On 11 June 323 BC the death of a king sparked the greatest political turmoil the world had yet seen. The king’s name was Alexander, better known as Alexander ‘the Great’. In his lifetime he forged one of the largest empires the world had yet seen, stretching from the Pindus Mountains in northwest Greece to the Indus Valley in deepest Asia. However, below the surface of these awing achievements, great instability was ever-present.

No more so was this true than in Athens, the home of democracy and a polis with unparalleled prestige. For the Athenians news of Alexander’s death started to stir a revolt to regain lost liberty. A city against the superpower, the rebellion would plunge Greece into anarchy. This is the story of how it all began.

Athens’ golden age

In 434 BC Athens was the mightiest metropolis of the Mediterranean. Its newly-constructed Acropolis gleamed with marble monuments, the beating heart of a city that had become the nucleus of a vast Aegean Empire. Athens was at the prime of its power; yet this zenith could not last forever.

One hundred years on and everything had changed. No longer did Athens enjoy its golden age; no longer did it dominate the central Mediterranean. That hegemonic title now resided with a northern neighbour: Macedonia.

Macedonia rises…

In 359 BC a fresh era had dawned for Macedonia when King Philip II ascended the throne. Having learnt much during his turbulent, itinerant youth, Philip had initiated his own crusade to transform Macedonia from an underdeveloped backwater into the hegemonic power on the Greek mainland.

Over the next twenty years, Thrace, Paeonia, Thessaly, Epirus, Illyria and the Chalkidike all fell under Philip’s influence over the following twenty years. It proved only the beginning.

…and keeps rising

Buoyed by several successes, Philip had then turned his gaze south towards Athens and the beating heart of the Greek World.

Athens and several other prestigious city-states attempted to resist the rise of this new northern threat to their sovereignty. Yet a decisive defeat suffered against Philip’s forces at Chaeronea in 338 BC emphatically ended their struggle. Athens had a new master.

The son

Philip’s success at Chaeronea proved the zenith of his kingship. Yet barely two years after his greatest victory Philip was dead – murdered at his daughter’s wedding. With Philip’s demise, power passed to his eldest battle-proven son: Alexander.

Relations between Alexander and Athens – two of antiquity’s most famous names – were uneasy. Athens’ prestigious past as the most powerful polis in the known world ensured many of its citizens mourned their city’s perceived fall from grace. Many resented their city’s subjugation to the Kingdom of Macedonia, a kingdom plenty viewed as semi-barbarous. This resentment continued to fester.

Still, these deep-felt desires for the return of glory days long-gone were countered by the many positive benefits the city gained during Alexander’s reign. Under Macedonian protection Athens enjoyed peace and prosperity on a scale rarely seen before in its history. Alexander brought Athens stability.

‘The Good’

Alexander’s rule provided the backdrop for Athens’ prolonged peace; but it was the tireless work of steadfast statesmen within the city who ensured it lasted. This can most probably be ascribed to one man more than any other.

His name was Phocion. Born into a noble Athenian family in the aftermath of the Peloponnesian War by the time of Alexander’s reign Phocion had amassed an unrivalled reputation. In his youth he had received a stellar education having been a pupil of both Plato and Xenocrates. Militarily too his reputation was one of the greatest in Greece, having held commands since a young age.

A skilled orator and able commander, Phocion portrayed himself as a homage to the famous public figures of old. He aimed to emulate the successes of Athenian heroes such as Pericles, Miltiades and Aristides – a commander and statesman well versed in the arts of both oratory and war.

Foe-turned-friend

From the island of Cyprus to the Hellespont, Phocion had travelled to many distant lands throughout his long military career, fighting various foes. Yet no enemy was more enigmatic than Philip II of Macedon.

Initially Phocion had zealously opposed Philip’s expansion. On several occasions he proved a thorn in the Macedonian king’s side. Yet following the disastrous defeat at Chaeronea the veteran statesman recognised that Athens’ best interests did not lie in fighting to the last in a forlorn war. Now was the time for peace and stability.

Skilfully mediating between his home city and the Macedonians, Phocion became greatly admired on both sides. His skilful oratory secured support from the Athenians, while his conciliatory diplomatic tone also gained him the respect of both Philip and Alexander the Great; their respect ensured Phocion’s city survived and endured the relative peace and prosperity following the Battle of Chaeronea.

By 324 BC Phocion’s achievements proved his expertise both on the battlefield and in the political arena – one of the greatest statesmen of the age.

Enjoying the fruits of peace under Phocion’s careful guidance, Athens thrived. Yet in 324 BC, this Eirene Makedonia became seriously strained.

Harpalus on the horizon

In the spring of that year Athenian guards spotted a small armada on the horizon. The fleet belonged to a man called Harpalus, a senior Macedonian official and former favourite of Alexander the Great renowned for his love of luxuries. By 324 BC, however, the friendship had turned sour.

Fearing Alexander’s anger at his decadent approach to governing, Harpalus embezzled a small fortune from the royal treasury, gathered a small army and set sail for Athens. A wealthy, powerful, but isolated fugitive.

Harpalus’ armada – 6,000 battle hardened mercenaries, 60 warships and a significant number of transport and supply ships – approached Athens seeking entry.

In a rare show of unity the Athenians overwhelmingly denied the request. In their eyes this corrupt Macedonian was leading a small army to seize their city. Rejected, Harpalus’ armada sailed away…

…but not for long

This was not the end between Harpalus and Athens. Having sailed south Harpalus deposited his mercenary army at the southernmost tip of the Peloponnese. He then returned to the birthplace of democracy as a suppliant, keeping his small fortune close.

Having extinguished their fear of invasion and used bribes to placate hostility within the city, the Athenians admitted the corrupt Macedonian treasurer in late June / early July 324 BC.

For many disgruntled Athenians, spearheaded by the bellicose demagogue Hypereides, the arrival of the Macedonian fugitive and his treasure presented great opportunity. Backed by Harpalus’ funding, finally they had the resources to raise an effective army; finally, they might throw off the Macedonian yoke and restore Athens to its former primacy.

Phocion and his supporters were less convinced however. Even Demosthenes, one of the most anti-Argead statesmen of the time, was wary. They thus resolved to detain Harpalus and confiscate his treasury.

Though no doubt dismayed at seeing his great plans thwarted, Hypereides did not give up and awaited another opportunity to present itself.

Exile amnesty

The atmosphere in Athens was tense. Over the next month, three separate Macedonian missions arrived at Athens to demand the extradition of Harpalus – demanding he face the king’s justice. Yet three times the Athenians rejected the demands.

Harpalus was there to stay, potentially a useful (and wealthy) bargaining chip in any upcoming dispute with their Macedonian neighbours. One such dispute soon raised its head.

Not long after Harpalus’ arrival in Athens, many Greeks made the journey to Olympia for its famous Games. The event brought crowds from across the Greek World: from the western shore of Sicily to the eastern edge of the Black Sea. Yet that year, many in the crowd were there because they had heard rumours that a significant announcement was to be made, authorised by Alexander himself.

The rumours proved well-founded. During the Games a certain Nicanor, loyal subordinate to Alexander, took centre stage and declared the following:

King Alexander to the exiles from the Greek cities. We were not the cause of your exile, but we shall be responsible for bringing about your return to your native cities, except for those of you who are under a curse. We have written to Antipater about this matter so that he may apply compulsion to those cities which refuse to reinstate their exiles.

{Diodorus Siculus, 18.8.2-7}

As soon as Nicanor finished speaking, great cheers erupted. Alexander had ordered all exiles be reinstated into their home cities; any past sins they may have committed were washed away. The decree was well-received by many. Yet for Athens it was disastrous.

The Samos situation

In the proclamation was a special clause targeted at Athens and regarding the city of Samos.

Since 366 BC, this city – the capital of its illustrious namesake island situated on the eastern edge of the Aegean Sea – had been an Athenian satellite state. Among Samos’ population were a significant number of Athenian cleruchs, settlers who retained their home city’s citizenship and ensured the colony remained closely-aligned with the mother polis. Samos was firmly within Athens’ control.

Yet Alexander’s announcement put this arrangement in jeopardy. By demanding that all Greek cities reinstate their exiles, this included the large number of exiled Samians who had sought support from Alexander for the return of their city. Their pleas proved effective and convinced the Macedonian king to act. Athenian control of Samos – one of the last links to Athens’ prestigious, imperial past – would end.

The demand inflamed anger in Athens, adding further fuel to a blazing fire of anti-Macedonian sentiment now rife within the city. Still, Phocion and the Athenians attempted to negotiate.

Harpalus for Samos

It appears initially a compromise was reached: the Athenians could keep Samos, so long as they handed over Harpalus to Alexander. But Harpalus’ subsequent, suspicious escape from Athens ensured this compromise fell through. Thus at the beginning of 323 BC Alexander delivered a stinging reproach to Athenian pleas: Samos belonged to the Samians.

Athenian discontent intensified; the Eirene Makedonia was under increasing pressure, held together by a thread. The city urgently needed stability. It was then that possibly the most cataclysmic event the world had yet seen erupted with the death of one man in his bed.

Death of the king

On 11 June 323 BC Alexander the Great succumbed to a mysterious illness and died. In his lifetime he had conquered the mighty Persian Empire and lead his armies as far as the Beas River in India – all by the age of 32. Yet his early death with no clear heir would plunge his hard-won empire into turmoil, sparking conflict and chaos from east to west.

In the far east, many Greek mercenaries revolted and began their long journey home towards Greece. Meanwhile in Babylon itself, a vicious power struggle erupted pushing Alexander’s kingdom to the brink of civil war before his body even ran cold.

Things would be no less turbulent in Athens.

The news reaches Athens

At first the epoch-ending news was only rumour in the city streets – the great conqueror had died. Once again Hypereides and his followers used this to their advantage, playing on deep-felt resentment to make many eager for revolt.

Phocion must have known that Athenian appetite for war was now insatiable. Yet experience had taught him to remain cautious.

Twelve years earlier similar rumours had provoked the nearby city of Thebes to massacre their Macedonian militia and revolt. Athens had avoided joining the uprising by the skin of its teeth, thanks largely to Phocion’s efforts. It had proved one of the most critical decisions in Athenian history.

Alexander’s response to the Theban revolt had been swift and brutal, proving he was very much alive when he marched his army down to the city in record time and wiped the prestigious polis off the face of the Earth.

Likely remembering the unfortunate fate of the Thebans, Phocion advised the policy that had served him so well over his career: caution.

‘If he is dead today, he will be dead tomorrow….’

The whispers did not remain rumours for long however. In the autumn of 323 BC a ship arrived in Piraeus, Athens’ prosperous port. Among the ship’s passengers were men who had come from Babylon; men who had been in that far-flung city that fateful day in June; men who carried confirmation of Alexander’s death. Reaching the city they announced the news: Alexander was very much dead.

On the brink

No longer could Phocion’s words of caution keep the Athenians at bay. Egged on by Hypereides, a hardened resolve for revolt tightened its grip among the citizens. Now was the time to regain past prestige; now was the time to lead the Greek cities in a war of liberation from tyranny.

Still, some significant voices of opposition remained. Phocion and the Athenian property owners (the citizens who Athens would force to fund the fighting) unsurprisingly did not desire conflict. They had benefited greatly from the Eirene Makedonia; was Athens ready to throw this all away in a war against the world superpower?

Enter Leosthenes

Phocion and his supporters still had influence in the Athenian assembly. Yet this time Hypereides had planned to ensure his peoples’ eagerness to engage the enemy could not be curbed.

As the debate continued the demagogue now played his trump card, introducing to the Athenians a dashing young general – the man who would lead their forces to glory.

His name was Leosthenes. Although an Athenian by birth, Leosthenes had spent little time inside his home city; he had lead a fascinating life, full of exotic tales and wonder.

Long ago his father had been exiled from Athens and moved to Macedonia – where Leosthenes likewise lived for many years.

When Alexander the Great began his famous expedition against the Persian Empire in 334 BC, Leosthenes served as a Greek mercenary soldier. He saw action in at least one of Alexander’s most famous battles: the River Granicus, Issus and Gaugamela.

It is not certain which side Leosthenes fought for. Did he fight among Alexander’s ranks? Or was he one of many dissatisfied Greeks who had sided with the Persian king Darius and become elite infantry in his army? The answer is unclear. Yet what we do know is that by 324 BC, Leosthenes had gained a legendary loathing for Alexander.

That year, at around the same time that Alexander completed his brutal Indian campaign, Leosthenes began his rise to prominence.

Mercenary mayhem

Upon his return from the far-east, Alexander discovered that many of his governors had been abusing their positions; Harpalus’ corruption was just the tip of a much larger iceberg. To amass more power, many had used their resources to raise powerful, personal armies.

At the core of these forces were substantial numbers of Greek mercenaries – equipped with spear and shield in the old, tried and tested hoplite fashion. They were formidable fighters – something Alexander noticed.

Outraged, Alexander ordered that these men be disbanded. In the blink of an eye thousands of Greek soldiers found themselves unemployed. Small contingents were scattered across Asia foraging for food as their commanders desperately considered their next move. Fortunately for them help was at hand.

A mercenary ‘haven’

Just as it appeared these stranded soldiers were experiencing their darkest hour, opportunity emerged. To the west they learned that a camp had emerged specifically for professional soldiers seeking service.

The base was situated in southern Greece at Taenarum, the farthest south point of the Peloponnese and a place out of reach of Macedonian might. For many mercenary bands this was welcome news.

Attracted by the chance to return to their home shores, over the next few months various commanders led their mercenary bands west. They marched out of Asia and sailed across the sea to Taenarum – the refuge they were seeking.

By the summer of 324 BC, no longer was Taenarum the base for a ragtag body of mercenaries; now it was home to some eight thousand professional soldiers – a small army.

It was with this formidable force that Leosthenes came to the fore. After the warriors had gathered at Taenarum, the young man inspired the warriors with his leadership, energy and wealth. Very quickly they elected him their leader. Leosthenes’ charisma and coin had made him the most powerful man in the Peloponnese

Discreet preparations

News of the whereabouts of these warriors and the swashbuckling captain who now led them soon became common knowledge throughout Greece, attracting the attention of Hypereides.

Leosthenes’ hardened hatred of Macedonia was no secret. In 324 BC, at around the time Alexander’s exile decree was announced at the Olympic Games, Hypereides and the Athenian general secretly started speaking to one another.

Both desired a war of liberation, a war that would free Athens from the shackles of Macedonian hegemony and sit alongside the immortal victories of Marathon and Salamis. Yet they also knew if they were to accomplish this discretion was vital. They did not want to arise Macedonian suspicion before they were ready.

Secretly Leosthenes received gold and silver from his Athenian backers and covertly commenced enrolling his comrades for service. Swiftly his ranks swelled with soldiers; by June 323 BC, he had amassed a sizeable force of battle-hardened mercenaries ready for war.

Athens crosses its Rubicon

As concrete confirmation of Alexander’s death started flooding into Athens, Hypereides introduced the charismatic Leosthenes to the Athenian assembly. With this proven commander leading an experienced army and funded by the small fortune the Athenians had seized from Harpalus the previous year, Hypereides now had convincing arguments with which he could refute any lingering Athenian concerns put forward by Phocion and his withering supporters. Now was the time for action.

Swept away by Hypereides’ skill of speech and the legendary Leosthenes, the Athenians quickly decided on war. The Eirene Makedonia was at an end.

No longer having to act discreetly Athens now openly prepared for war, providing Leosthenes and his army the money and equipment necessary for gathering a great army. Leosthenes and his men marched through the streets of Athens, their armour reflecting off the sun. Athenians stood in awe.

Still, this parade did not convince everyone. Upon viewing the army, Phocion admitted the force looked formidable; yet where were the reserves? After all, war is rarely a sprint, but a marathon. Whether his caution was warranted would soon be revealed.

The decision had been made; discreet preparations were at an end. Leosthenes, Hypereides and the Athenians had crossed their Rubicon, the bridge of no return. The war to regain their independence had begun.

Notes and further reading

Huge thanks to Johnny Shumate, Radu Oltean and Malay Archer for letting me use their fantastic illustrations.

Arrian’s Anabasis

Diodorus Siculus

Plutarch Life of Phocion

Plutarch Life of Demosthenes

Bennett, B, and Roberts, M. (2009), The Wars of Alexander’s Successors 323-281 BC: Battles and Tactics, Barnsley.

Romm, J. (2011), Ghost on the Throne: The Death of Alexander the Great and the Bloody Fight for his Empire, New York.

Walsh, J. (2012), ‘Leosthenes and the Transportation of Greek Mercenaries From Asia Minor’, Studia Humaniora Tartuensia, 13 (3)

Author: Tristan Hughes Twitter Facebook

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