

Vladislav Inozemtsev says "Russia's flirtation with fascism" may just be an infatuation and he believes that this doctrine "poses little long-term danger." He points out that Russia has a "proto-fascist" leader, who favours dictatorial government, centralised control of private enterprise, repression of all opposition, and extreme nationalism.

Fascism - a political movement led by Benito Mussolini - emerged in Italy at the end of the World War I, that swept to power after the 'March on Rome' in 1922. Inspired by the politics of Ancient Rome, the movement symbolised unity and the reinstatement of former glory. Adolf Hitler then imitated this Italian movement with the National Socialist party in Germany, placing more stress on the people or - das volk - than on the state as was the case in Italy. Francisco Franco was then another imitator in Spain who with the Falange - a right wing nationalist movement - added a culturally romantic dimension to fascism.

Putin's version is "tamer than European fascist states during the 1920s and 1930s, but still featuring key elements of those regimes. These include the structure of Russia’s political economy; the idealization of the state as a source of moral authority; and Russia’s particular brand of international relations." The author names three reasons why fascism in Russia will not sustain.

First, unlike its counterparts in Europe's earlier twentieth century, "fascist elements in Russia did not emerge organically." In Germany, Italy and Spain, fascism offered to its adherents a complete world-view, drawn together from an immense variety of sources: folklore; anthropology; nihilism; nationalism; socialism; conservatism and imperialism. In the first half of the twentieth century fascists sought to change the world, and succeeded in gripping the minds of the masses, and mobilise a whole generation for their cause. And it took a horrendously destructive world war to break its hold. In Russia fascism was imposed on "the society by the state, whose leader enjoys far-reaching power under the 1993 constitution. Without any deep national roots among the people, the fascist structures being built can be easily dismantled."

Second, it is true that "Russia is a multi-ethnic country that for centuries developed as an empire, not as a nation-state." Unlike Germany, Italy and Spain, the "fascistic tendencies" in Russia are "more imperialistic than nationalistic. And, notwithstanding Russia’s aggression in its 'near abroad,' it lacks the economic wherewithal to sustain an empire."

Yet nationalism has survived many famines and wars, and leaders don't hesitate to resort to military action to boost nationalism, especially in times of political uncertainty. Putin annexed Crimea in 2014, Hitler invaded Sudentenland in 1938, and a border incident between Ethiopia and Italian Somaliland in 1935 gave Benito Mussolini an excuse to intervene.

According to the author, "third and most important, Putin’s Russia is a cult of personality. Short of a North Korean-style dynastic succession, these regimes never outlive the leader, whether in Italy, Germany, Spain, or Portugal." What differs Putin from the three fascist leaders - Franco, Hitler and Mussolini - is the notion of representation. Fascists believed that the masses required leading rather than representation, and they installed their leaders permanently, in order to avoid uncertainty. In their view a charismatic, paternalistic leader reflected the spirit of the people. Although Russia holds presidential and parliamentary elections, the country is ruled by an authoritarian leadership, with Putin in power till 2024, or for life.

When Putin’s deputy chief of staff, Vyacheslav Volodin, said: “Any attack on Putin is an attack on Russia….[T]here is no Russia today if there is no Putin,” it confirms the revival of totalitarianism under Putin. It was a feature that fascism shared with Soviet Communism. As under communism, in fascist regimes there was but one party that dominated political, social and economic life of the masses.﻿