THE vagaries of the Queensland electoral system have become increasingly evident. The intersection of a single House in Parliament and an optional preferential ballot has contributed to some intriguing post-election data to challenge the many number-crunching analysts.

Earlier this year, in "Putting gender to top of the agenda" (Viewpoint, C-M, Jan 11), I suggested that the evidence from opinion polls and political pundits indicated a substantial change in the balance of power, although the magnitude of the change possibly astonished even the most optimistic supporters of the LNP coalition.

But central to my discussion was the potential impact this shift would have on the representation of women in State Parliament, and unfortunately my premonition was an understatement. The devastation of women's representation, in the space of one election, has been depressing.

The House, which before the election had a modest third of its members female, has been reduced to a virtual political boys' club.

More importantly, the absence of women on Government benches is diabolical, from a 49 per cent representation in the Labor government to 18 per cent in the LNP Government.

Regrettably, the 2012 election will gain notoriety as the year the representation of women in Queensland became possibly the lowest of all Australian states and ranked us level, on international scales, with countries that deny full citizenship rights for women: decades of incremental growth in the gender balance of Parliament virtually eradicated.

The mumblings and mutterings among readers of this opinion piece about "merit" and the "irrelevance of gender" should be reaching a cacophony by now. It is somewhat bemusing when the naysayers imply that intellectual capacity, business acumen and political aptitude are solely the province of men and that, somehow, the absence of women from the political process is not a result of systemic exclusion and subtle - and not so subtle - stereotyping.

A Canadian study of political reporting, for example, demonstrated how the historical masculine ethos of both politics and the language of political reporting consistently had a negative impact on public perceptions of women.

This is not an organised conspiracy, but portrayal of women in politics in the media is certainly a deterrent to many to enter the fray.

Campbell Newman lamented the fact there were few women in his Government, but the LNP, unlike the ALP, has no strategy to ensure the recruitment and encouragement of talented women.

Of the 89 LNP candidates, only 14 were women and the new Katter party could only find eight meritorious females among its ranks. These figures compare unfavourably with both the Greens (30 women) and the ALP (29 women).

Apparently, Newman's sincere concern for the dearth of women does not translate into action. In his Government, not only is there no comprehensive women's policy, there is no Minister for Women. Racehorses rated at least an Assistant Minister.

My argument is not about tokenism. Female candidates should be scrutinised in exactly the same way as male candidates, based on their capabilities and personal characteristics, but unfortunately sexism and gender discrimination are persistent.

Too frequently, women aspiring to public office suffer from PMS: Patriarchy. Misogyny. Sexism. (With deference to Marcia Dyson).

Nor am I an apologist for women. The promotion of women's right to political representation is not linked to some underlying inherent consideration of women's issues: all issues are women's issues.

The Chinese proverb that "women hold up half the sky" should be reflected by women's equitable participation in all areas of a modern democracy, including politics. Despite the challenges confronting Queensland women, they remain marginalised and subsumed under a mantle of gender neutrality that effectively reduces their voices to a whisper.

After decades of universal suffrage, the man-as-norm in politics persists. The election of Newman and his conservative colleagues demonstrates the tenuous connection women have with political representation.

For those observers who support equality and inclusion this could be a very, very long three years. For women, it could be even longer.

* Dr Carole Ford has a PhD in Women's Studies and is the Cairns Women's Network co-ordinator.

Originally published as Women struggle for a political voice