to help a preferred candidate win. Rewarding that behavior by lifting sanctions would encourage Putin to do more of it, and could ultimately result in the dissolution of NATO and worse.

Congressional leaders should empanel a select committee with equal numbers of Republicans and Democrats, subpoena power and experienced investigators to examine as publicly as possible the extent of Russian interference, and who in this country might have colluded with them.

If any of the allegations are true, and if our worst fears about Trump’s temperament are realized, no one with power or influence today will be remembered for whether they tinkered with Medicare reimbursement rates or lowered the corporate tax rate or disapproved of a Supreme Court appointment or won a Pulitzer Prize or had the highest ratings on cable television.

They will be remembered for whether they tried to protect the country from the grave harm Trump could do or whether, by negligence or active support, they helped him do it.