So far, Donald Trump is on his way to being merely a bad president rather than the worst. (That could change; please, Fates, do not pounce.) Yet I doubt any president has had more people saying, only months in, “This guy’s gotta go.” I admit I’m often one of those people myself, even though I consider Trump’s proven misdeeds to be technically minor so far. A small but growing number of people on the right are calling for Trump’s removal, too. New York Times columnist Ross Douthat has called for Republicans to launch a palace coup against the president, and American Conservative writer Rod Dreher has suggested that Congress impeach Trump “to protect the integrity of our constitutional order.” Even Trump supporters have sometimes hinted at frayed patience, watching their agenda slip away over yet another “modern day presidential” tweet.

What we’re learning, it seems, is how much propriety, even in purely ritualistic form, matters in a president. What some of us (like this writer) are struggling with is the question of whether an absence of sobriety can ever justify something so drastic as premature removal from office.

As absurd as it may be only months into a presidency, impeachment is already getting lots of attention, and it’s as much because of unhinged tweeting as it is because of policy. Last weekend, thousands of Americans took to the streets to demand Congress take action. California Democrat Brad Sherman has written a proposed article of impeachment. Maryland Democrat Jamie Raskin has rounded up 25 congressional colleagues to support a presidential “oversight” commission that would monitor the commander-in-chief for soundness of body and mind. “I assume every human being is allowed one or two errant and seemingly deranged tweets,” Raskin told Yahoo News. “The question is whether you have a sustained pattern of behavior that indicates something is seriously wrong.”

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Officially, of course, collusion with Moscow or obstruction of justice is the reason we’re supposed to want to go after Donald Trump. But allegations of outright criminality are far ahead of what the evidence permits so far. Certainly, like other bad presidents, Trump has made some horrible policy choices, including ramping up tensions with Iran, proposing to put health coverage out of reach for millions of Americans, withdrawing from the Paris climate agreement, and doing Saudi Arabia’s bidding in the Middle East, to name a few. But crimes? No. Nothing has been close to proven, at least, and we can’t reasonably call for impeachment based on suspicions.

Even if it turns out that a G.O.P. operative contacted Russian hackers (in vain) to get ahold of the deleted e-mails of Hillary Clinton, such a sin seems minor in comparison to that of, say, launching a war based on false assurances (hello, George W. Bush) or of violating an arms embargo to sell missiles to Iran and diverting the profits to a Central American guerrilla group (please stand, Ronald Reagan). Perhaps it’s worse than directing hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars to fraudulent plaintiffs in what appears to have been a crude effort at vote buying (don’t be shy, Barack Obama), but it’s still debatable whether it’d put Trump in a league of his own. It grates especially on the soul—my soul, at least—to hear pious denunciations of Trump from the same people who served with Dubya as the U.S. established an archipelago of dark sites in which captives were tortured, sometimes to death. You’re going to talk about character?