By Christian Crandall

The past few years have not been good for democracy around the world.

In Hungary, the right-wing Fidesz party has won two consecutive elections, identifying with “illiberal democracy” and pointing to the economic success of authoritarian states, while claiming to oppose “Zionist Israel’s efforts to dominate Hungary and the world.”

In Poland, the “Law and Justice Party” took control, opposing recognition of same- couples, access to abortion, free speech, and sex . In France, the nationalistic, anti-Islamic National Front has emerged as a durable contender for political , while its leader, Marine Le Pen described Russia’s Putin as a "defender of the Christian heritage of European civilization."

The processes of democracy and the governments of Brazil, South Korea, and Venezuela are in real danger. Journalists are being jailed, and newspapers are being shut down. North Africa has lost almost all gains in democracy from the Arab Uprisings, and Turkey is quickly sliding from representative democracy to near-dictatorial control.

The United Kingdom, with nationalistic support and accompanying racist, anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim rhetoric, voted to sever ties with the European Union. The Philippines elected a president who actively encourages extra-judicial murders of people suspected of selling—or even using—drugs.

In 1989, Francis Fukuyama famously wrote that we had observed “the end of history;” the historical battles of ideology between East and West had come to their necessary conclusion—Western liberal democracy had triumphantly eliminated the . The essay was influential, magazines featured the article on their covers, and the book that followed has been highly cited by scholars.

But Fukuyama was wrong. Around the world, countries are moving away from democracy. Voting rights are shrinking. Journalists are being murdered in Asia, Africa, and Central America.

In this context, the U.S. elected , a candidate who campaigned with racist rhetoric and engages in international saber rattling. He promised of the use of torture, attacked journalists, and adopted the language and symbols of white supremacists. Is the U.S. in danger of following the path of Poland, Turkey, Egypt, the Philippines, Venezuela? Or is the U.S. “special,” a nation of peculiar people, immune to the drift from democracy?

The Arab Uprisings brought hope of democracy to citizens of North Africa and to many observers. But the demonstrations and movement toward democracy were replaced with resurgence of the ancien régimes in the Middle East and North Africa.

Why did it slip away? One critical difference is that these nations lacked, to varying degrees, the infrastructure of democracy: education and literacy, roads and communication, journalism, outlets for dissent, the rule of law, observers of voting, think tanks, economic research, stable political parties, pathways to citizen involvement, internet access—the many systems that limit the influence of rulers, commerce, the military, oligarchs, and demagogues.

Social and psychological research is a key part of the infrastructure of democracy. Social scientists ask how the human world works—in matters of economy, employment, well-being and , migration, immigration, the effects of an all-volunteer military, patterns of , and , choice, choice of sexual partners, patterns of , the effects of higher education, decisions about and exercise—all of these are studied by social and behavior scientists.

The facts on the ground matter. Policies must be developed, understood, and criticized with the aid of these facts. Social research with the best possible scientific data can inform open-minded analysis, and lead to effective public policy. Social and behavioral research is an essential contribution to the process of argument, dissent, law and policy.

The empirical research that is produced by social scientists in colleges and universities and think tanks and other institutions all over the United States (and outside America, too) promotes democracy when it is used to inform policymakers. Social and psychological research need not be partisan and is critical to understanding the full range of issues before us – from how we can prevent homegrown radicalization to preventing at work to helping to address the global migration crisis.

To create research-based education and data-driven policies, there must be research. The maintenance of democracy requires an infrastructure, and good policies, good political campaigns, and strong nations all require the knowledge that social and behavioral scientists offer. Social research is a vital building block of a strong and effective democracy.

We need our partners in the democratic experiment to speak in support of sound science, reasoning based on evidence, and the scientific method. Tell your children why science is critical; discuss it with your friends and neighbors. Share your concerns with your elected officials. Science has flourished in the U.S. for more than a century—science needs Americans to be its champion again.