British Columbia politics has the most vicious history of partisanship of any in Canada, a preference for political bridge burning over building. Nasty campaign tactics, threats against candidates, even the occasional outbreak of violence were hallmarks of B.C. politics from the creation of the Social Credit coalition in the ’40s for the next half century. The environment extended to internal party relationships, often too painful to watch. At least that was the picture until recently.

It’s far too early to say that a door has been firmly closed on that past, but there are signs voters may be tiring of bloody politics. The last provincial election tentatively showed the Liberals the door. The B.C. Greens elected three MLAs, and together they and B.C. Premier John Horgan completed prying the 16-year-old coalition of Liberals and Conservatives, grouped under the B.C. Liberal flag, from power.

In the nearly two years since forming an apparently shaky Orange/Green alliance, Horgan has had to manage a raft of political challenges — the TMX pipeline, money laundering in B.C. casinos, alleged embezzlement in the B.C. legislature, skyrocketing housing costs, and choosing to continue a very controversial hydro dam project. B.C. premiers with much more secure majorities typically begin to fall in popularity quite quickly, even without the burden of the battles than Horgan has already faced. Horgan has climbed to become one of the most popular premiers in Canada. What’s going on?

First, he has managed his not entirely congenial governing partner, Andrew Weaver, with consummate skill, granting him enough victories on the Green agenda to stay loyal, while supporting projects such as a massive new LNG facility in northern B.C.

Second, he has handled sometimes bitter criticism — some of it from progressives — mostly calmly and respectfully. A more Bill Davis-like demeanour than the province has seen in many years. It hasn’t hurt that he is presiding over a booming economy.

The acid test for progressives around the world today is how to manage the cleavage between the traditional “jobs first” agenda of the left, and the need to find a path to low-carbon sustainable growth. It is his management of this painful divide that may yet make him a more significant national figure.

Yes, he and Alberta’s NDP premier Rachel Notley are sharply divided over the TMX pipeline expansion. But the reasons are more local than ideological. Each share a deep commitment to carbon reduction action by government, each has taken strong measures to diversify their province away from non-renewable energy.

The pipeline battle is a thorn in each of their sides, but it casts in shadow a much larger strategic agreement: progressives in government need to find a bridge between pro and anti-carbon voters.

It is, of course also a national challenge, but Prime Minister Justin Trudeau appears to be failing at his attempt to ride both horses. He has gone from having at least the private support of his carbon tax, in the large provinces, to having a thoroughly hostile Doug Ford and skeptical partners in Quebec Premier François Legault and Horgan. The opposing premiers angrily cite the federal Liberals’ “take it or leave it” approach to their climate change and carbon tax agenda.

Ottawa and the provinces must find bridges to shared climate change goals. Canada cannot hope to meet its Paris Accord targets without common approaches, at a minimum, in B.C., Alberta, Ontario and Quebec. Those provinces are where 85 per cent of Canadians live. They also generate even more of the nation’s GDP and carbon emissions.

As Horgan said in a keynote address on Friday to the national gathering of progressives of all stripes — the annual Progress Summit of the Broadbent Institute, “We need to work together to build a path to a cleaner, better future, with a low-carbon economy that creates opportunities for all while protecting our clean air, water and land …”

A nation proud of its history of mutual accommodation and compromise needs more leaders determined to build bridges across the climate divide. If John Horgan can survive a run-off election, perhaps within months, having seen success in managing the jobs/climate divide at home, he could be well set to help lead that national debate.

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Robin V. Sears is a principal at Earnscliffe Strategy Group and was an NDP strategist for 20 years. He is a freelance contributor for the Star. Follow him on Twitter: @robinvsears

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