[This is a 27-page chapter from what is apparently a manual for cadres or members of the Communist Party of the Philippines. (We have not seen anything but this one chapter.) It appears that it was written in the mid-1990s as part of a rectification campaign within the Party. If anyone has further information about this document, please let us know! This chapter is quite an important statement of the line of the CPP toward mass work and the mass line, and will be of considerable interest to revolutionaries everywhere. It is scanned in and posted here unchanged from a xeroxed copy. —S. H.]

In our mass work, we arouse, organize and mobilize the masses of workers, peasants, semi-proletarians and particular sections of the petty bourgeoisie for the people’s national-democratic revolution. We also pay attention to distinct social groups, such as women, youth, fisherfolk and national minorities who form the indigenous peoples and minority nationalities.

Mass work is so important for the party’s successful leadership of the revolution. The foundation of the revolutionary strength of the Party and the revolutionary movement is laid down through this work. The essential work is carried out in the three principal tasks—the formation of the Party, the waging of the armed struggle, and the formation of the national united front. The effective leadership of a proletarian party can be gleaned from the effectiveness of its mass work.

Our present study of mass work is the product of the development of revolutionary practice through the years. Embodied in this study are the summing-up of the Central Committee in the document, “Our Urgent Tasks,” and the summing-up of the Tenth Plenum of the Central Committee of the Party.

This chapter is divided into five parts:

What are the principal objectives of mass work? Our mass work has three principal objectives. The first is to form, consolidate and broaden the revolutionary unity and strength of the people through the establishment of the organs of democratic political power in accordance with the class line of the united front in the countryside, people’s committees in the cities, and mass organizations and mass movements in the countryside and the cities. The second is to establish and consolidate the broadest and deepest foundations among the masses for the protracted people’s war. The people’s war cannot be advanced firmly without the strong support of the broad masses of the people. The third is to establish the broadest and deepest foundation for the formation of the Party among the ranks of the people. The Party’s implementation of mass work accords with the carrying out of its central task of seizing political power. In this work, the broadest foundations of the united front, the people’s army and armed struggle, and the formation of the Party among the masses, are prepared.

What is the mass line? The mass line is the basic Marxist-Leninist principle which guides mass work and other tasks of the Party in advancing the revolution. It is based and conforms thoroughly to the historical materialist outlook on society and revolution. The fundamental teaching of mass line is for us to have complete trust and reliance on the masses. It emphasizes that the revolution must depend on the masses of the people and on the mobilization of the majority. It opposes pinning one’s hope on a handful of leaders, geniuses, heroes or saviors. It upholds the view that the masses, and only the masses, are the makers of history. At all times and places, the Party must ensure that all comrades in whatever position of responsibility are linked firmly with the masses. Each conirade must be taught to love the people and to listen to the voice of the masses; to unite with them wherever they are and to mingle with them instead of hovering above them; and to rouse them, or else, raise their political consciousness based on their level; to help them to organize themselves; and to help them launch all the important struggles which can be launched at a given time and place. Commandism and tailism both run counter to the aspirations of the masses. We will certainly be divorced from the masses if we force them to do things which are against their wishes, or if we do not like to advance whenever they demand that we advance. These errors bring about certain failure and harm. Commandism is not an issue of style in giving orders to the masses. Even if we employ mild-mannered speech, we become commandist whenever we exceed the level of political consciousness of the masses and we go against the volition of the masses; this only shows the sickness of impetuosity. Commandists do not take the pains to teach and encourage the masses, and instead set tasks which exceed the capability and preparedness of the masses through alternating directive and coercive means in order to carry out the work. Tailism in any kind of work is also wrong, because it trails behind the level of political consciousness of the masses and goes against the need to provide leadership to the masses; this only shows the sickness of sluggishness. It happens frequently that the masses overtake us, and they are anxious to take actions, but the tailists are unable to provide leadership in these situations. As a result of a lack of analysis, they set policies and tasks which trail behind the capacity and preparedness of the masses and that which conditions call for. They are unable to lead because they often doubt and hesitate. They express only the opinions of certain backward elements, and they even mistake those to be the beliefs of the masses. In order to avoid commandism and tailism, comrades must mingle among the masses and investigate. In practicing mass line, the correct political line is key, because it expresses the objective aspirations and interests of the masses. In practicing mass line in the concrete conditions of Philippine society, the firm adherence to the general line of the people’s democratic revolution is key. It is necessary to arouse, organize and mobilize the broad masses of the people in order to advance the revolutionary anti-fascist, anti-feudal and anti-imperialist movement. It is necessary to make them understand the line of the Party, and to put into practice in their actions the policies and struggles which the Party launches in accordance with this line. The political line is the basic standard which decides whether or not we err in our work. Both “Left” and Right opportunist lines subjectively desire the rapid and early decisive victory of the revolution beyond the actual level of strength of the revolutionary forces. The balance of forces is wrongly calculated, exceeding the analysis of the actual conditions and preparedness of the masses and the revolutionary movement. The “Left” opportunist line of launching confrontational people’s strikes (welgang bayan), with the attendant putschist partisan actions of bus-burning, bombing of certain foreign capitalist and government establishments in order to incite urban insurrection, places the revolutionary mass movement in the city in a state of political isolation, if not a passive position. The urban mass movement loses its legal and defensive character, and is separated from the spontaneous masses. The deceit of excessive prospecting is certainly followed in quick succession by frustration and dejection. The Right opportunist line of untimely peasant uprisings to upstage urban insurrection precipitated as reformism and putschism in the peasant movement. The peasant movement was drawn towards a principally legal and open form of struggle. Armed struggle was depreciated into a position that is secondary and only supportive of the principally legal mass movement. The victories of two decades of agrarian struggle will be rendered meaningless, and the landlords will be exalted. As a result of “Left” and Right opportunism, grave disorientation and retreats developed in the conduct of our mass work in the countryside and cities. Many places were abandoned, and numerous mass organizations, organs of political power and Party units were dissolved. Old and more oppressive feudal and semi-feudal arrangements returned, along with criminality. The development of mass work in the cities lost vigor as a result of campaigns and mass actions which tended to wear down the people, in combination with putschist partisan actions a la agent provocateur meant to incite insurrection. In order to regain strength, it is necessary to repudiate thoroughly the “Left” opportunist line of military adventurism and urban insurrectionism and the other Right opportunist error of capitulationism, parliamentarism and reformism.

How do we follow the revolutionary class line in mass work? The revolutionary class line distinguishes the true friends of the revolution from the real enemies. It establishes the reliance on the most basic classes and forces while persuading and uniting with the middle forces in order to isolate the diehard enemies. This principle is in accord with the mass line and the political line of the Party. According to the revolutionary class line, we give stress in our mass work as a whole to the toiling masses. The line of the people’s democratic revolution, on the other hand, establishes that the principal preoccupation of the Party is the mass work in the countryside, particularly among the ranks of the poor peasants, rural workers and lower-middle peasants. In every place, it is necessary to know the class composition of the population; to determine the revolutionary and progressive classes, the middle forces, and the reactionaries; and based on this, to attempt mass work which gives emphasis to the most basic and most numerous mass forces at any given scope. In order to strengthen further the movement of the toiling masses, it is necessary to advance the movement of women and youth. In the cities, it is necessary to give particular attention to the work among the ranks of the youth-students, teachers and government employees, which are the most concentrated and most active sectors of the petty bourgeoisie.

Why is social investigation and class analysis important in mass work? Social investigation means the investigation of the conditions of society. The analysis of classes is the correct means of investigating society. In Marxist social investigation, the classes which comprise society are differentiated and studied in their relations in the economy, politics and culture. The aim of our study and analysis is the condition of the people as a whole and the masses with whom we work in particular, because they are the source of our concrete data and information—their condition is the particular object of our study and analysis. Here, we apply the principle, “concrete analysis of concrete conditions.” By means of social investigation and class analysis, we are able to grasp the concrete class outline of society, the condition of the classes, and their real relations with each other. Thus, we are able to set the correct orientation for our mass work. We are also able to determine the appropriate forms and means of propaganda, organizing and mobilization of the masses. Without a correct, thorough and comprehensive social investigation and class analysis, mass work will not become effective. The correct and sound direction and the tactics of the mass movement will also not be ensured. Mao Zedong once said, “no investigation, no right to speak.” Let us implement and develop our mass work according to this standard. By means of social investigation and class analysis, we are able to determine who are ones we must rely upon principally and mobilize, who are those we must win over, and who are those we must isolate and make the targets of the mass movement. Especially at the basic levels, it is necessary to have clarification of these matters, and to have a living identification with the classes with whom individuals, families and groups belong. It is necessary that we learn to distinguish the classes in real life and not just in books. Social investigation and class analysis clarifies the principal and secondary matters, the long-term and immediate problems that the mass movement will face. Clarifying these matters is part of the orientation of the mass movement in a given place, and ensures the correct direction of the mass movement. In the countryside, for example, the forms of feudal and semi-feudal exploitation vary from place to place, and their intensity, likewise, varies from place to place. It is necessary to understand this in order to lead the peasant movement effectively. In order for our work in propaganda, organization and mass mobilization to be effective and vigorous, their content, form and means must suit the conditions of the masses, especially their objective interests and level of experience and consciousness. The knowledge of the condition of the masses can only be derived by means of social investigation and class analysis. However, a comprehensive and deep-going social investigation cannot be done in only a day. It is a continuous and long-drawn process. Thus, we set the level of social investigation according to the level of the mass movement and the need to arouse, organize and mobilize the masses at every stage. For example, there is a depth and breadth of social investigation that is necessary for the stage of confiscation and distribution of land of the landlords in the countryside. There is a big difference between this and the depth and breadth of social investigation necessary to begin mass work in the barrios. In the cities as well, the data necessary for the various levels of development of the mass movement vary. At every stage, it is necessary to accumulate knowledge of concrete conditions in order to plan and to carry out the immediate tasks of the mass movement, while social investigation continues to widen and deepen.

What is the key link of mass work in the countryside? The anti-feudal class struggle—meaning to say, agrarian revolution—is the key link of mass work in the countryside. We must grasp this firmly, and uphold the poor peasants, rural workers and lower-middle peasants as the most basic and sturdiest revolutionary forces in the barrios. However, the anti-feudal struggle will not reach far if it is not linked firmly with the anti-fascist and anti-imperialist struggle. Thus, it is necessary to give the basic anti-feudal forces the most comprehensive political outlook. Furthermore, we must mobilize actively all the different positive forces in the countryside for the revolution. The strength of the peasant masses and rural workers will be formed from the advance of the anti-feudal struggle. It lays the foundation for winning over the middle forces in the countryside and for crushing effectively the politico-economic power of the landlord class. Thus, the anti-feudal struggle is decisive in forming democratic political power in the countryside and establishing the revolutionary base. Wherever there are masses of workers, fisherfolk and indigenous peoples, it is necessary to set up and develop their organizations whenever there is basis in order to address their problems. In any situation, they must be part of forming the organs of political power and the united front being built in the countryside. In order to launch and advance the anti-feudal struggle, we must establish and develop continuously the organizations of the peasants, women, youth and cultural activists in the barrios, until full-fledged mass organizations and organs of democratic political power emerge. Mass work and the anti-feudal struggle are linked firmly to the armed struggle which is the principal form of revolutionary struggle. The advance of the armed struggle is decisive in advancing the anti-feudal struggle in an ever-widening scope and to an ever higher level. Meanwhile, the principal objective of mass work and the anti-feudal movement in the countryside is the formation and the strengthening of the mass base foundation of the people’s war. The minimum program of agrarian revolution (with certain select cases of confiscation and censure or punishment of despotic landlords and landgrabbers) is what must still be carried out as the general line of the anti-feudal struggle. It contains the lowering of land rent, the elimination of usury, increasing the wages of the rural workers, raising the prices of rural products, increasing agricultural production and other increases in livelihood, the establishment of simple cooperatives and cooperative labor, etc. The premature elevation towards the maximum program (confiscation and free distribution of land) will drive the entire landlord class to unite and concentrate their strength against the revolutionary movement. This will frustrate our anti-feudal line in the united front to take advantage of the divisions between the enlightened gentry and despotic landlords. This requires a higher level of capacity, readiness, depth and breadth of the mass base and the Party and people’s army. Let us combat the reformism and economism being peddled by the opportunist traitors and the organizations and the bureaucratic “NGOs” they lead in practices such as goading the masses into confrontational land confiscations, raiding and burning of warehouses and other property, rural strikes, so-called “macro and micro intervention,” and “claim making, claim taking.” They ride roughshod over the smooth flow of mass work, destroy the unity of the masses and demolish the mass organizations and the Party branches in the areas where these projects are launched. Let us oppose actively and contend ideologically and politically with these opportunist traitors, revisionists, popdems and socdems, and let us not allow them to enter the territories within our reach. Let us eject immediately those who have entered for various reasons and launched these projects when their continued operations become a clear obstruction to our mass work. At present, the mass work in the countryside is linked directly with the recovery, expansion and consolidation of the guerrilla bases and zones, the launching of successful tactical offensives of the people’s army, and the preparation for the anti-feudal uprising in the countryside.

What mass movement do we develop in the cities? The mass movement that we develop in the cities is the broad democratic movement which is principally anti-fascist and anti-imperialist. It supports the movement in the countryside which is principally anti-feudal, and supports the armed struggle. In the cities, the masses of workers and other poor, and likewise, the petty bourgeoisie (especially the students and the teachers), are aroused, organized and mobilized for the anti-fascist and anti-imperialist struggles, and in order to support the anti-feudal struggle in the countryside and the armed struggle. The proletariat and the semi-proletariat is the most basic and the sturdiest revolutionary forces in the cities. Therefore, we must give them our principal attention. Organizing and mobilizing them will form the foundation of the revolutionary strength in the cities. We must also win over and mobilize the lower strata of the urban petty bourgeoisie, especially the students and the teachers and skilled workers, in order to draw the whole urban petty bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie to the side of the revolution. In order to launch and advance the mass movement in the cities, it is necessary to form and develop on a wide scale the unions of the workers and the organizations in the community, schools and others. It is necessary to advance the struggles of the workers, semi-proletarians, students and teachers, and other progressive classes and sectors, step by step, against fascism, imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism. The workers’ strike movement, which targets the foreign monopoly capitalists and the local comprador-big bourgeois, is a prominent feature of the revolutionary mass movement in the cities. We must also strive to form associations and unions among the employees and workers of the government at the national and local levels, institutions and corporations, in order to shatter and paralyze them from within. Likewise, we must give the proper emphasis to the formation of unions of workers and employees in the factories and enterprises of the national bourgeoisie and the upper petty bourgeoisie, according to the class line of the united front. In this manner, we are able to attain the sharpness and breadth of the work and struggle in the cities. It is necessary to propagate among those in the mass movement in the cities the call for the anti-feudal struggle in the countryside and the armed struggle as the principal tasks of the whole revolutionary movement. Growing numbers of revolutionary people in the cities are being encouraged to participate directly in the anti-feudal struggle in the countryside and in the armed struggle, and to extend various forms of support for them. All of the mass work of the Party must be linked consciously to the armed struggle, directly or otherwise. The revolutionary mass movement in the cities is a militant and open mass movement which has the backbone of an extensive and intensive clandestine movement. In this open movement, we employ the reactionary state’s own laws in order to relate to the broad masses. The secret movement is formed among them, while the legal organizations are being transformed, or while new militant but legal organizations are being set up, in order to advance the national-democratic line step by step. We employ a combination of legal and illegal means in order to advance the revolutionary movement in the cities. The Party is the force at the core, guiding and nurturing the movement at every step, and seeing to it that subsequent steps are taken when conditions are ripe. We must renounce insurrectionism and grasp firmly the correct orientation to urban struggle: it is principally legal and defensive and supportive of the armed struggle and the anti-feudal movement in the countryside. The success of the movement and struggle in the cities is measured by the growing numbers of people who participate in the mass actions, growing numbers of people who join the revolutionary mass organizations, the worsening political crisis of reaction, and the growing support for the movement in the countryside. The thinking that we can hasten the explosion of an urban uprising through artificial military and agent provocateur means, and through general paralyzation and grand confrontations in excess of capabilities, combined with populist politics and an excessive emphasis on tactical coalitions in an effort to draw in ordinary people towards an insurrectionary position, is utterly wrong.