12 December 1967 The old confrontation between the revolutionary and the traditional in the Arab world is entering a new round. This time the field of operations is larger than the Yemen Republic

The last Arab Summit in August dramatically reconciled Egypt and Saudi Arabia in their struggle over the Yemen. Though the sceptics were in full voice, it seemed a worthwhile advance towards Arab unity. Now, as if calculated to be in time for the next Summit, due on January 17, the Yemeni civil war has broken out again. This time the Egyptians are not visibly involved, as the last of their troops have now left the Yemen and their best friend there, ex-Premier Sallal, has been deposed. But both Egypt and Saudi Arabia remain keen supporters of their respective sides and the Saudis, at any rate, are clearly still providing money for theirs.

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The old confrontation between the revolutionary and the traditional in the Arab world is entering a new round. This time the field of operations is larger than the Yemen Republic. The departure of the British from South Yemen and the stepping up of the Cairo-inspired revolution in the Gulf has extended the battlefield to cover all Arabia.

That the August agreement would not in itself end the civil war was predictable. It is, after all, a Yemeni civil war. It was natural that the Royalists would try to gain a military advantage from the Egyptian withdrawal. Equally predictably, they have failed to crush the regime – though last week they seemed for a time to be surrounding Sana’a. Whatever the final outcome, the 1962 revolution – which brought republican Yemen within sight of the 20th century – cannot be undone. The departure of the Egyptians, and of Sallal, has had its advantages for the republicans. It has put the revolution into the hands of “real” Yemenis. Under the new Premier, Dr Al Aini, it can recoup the losses in popularity it suffered as a result of the Egyptian presence. Nor is it friendless. The Russians have supplied Yemen jet fighters and bombers – admittedly not the most useful weapons in this type of war – with technicians and, apparently, pilots as well.

The Royalists are not friendless either. The presence of foreign mercenaries, including Europeans, seems well established and underlines the availability of substantial funds. Cairo Radio has suggested CIA funds might be supplementing Saudi ones. Nor are the mercenaries all foreign. In vain does Sana’a Radio appeal “to our brothers who have been deceived by shining gold?’ Money has been a principal weapon of war all along.

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The Sudanese Premier, Mr Mohammed Magoud, has not abandoned his mediating role and is again trying to persuade the two sides to meet. Restoring peace will not be easy. The deepest rivalries remain tribal and personal rather than ideological. The Republicans will have no dealings with members of the royal family, while, on the other side, King Faisal will not recognise a new regime if the Yemen continues to call itself a republic. But it is the foreign backers who remain the most obdurate. Yemen is still a theatre in the struggle between revolutionary and traditionalist influences in the Arab world. At one remove, it is between Egypt and Saudi Arabia; at a further remove, between the Russians and the Americans.

The two sides are not unevenly matched. Against the revolutionary cause stands not only reaction, and the Americans (who are against Russian influence rather than social progress), and oil wealth, but local nationalism, of the kind which made the Egyptians so unpopular in Yemen. In the least enviable position of all are the British, in their newly enlarged bases in the Gulf. Here we are going to be up against revolution and nationalism at the same time.