David Arian, a major force in the ILWU for four decades who identified with the rank-and-file membership, called himself a “radical” and rose to become International President, died January 2 at the age of 72, surrounded by friends and family in his hometown of San Pedro. Arian was diagnosed with an aggressive thyroid cancer last summer that failed to respond to treatment.

Humble beginnings, deep roots

Alan David Arian was born in 1946 and raised in a modest home in San Pedro by his mother Rose Shelton and Father Louis. Both parents came from Eastern European Jewish families who were politically active and sympathetic to left-wing causes – especially the labor movement.

His mother took him to picket lines as a child, including protests against the killing of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg who were executed in 1953 for espionage. His father was known on the docks as “Honest Lou,” and strongly supported Harry Bridges, the longtime ILWU President and cofounder who shared the Arian family’s left-wing political views and passion for social justice.

Early longshoring

Arian started working on the docks in 1965 while still in high school. He had mixed feelings about his first waterfront experiences, which included unloading heavy stalks of bananas arriving from Central America with hidden snakes and tarantulas that came alive after the creatures had been trapped for weeks in the cold, dark hold of a ship.

Arian’s dad tried to ease his son’s entry into the ILWU by offering him a valuable “sponsor” slot that would have allowed Dave to quickly enter Local 13 as a “B-man and skip ahead of other Casuals. He rejected the “sponsor” offer, explaining: “I had a very difficult time accepting my dad’s sponsorship. By then, I had become friends with other Casuals who were not allowed into the union simply because they did not have a relative to sponsor them.”

Fighting racism

Arian also knew that the sponsorship system had been abused by some and that it served to restrict the entry of African Americans and women into the union ranks. So he continued working as a Casual while becoming immersed in the exploding civil rights and anti-war movements. Before long, Arian was arrested during a sympathy sit-in at a federal building to support Rev. Martin Luther King’s non-violent fight against Jim Crow segregation. He joined a New Left political group and attended frequent meetings. He studied the writings of Karl Marx and other revolutionaries while traveling across the country to support labor and community protests involving other unions in different industries.

Early leadership & lessons

In 1966, Arian and friends opened a Community Action Center in a garage where young people came to learn about the farmworker grape boycott, civil rights movement and growing opposition to the Vietnam War. The project expanded and attracted many followers – but also angered some community members who eventually burned it down. Arian later worked with those responsible and became friends with them while working together in the union.

Devouring books

During this four-year period in the late 1960’s, Arian wore long hair and a beard, attended hundreds of meetings and devoured dozens of books a year – receiving the equivalent of a college education that shaped his political views for life, including the idea that working class people and unions could play a key role in driving positive social change.

Falling in love

During this time of intense learning and growth, the young leader maintained his roots in San Pedro where he fell in love with Roxanne Nielsen, got married and had two children; their son Sean and daughter Justine. The new responsibilities at home sparked an important talk with Dave’s father.

“That’s when my dad sat me down and said, ‘you have a family now. It’s time to go to work.’ Soon after, he found me a sponsor, an old time sailor named Walter Harris, who said to me on the day I was registered, ‘We need more kids like you in this union.’ So in 1969 I became a full-fledged member of Local 13.”

Opposing discrimination

Although Arian ultimately benefitted from the sponsorship system that helped him enter Local 13 more quickly, he remained troubled by the policy’s unfairness. After becoming a registered member of the union, Arian continued to help casuals organize, eventually resulting in a “casual hall” with a rotational dispatch system that assured equal opportunity for everyone, including women and African Americans.

Almost 40 years later in 2008, he devoted space in his book, The Right to Get in the Fight, where he explained his feelings and described the different actions that he and others took against all forms of discrimination on the job.

1971 strike

Arian was involved in the controversial ILWU longshore strike of 1971 that was backed by 96.4% of workers– and was especially popular with younger workers who were worried about the difficult transition underway from “break-bulk” to containerization.

In 1969, Arian joined those who criticized Harry Bridges for negotiating contracts in 1960 and 1966 that provided terms for the transition to containers. The criticism of Bridges triggered a strong response from “honest Lou,” who told his son to show more respect toward the ILWU President.

The 1971 strike became the longest in ILWU history at 134 days, but it won little more than what had been on the negotiating table before the walkout. Most importantly, employers won the right to increase the size of a “steady” workforce, allowing them to pick only workers they wanted and bypass the hiring hall dispatch system for key jobs at Local 10 and 13. As Arian grew and gained more experience, he came to appreciate the difficult decisions that Bridges had made years before to help longshore workers cope with new technology.

After Bridges retired, he asked Arian to represent him at a meeting of foreign union officials in Vienna – a gesture of respect that Arian never forgot.

Rising through the ranks

When Arian became a registered longshore worker in 1969, the radical young critic of the establishment continued his activism and organizing – while also running for union office. He started with a slot on the Local 13 Executive Board – where he was soundly defeated. He ran again and won a seat on the Southern California District Council (SCDC), the ILWU regional body that coordinates political activity. Two years later he became President of the SCDC, where he promoted voter registration, political action and solidarity efforts with other unions.

President of Local 13

In 1979 he was elected to serve as a Relief Business Agent during weekends and won races for the Local 13 Executive Board. The following year he was elected as a delegate to both the Longshore Caucus and International Convention. And five years later, in 1984, he was elected President of Local 13 – the largest and fastest-growing ILWU local on the mainland – where he served two terms and kept an eye on higher office.

Established leadership

Top positions at the ILWU International had changed little from 1934 to 1977. President Harry Bridges and Secretary Lou Goldblatt were both popular leaders who won elections every three years without much opposition until they retired together in 1977. Local 34 President Jimmy Herman won the next election for International President with backing from Bridges and remained there for 14 years until retiring in 1991.

Changing industry & demographics

Arian and many around him thought the next generation of ILWU leaders had to fully understand and address the dramatic changes underway in the logistics industry caused by globalization – including an explosion of container traffic and jobs at the mega port of Los Angeles and Long Beach. Arian had recently won two terms at the ILWU’s largest longshore local that was ground-zero for globalization – while leaving him well-positioned to run for International President.

Beyond the docks, membership in the Warehouse Division was declining as shops moved inland or fled offshore to Mexico and Asia. Another change underway was the demographic shift in the ILWU’s ranks, with an older generation of workers represented by Harry Bridges and Jimmy Herman (who remained in office until they were 76 and 67) being replaced by younger members. Arian felt the time was right to run, and began assembling a team of supporters to win the 1991 election.

Contested election

Arian knew his competitor would be Randy C. Vekich, the union’s International Vice-President for the Mainland. Vekich was a seasoned member of the Longshore Negotiating Committee and leader of Local 24 in Aberdeen, Washington – the nation’s largest log exporter at the time. Vekich was 52 years old, just a little older than Arian who was 45, and he enjoyed respect from many ILWU officials who saw him as a steady leader who would maintain the legacy of Bridges and Herman. Arian, by comparison, was seen as a risky, radical outsider who some believed was “too young.”

A radical runs for president

Arian’s self-proclaimed radical political views and outspoken nature made many ILWU leaders uncomfortable, and terrified many employers. The Journal of Commerce labeled him a “fiery radical” who “sees the world through the eyes of a socialist and activist.” Arian confirmed those fears by telling the Journal that he had “no love for the employers or the capitalist system. I don’t believe in it. I don’t believe it benefits the interests of the working people. It never has.” Those views sounded a lot like former ILWU President Harry Bridges, who was also a lifelong socialist and made no secret of his contempt for capitalism and belief that workers would be better-off owning the means of production and controlling what they produce.

And yet Arian, like Bridges, also had to work with those capitalist employers while he was President of Local 13, where he “earned a grudging respect from management,” as the Journal put it. The Pacific Maritime Association’s Vince Maestra, who worked with Arian in Southern California, told the industry newspaper: “He means what he says and says what he means – he’s a straight shooter.” Other industry officials weren’t so generous and privately derided him as a dangerous communist – the same label that had once been pinned on Harry Bridges.

An insurgent campaign

Arian gladly embraced the role of an insurgent. He pledged to shake things up and questioned the status quo – while pledging to maintain the ILWU’s best traditions of militancy and solidarity. His promise to make changes worried many union officials – and also longtime ILWU staffers who sought and received protection in case Arian won and wanted to “clean house” at the International headquarters. ILWU union staffers in San Francisco quickly formed staff unions and secured contracts signed by outgoing President Jimmy Herman. Beyond the headquarters, Arian also faced an uphill battle, with officials from 49 of the 52 existing locals already endorsing Vekich. That meant Arian had to shore up his base in Southern California, then appeal directly for votes from rank-and-file members in other areas.

Different views

Some differences between the 1991 candidates were subtle, others more substantive. Vekich was a Vietnam vet who opposed the war, while Arian was a militant anti-war activist. Vekich emphasized the traditional reliance on defending longshore jurisdiction, while Arian wanted an ambitious organizing program and “top to bottom” approach to jurisdiction on the docks that included helping port truckers and other workers to organize and join the ILWU. Arian also broke ranks with tradition by reaching out to workers in Hawaii with a network of local activists who contacted workers in sugar, pineapple, hotels and general trades – something that hadn’t been done on a similar scale by previous International Presidents. Arian’s message and outreach effort was well-received by many on the islands, allowing him to win Hawaii by a narrow margin.

Narrow victory

When the ballots were counted in August of 1991, Arian had won overwhelming support from his home Local 13 and most others in Southern California, along with the slim majority at Hawaii’s Local 142. Most other locals, except for 6 and 10 in the Bay Area, voted heavily against Arian – an outcome that signaled difficult time ahead. Arian won the first tally by a razor-thin 100 votes. Election protests required re-voting 11 units of Local 26 that was led by Arian ally Luisa Gratz.

When those ballots were tallied, Arian won by 248 votes and was sworn-in on October 8, 1991, by outgoing President Jimmy Herman.

Rocky start

Following the election, Arian published his first “President’s Report” in the ILWU Dispatcher, but it did little to calm his critics. His editorial was headlined “Time to Move On,” and reflected the outlook of a brash new leader. It began by declaring, “The future of the ILWU depends completely on the willingness of the members to join with the new leadership in a process of rebuilding.” After several paragraphs about his campaign, Arian extended an olive branch to the opposition, saying, “All of us are ready, I believe, to put behind us the struggles of the last few months,” then called for unity within the ranks and among elected officers.

He went on to declare that workers all over the world, including those in the USSR, Poland, Central America and the US, were being hurt by the same systems. He concluded the report with a gesture of reconciliation and openness, explaining that he was establishing an “open-door policy” for all members who wanted to talk. He listed his phone number and closed by saying, “I’ll be more than glad to sit down with you to hear your ideas on the future of this union.”

Idealism meets reality

The next three years were difficult, often marked by internal conflict as Arian tried to implement his programs in the face of growing resistance. In his next Dispatcher report, Arian showed a more pragmatic side. His account of a recent AFL-CIO convention that he attended with other ILWU leaders, included some well-deserved criticism of the body’s bureaucratic and undemocratic\ procedures, while also noting many of the resources, relationships and alliances that could benefit the ILWU.

Softer tone

In the coming months, Arian’s reports to the membership became softer and humbler, especially when it came to his ambitious organizing program that was frequently criticized by opponents.

“We don’t have all the answers at the International,” he said. We don’t have any magic formula.” Arian explained that the union had just finished a series of organizing conferences in each region, in order to gather ideas from members and officials and spark interest in organizing. He said the new effort would begin slowly.

“We are taking the first small steps in what will be a long process. We’ll make mistakes. We’ll try things that may or may not work. But we are determined that the organizing of new members into the ILWU will be the International’s top priority.”

Asserting jurisdiction isn’t enough

Arian emphasized that the organizing work could only succeed with enthusiastic support from local officials and members, adding that the traditional policy of “asserting jurisdiction” wasn’t enough to protect the union from a growing non-union workforce on the docks and throughout the logistics chain.

“For decades, we’ve thought that our coastwise jurisdiction would insulate us from the transfer of work to low-wage, non-union environments. But the situation has changed,” he said. “Our right to strike has been systematically eroded. Our labor laws have been routinely violated.”

Organizing plan hit snags

The organizing program was hobbled from the beginning by disagreements about its cost and viability. In January of 1992, a scaled-down version of the program was rolled-out, with funds coming from voluntary contributions made by locals in each region to support organizers in their area – matched with funding from the International. Arian tried to put the best spin on the compromised program, but in the end, it never received the funding, staffing or widespread support he hoped for – and the program required to make progress.

Challenges appear early

A host of other problems beset the new administration from the beginning, including 340 members at Local 13’s Allied Division who learned just before Christmas of 1991 that their jobs were being terminated by Southern Pacific Railroad at the gigantic LA/Long Beach Intermodal Container Transport Facility. Built in 1987 with $57 million in public funds and support from the ILWU, it was the nation’s largest off-dock rail operation. The company’s announcement that they were dumping ILWU-represented workers was delivered with help from heavily-armed railroad police who carried sniper rifles and machine guns into the yard. Arian and others responded with an aggressive campaign that included rallies attended by thousands and efforts to coordinate stop-work meetings at California ports, but employers secured a federal court injunction that nixed the port action. A valiant effort continued with picketing and leafleting, but eventually ended.

Fighting NAFTA

Another issue that Arian tackled was the NAFTA agreement initiated by George Bush, backed by corporate America and championed by Bill Clinton. Arian made the fight a priority and led a delegation to Mexico to observe elections and discuss NAFTA with local and national labor leaders.

At home, the U.S. Presidential primary election left the ILWU with little choice but to endorse Bill Clinton who was better for workers than George Bush, although both men had a history of catering to business and Wall Street while largely ignoring the plight of workers and unions.

Successful longshore contract

Arian headed up the 1993 Longshore Contract negotiations, which he hoped could get control over new technology, including computer work that was increasingly being done by non-union workers away from the docks. There was also a push to claim jurisdiction over new maintenance and repair work. Another goal was improving pension benefits – including increases for pensioners. The contract was settled with modest but positive movement on technology and maintenance issues and modest wage increases – but dramatic pension increases. The contract called for boosting the benefit from $39 to $69 per month for each year of service for active members – an increase of more than 43%. The new contract also provided sizeable increases for pensioners. The union’s excellent health plan was also maintained without any cuts for active members or pensioners.

Bridges Institute

After the longshore contract was settled, the Harry Bridges Institute became the next controversy. The Institute had been Arian’s idea for an educational, cultural and research effort that would include community leaders and sympathetic faculty from universities who wanted to help the union. The effort won support from the Executive Board, but it was attacked by others for a variety of reasons and became a lightning rod for his adversaries.

Growing internal differences

Arian’s final months in office became more difficult as the internal political tensions increased and embroiled almost every issue in conflict. International solidarity visits were criticized as wasteful and excessive. A lengthy struggle at Peavy Grain in Kalama, Washington, dragged-on without a resolution in sight. Divisions and rancor were already intense when International Vice President Brian McWilliams announced he would run against Arian.

Loss & graceful departure

McWilliams won the race in 1994 by almost 1500 votes. Arian retained support in much of Southern California, but lost in most other locations, including Hawaii, where McWilliams won by 200 votes. After losing, Arian addressed members of the International Executive Board in a respectful and conciliatory tone: “I have always accepted the decisions of the membership. Even when I disagreed with them. You’ll not see from Dave Arian attacks on this leadership. What you’ll see is support for the Convention programs of organizing, internationalism and member education.” His last official duty as International President was to administer the oath of office to his successor, Brian McWilliams, on July 30, 1994.

Back home to Pedro

Defeated but undaunted, Arian returned to San Pedro and went back to working on the docks. He put energy into his family, the Harry Bridges Institute and other educational projects. Ten years after his 1994 defeat, Arian ran and was elected President of Local 13. He also returned to the Southern California District Council where he once again became President of the coordinating body and helped guide political action and voter registration efforts, including an all-out push to recruit ILWU volunteers to work in Nevada for Obama in 2009. At home, Arian was constantly courting and supporting a slew of local progressive leaders to run for City Council, Mayor, County Supervisor, State Assembly, Senate, and Congress. He worked with his longtime friend and political comrade, Diane Middleton, to help run a foundation that made grants to union and community organizing projects.

Harbor Commissioner

In 2006, Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa appointed Arian to serve on an air pollution advisory board, a position which led to his 2010 appointment as Harbor Commissioner. When Mayor Eric Garcetti took office four years later, he replaced all the Commissioners except Arian – making him one of the Port’s longest-serving and best-informed representatives.

Finding the right balance

Serving on the Port presented Arian with new challenges and opportunities. He worked hard to address the needs of port workers and nearby residents – while recognizing the need to keep the port healthy. The biggest and most difficult issue Arian faced on the Commission was how to manage the port’s long-term competitive edge – which included the inevitable adoption of new technology – while also meeting the needs of workers and the community.

Taking a more active role

“It’s all about thru-put and efficiency in handling containers,” Arian would say, outlining his vision that balanced the needs of industry and workers. He argued that a large, trained workforce was an asset to the Port – and one that should be backed by strategic and prudent infrastructure investments. He believed this combination could keep the port efficient and increase volumes – which in turn would generate revenues for the Port and jobs for workers. Under his nine years of leadership, Arian encouraged the Port to shift from being a relatively passive “landlord” that left most decisions in the hands of terminal operators – to a more activist, “hands-on” role that required the Port to become an active manager. Arian argued for and won support for this vision, that included partnering with workers and community, and the approach scored consistent increases in container volumes during his tenure.

First automation arrives

When TraPac announced plans to automate their terminal at the Port of Los Angeles, it was the first on the West Coast. He saw TraPac’s proposal as relatively small in scale compared to others being contemplated, and felt it would help LA compete with ports in Canada and the newly expanded Panama Canal. Arian read the studies, including one done by the Port which concluded that the new project would eventually replace hundreds of longshore jobs. After considering all options, Arian and his fellow Commissioners voted to spend $460 million in public funds over five years to support the project. In the end, Arian said there was no viable alternative that could keep the Port competitive and maintain container volumes. It was similar to the kind of adjustment that fellow radical Harry Bridges had made a half-century earlier, when the revolutionary new technology of containers transformed the industry. Like Bridges, Arian used his position of power to get as much as possible for workers.

Lasting legacies

Besides his steadfast commitment to family and extended family, which provided him with immense comfort and meaning throughout his life –especially during his final months and days – Arian’s legacy includes many enduring contributions to the ILWU.

Mentoring new leaders

Arian was a mentor and trainer of past, present and future ILWU leaders. The number he influenced amounts to\ dozens if not hundreds, and includes International President Willie Adams, and former Vice President Ray Familathe, who both credit Arian with encouraging and supporting them at critical times, beginning decades ago when they first ran for office. International Vice President Bobby Olvera, Jr., also credits Arian for helping him grow as a leader, as does longtime former Coast Committeeman Ray Ortiz, Jr. Local 142’s Donna Domingo says she benefitted from Arian’s help. Former Local 13 leader Greg Mitre, who now presides over the Pacific Coast Pensioners Association, and his brother, former Local 13 President Mike Mitre who recently passed, were both helped by Arian. Others include Southern California District Council President Cathy Familathe, Local 26 President Luisa Gratz, Long Beach Community College Board member Vivian Malauulu, Local 13 leaders Sunshine Garcia and Shannon Ross, Local 13 Secretary Irene Huerta, Local 65 Port Police officer Glen Twardy and Longshore Education Committee Chair Patricia Aguirre. Local 13 President Mark Mendoza and Vice President Gary Hererra were also encouraged by Arian. Former International President Bob McEllrath served his first term as Coast Committeeman because Arian appointed him to the post. Former International President Jim Spinosa says he benefitted enormously from Arian, beginning in 1969 when both worked as terminal warehousemen.

Arian continued impacting the lives of new activists such as Anthony Loy up to his final day. “Dave has been mentoring me since I was a casual for the past 7 years,” said Loy who is now an ID Casual. “He helped me study every contract since 1934 and we talked about lots of history. I’ve volunteered for the Labor Day Parade, Feed the Community Day, phone banked for ballot measures and politicians who support our union, and now I’m working on a video project at the Harry Bridges Institute called Great unions make great families.”

Legacy of radical politics

Arian’s embrace of a radical political vision, combined with his ability to take pragmatic steps that helped the ILWU and labor movement endure, places Arian in the company of Harry Bridges and other radicals from the “Old Left” generation who built the ILWU on a foundation of internal democracy, militancy and vision of a better world. Like Arian, they believed workers should have power on the job and a democratic say in economic decisions.

Faith in education

Arian’s commitment to developing new leaders was closely tied to his belief that education can inspire a sense of solidarity, hope and way forward within the ranks of the working class. The man who once read 50 books a year and became a working-class intellectual, believed in the power of ideas and shared experience among co-workers. That vision was behind the Community Action Center, the Harry Bridges Institute, his support for trade schools and apprenticeship programs– all part of his faith in rank-and-file education and training to help ILWU members learn about history, leadership skills and political theory.

Organizing until the end

It’s no accident that Arian’s final months looked and felt more like a successful organizing campaign than a vigil. His team produced communications that informed the community, provided opportunities for everyone to get involved, and created emotional links that made people feel connected to a man who touched so many in the working class.

Celebrating Arian’s life

Local 13’s massive new dispatch hall was filled to capacity on Sunday, January 27, for a celebration of Dave Arian’s life that was staggering in both numbers and diversity. Hundreds of rank-and-file members filled seats on the floor and bleachers in the back, while others stood at the sides wearing safety vests because they were taking a break from work. Outside on the docks, giant cranes up and down the coast stood in the “full-up” position, in honor of the former President.

A total of 26 speakers began with Arian’s “best friend,” Norm Tuck. Each speaker told brief but touching stories about Arian’s impact on their lives. Music by John Tousseau and Rocky Quintana along with poetry from Luis Rodriguez and Zeek Green added to the remarks, as did short videos of Dave Arian telling stories about his life.

International President Willie Adams and former President Jim Spinosa both spoke on stage, and were supported in the audience by former President Bob McEllrath, current Hawaii Vice President Wesley Furtado, and all the ILWU International officers including Vice President Bobby Olvera Jr., Secretary- Treasurer Ed Ferris, and Coast Committeemen Cam Williams and Frank Ponce De Leon. Members and officers from locals up and down the coast also attended, as did a delegation of Australians led by Paddy Crumlin, President of both the International Transport Workers Federation and the CFMMEU union from down under. Political leaders included members of Congress, state legislators, and a slew of city and County officials led by Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti, Supervisor Janice Hahn and State Senator Maria Elena Durazo. Port Director Gene Seroka praised Arian’s abilities and the section concluded with an overview by Arian’s longtime friend and comrade Diane Middleton. The final and most touching remarks came from Arian’s family, including five grandchildren plus daughter Justine and son Sean, who along with their mother Roxanne, offered remarks that brought tears of joy and sadness to many in the audience. The entire event was skillfully emceed by Los Angeles City Councilmember Mike Bonin, who is married to Sean Arian.

“We all owe Dave an enormous debt of gratitude,” said President Willie Adams. “Dave was a working class hero whose legacy will live on forever. Rest in peace, brother Arian.”

Arian is survived by his son Sean and husband Mike Bonin of Los Angeles, and their son Jacob; his daughter Justine Arian-Edwards and husband Ethan of Huntington Beach, and their children, Jadyn, Destan, Aneka and Keira; his sister, Laraine Arian, of San Pedro; his ex-wife and close friend, Roxanne Arian of San Pedro; and dozens of nieces, nephews, cousins, in-laws, and extended family members including longtime comrade, Diane Middleton. He is predeceased by his brother Arthur, who died in 2006.















































