What effect would an Israeli strike have on public opinion in the Middle East compared to a U.S. strike?

An attack by either country is unlikely to provoke widespread anger or sympathy for the Iranian regime among Arabs in the region, especially given widespread Sunni hostility toward Tehran for its ongoing support of the embattled Syrian regime. Many analysts also believe that Gulf leaders would applaud an attack in private, however harshly they condemn it publicly. Yet given the historical tensions between Israel and the Arab world, an Israeli attack would probably draw greater criticism than a U.S.-led attack. In fact, a U.S. strike might even help America repair its tarnished image in the Sunni world (though it would likely incense the masses in Afghanistan and Pakistan given U.S. military involvement in those countries).

Politically speaking, which option would be more beneficial for the U.S. president, and which would be better for the Israeli prime minister?

The outbreak of another war with a Muslim state would not bode well politically for any U.S. administration, and Washington would therefore prefer that its ally take action. For Israel's part, no prime minister has ever asked another country to fight Israel's battles, and breaking this mold would be difficult. From that perspective, an Israeli strike would be preferable. Yet if Israel believes a U.S. strike is less likely to invite Iranian retaliation against Israeli civilians, then it would prefer that Washington take the lead.

In the event that repeated military attacks are required, which country is better poised to carry them out?

The United States is a global superpower with highly developed capabilities to project power from various locations and bases all over the world. If further military action became necessary, it would have the advantage of launching a second attack from a different location than the first. Israel's ability to repeat an attack while varying its approach is more limited.

***

After discussing these issues, the president and prime minister's advisers suggest that a U.S.-led strike is preferable from a military perspective. Yet determining which country should strike extends far beyond military capabilities. Attacking Iran's nuclear facilities is but a tactical step toward the strategic goal of permanently halting the regime's drive toward nuclear weapons. Mechanically damaging the program is not an end goal in itself, since no amount of bombs can destroy Iran's nuclear knowhow. Any strike must necessarily be followed by negotiations and a self-enforcing diplomatic deal that prevents Tehran from reconstituting the program or achieving breakout capability in the future.

Accordingly, the advisers point out that the operational benefits of a U.S.-led attack must be weighed against the post-strike political and military implications. In particular, a U.S. strike could limit Washington's ability to negotiate with Iran's leaders, who would not want to be seen as having been coerced by the "Great Satan." Preserving the U.S. negotiating role is crucial. An Israeli attack may have a better chance of meeting that goal, but it would almost certainly not enjoy the same international support as a U.S. strike. Israeli military action could therefore topple the international regime of export controls and sanctions that President Obama has so carefully cobbled together. And without strict sanctions in place to prevent Iran from reimporting nuclear material, it may be a matter of years before the regime reconstitutes the program -- this time entirely bunkered underground to protect against future strikes.

Lastly, the advisers caution, Israel cannot and will not ask the United States to fight on its behalf, nor does Washington wish to be seen as having entered another costly and unpopular war in a Muslim country at Israel's behest.

We want to hear what you think about this article. Submit a letter to the editor or write to letters@theatlantic.com.

Harold Brown Chair in defense policy studies at the Center for Stra­tegic and International Studies. He is a retired general in the U.S. Marine Corps. James Cartwright is the