“If you criticize HRC, it looks like you’re endorsing fascism,” said Catherine Liu, a professor of film and media studies at University of California, Irvine.

And “the tone of some of this has been: If you are anti-Hillary, you are anti-woman,” said Naomi Christine Leapheart, a non-profit worker in Philadelphia who is seeking her ordination in the United Church of Christ. “I have, as they would say, receipts in that department.”

At the beginning of October, Clinton held a 20-percentage-point lead over her opponent among women surveyed in a Quinnipiac poll. But even women who intend to vote for Clinton don’t necessarily see themselves in her. Lots of women in the U.S., like Leapheart and others from around the country whom I spoke with in phone interviews, are not enthusiastic about Clinton, even if they’re horrified by the possibility of a President Trump. As the language used to refer to women has somehow become even more ugly and sexist during these final days of the election, a strong majority of women voters have signaled their intention to vote for Clinton. But the real divisions among them have largely been overlooked as a result.

Throughout the election, Clinton’s campaign has happily told the story that she is the woman’s candidate—during debates, on her merchandise, and especially upon becoming the Democratic nominee. “Thanks to you, we have reached a milestone: The first time in our nation’s history that a woman will be a major-party nominee for president,” she said during her June speech in Brooklyn, after winning enough delegates to secure the nomination. “It started right here in New York at a place called Seneca Falls, when a small but determined group of women and men came together with the idea that women deserved equal rights.” Later, she spoke about the day her mother was born: June 4, 1919, the day Congress gave women the right to vote.

The trouble with marking Seneca Falls and the 19th Amendment as straightforward landmarks in America’s march toward equality is that they only represent some women’s history. Black women did not take part in the convention where the Declaration of Sentiments was promulgated. African American advocates for women’s rights like Ida B. Wells occasionally clashed with white women in the movement, some of whom courted white Southerners in their quest for the vote. Many women of color did not benefit from suffrage until 1965, when the Voting Rights Act finally eliminated many of the racist barriers to their enfranchisement.

Even Clinton’s nomination isn’t a straightforward first: Shirley Chisholm, a black Congresswoman, ran against George McGovern in the 1972 Democratic presidential primary. As Charmaine Chua, a Ph.D. student at the University of Minnesota who is skeptical of Clinton’s candidacy, put it, “The movement from Seneca Falls to the present covers a whole other set of steps in between that weren’t progressive at all.” If beating Trump is the apotheosis of feminism, then feminists haven’t achieved much at all. “I do not agree with the idea that we have to vote for Hillary and talk about her uncritically because of a fear of Donald Trump,” said Donna Murch, a professor at Rutgers University in New Jersey. “I think that is politically dangerous.”