For the first time since the return of democracy in 1985, Brazilians have elected a far-right candidate as president of the republic. The former army captain, veteran congressman and authoritarian Jair Bolsonaro is Brazil’s version of a now-familiar global phenomenon: political leaders who win office by attacking liberal values, targeting minorities and channelling nostalgia for a time when the “fatherland” was great. Bolsonaro is the most radical of the new breed; he openly speaks in defence of dictatorship and torture, and the killing or banishment of his opponents. Not long ago Brazil was hailed as a rising power, with progressive governments. What happened? And what can we expect for our democracy?

It’s vital that we don’t stigmatise Bolsonaro’s supporters as crazy or stupid. Opinion polls show that most voters supported Bolsonaro because they want huge changes to Brazil’s political system, not because they agree with his more radical remarks. The rise of Bolsonaro is the result of five years of deep political and economic crisis in Brazil; the worst recession since the return of democracy; and corruption scandals embroiling the most important parties. Crime has become rampant, with more than 60,000 murders a year. Moderate leaders failed to address these key social demands, allowing Bolsonaro to present himself as a rebel and outsider railing against the establishment.

The overriding theme of the election was the rejection of the status quo. Voters not only elected Bolsonaro: they also promoted the biggest change in congress in a single generation. Half of the new house of representatives will be first-time parliamentarians. It will also be a more conservative congress, with 60% of the seats in control of several rightwing parties. The same trend was present at the elections for local governments, with Bolsonaro’s supporters winning the three most important states: São Paulo, Minas Gerais and Rio de Janeiro.

Bolsonaro surfed a wave of anger and mistrust in Brazil’s institutions, but he was also skilful in understanding that the rules had changed. He is the first president of Brazil to be elected using the internet – not TV – as his main communication tool. There has been controversy about his use of fake news and other illegal practices in his campaign, but it is also clear that he realised better than his opponents the possibilities created by the new technologies of information.

Facebook Twitter Pinterest ‘The left will need to reform, to acknowledge its mistakes, and to offer real alternatives.’ Photograph: Daniel Ramalho/AFP/Getty Images

So what now for the Brazil’s left, which ruled from 2003 to 2016 through the governments of the Workers’ party presidents Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff? They left an important social legacy in fighting poverty and inequality, but the left has been undone by corruption scandals and Rousseff’s failed economic strategy, which contributed to the recession of the 2010s. Moderate and centrist Brazilian voters gave a clear message that they did not want a return of the Workers’ party. About 60% of Brazilians agree that Lula should remain in prison – he was jailed in April, convicted of corruption and money laundering. Rousseff was not elected to the senate, a first for an ex-president.

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The game is not over for the left. It will control 25% of congress, and major states in the north-east and in the Amazon. Head to head against Bolsonaro, the Workers’s party candidate, Fernando Haddad, received 45% of the valid votes. Other progressive parties, such as the PSB (Socialist) and PDT (Labour), also performed well, increasing their electoral strength. The left has a strong base from which to regroup and be an active opposition to the new president. A third of Brazilian voters did not cast a vote. There are millions and millions of citizens disgusted by polarisation and radicalism, and in search of something better. But the left will need to reform, to acknowledge its mistakes and to offer real alternatives.

There is no doubt that we now enter worrying times. Every country that elects extremists experiences an erosion in democracy, the rule of law and human rights, along with attacks on minorities, obstacles to freedom of the press, and a spike in hate crimes. There are many good reasons to fear the direction Brazil is taking, given Bolsonaro’s history and the weakness of Brazil’s often ineffective checks and balances.

Hate crimes were on the rise during the campaign. LGBT, feminist activists and other social groups have been on the receiving end of acts of physical violence. Bolsonaro himself was the victim of an assassination attempt, stabbed by a delusional fanatic. The new president’s support of draconian police action may lead to an increase in extrajudicial killings and other forms of human rights violations. Land conflicts with indigenous peoples, environmental activists and rural workers’ organisations are also inevitable.

Brazil has a dynamic civil society. Its social movements and NGOs will need to step up courageously to defend civic freedoms and work with international allies. Right now, democracy should not be taken for granted.

• Maurício Santoro is a professor at the State University of Rio de Janeiro