Labour is heading for a row at its annual conference on Saturday over its Brexit policy as activists vow to force a vote on making the party campaign in favour of remaining in the EU, regardless of Jeremy Corbyn’s personal stance.

Pro-remain activists said they intended to fight for a vote on Labour becoming a clear party of remain, insisting that in the event of a second referendum its staff, data, money and efforts must be deployed towards campaigning to stay in the EU.

The activists said they wanted Labour to commit to campaigning to stay in the EU, even if Corbyn wants to be an “honest broker” between the two sides, while letting the public decide. They said their negotiating “red line” was that the party itself had to commit to campaigning to stay in the EU, and prepared for a battle with those who want Labour not to commit to either side.

Corbyn has repeatedly declined to say which side he would campaign on, if any, at a potential second referendum, after pledging that as prime minister he would negotiate a better Brexit deal and put that to a public vote alongside the option of remain.

Pro-remain activists have been seeking signs of a compromise from the leader’s office that could avoid a row at the upcoming autumn conference.

However, groups involved in the push to make Labour an unequivocally pro-remain party said they were prepared to force the issue to a vote if no concessions emerged on or before Saturday night, when the text of a motion to be put to delegates would emerge.

Clive Lewis, MP for Norwich South, said: “Everyone in the party – from the front bench to the rank and file – must have the right to campaign however they like in a future public vote, or to sit it out. But Labour is a democratic party and 90% of our members, the people who knock on doors and get us elected, don’t want Brexit to happen. This is a simple democratic issue – the machine must back the members.”

Michael Chessum, national organiser for Another Europe is Possible, said: “The dividing line at this conference isn’t about whether Jeremy Corbyn is forced to campaign for remain – it’s about what happens with the party machine – the data, money and infrastructure that could prove vital in a referendum. We need to send a signal to members, and to our voters, that Labour as a party backs remain.”

Facebook Twitter Pinterest Clive Lewis MP, centre, talks to members of the public during the Put It To The People March on 23 March 2019 in London. Photograph: Andy Hall/The Observer

More than 80 similar pro-remain motions from local parties have been submitted to the conference, which will be subject to a “compositing” process to determine the text of a single motion to be put to delegates.

If no text can be agreed, it is possible that two motions could result – one proposing Labour becomes a clearly pro-remain party and another closer to the leadership’s position of letting the public decide in a second referendum.

The vote would then be likely to take place on Monday. However, the conference is not certain to vote in favour of a clear pro-remain position, despite an overwhelming majority of members in favour of staying in the EU, as most trade unions have taken the same position as the leadership.

If it gets to a vote on the conference floor, many delegates could also be reluctant to undermine Corbyn’s stated position that he wants a second referendum with the public deciding between a Labour-negotiated leave and remain option.

Q&A What does a no-deal or WTO-rules Brexit mean? Show Hide If the UK leaves the EU without a deal it would by default, become a “third country”, with no overarching post-Brexit plan in place and no transition period. The UK would no longer be paying into the EU budget, nor would it hand over the £39bn divorce payment. The UK would drop out of countless arrangements, pacts and treaties, covering everything from tariffs to the movement of people, foodstuffs, other goods and data, to numerous specific deals on things such as aviation, and policing and security. Without an overall withdrawal agreement each element would need to be agreed. In the immediate aftermath, without a deal the UK would trade with the EU on the default terms of the World Trade Organization (WTO), including tariffs on agricultural goods. The UK government has already indicated that it will set low or no tariffs on goods coming into the country. This would lower the price of imports – making it harder for British manufacturers to compete with foreign goods. If the UK sets the tariffs to zero on goods coming in from the EU, under WTO “most favoured nation” rules it must also offer the same zero tariffs to other countries.

WTO rules only cover goods – they do not apply to financial services, a significant part of the UK’s economy. Trading under WTO rules will also require border checks, which could cause delays at ports, and a severe challenge to the peace process in Ireland without alternative arrangements in place to avoid a hard border.

Some no-deal supporters have claimed that the UK can use article XXIV of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Gatt) to force the EU to accept a period of up to 10 years where there are no tariffs while a free trade agreement is negotiated. However, the UK cannot invoke article XXIV unilaterally – the EU would have to agree to it. In previous cases where the article has been used, the two sides had a deal in place, and it has never been used to replicate something of the scale and complexity of the EU and the UK’s trading relationship. The director general of the WTO, Roberto Azevêdo, has told Prospect magazine that “in simple factual terms in this scenario, you could expect to see the application of tariffs between the UK and EU where currently there are none”. Until some agreements are in place, a no-deal scenario will place extra overheads on UK businesses – eg the current government advice is that all drivers, including lorries and commercial vehicles, will require extra documentation to be able to drive in Europeif there is no deal. Those arguing for a “managed” no deal envisage that a range of smaller, sector-by-sector, bilateral agreements could be quickly put into place as mutual self-interest between the UK and EU to avoid introducing or to rapidly remove this kind of bureaucracy. Martin Belam

To avoid a damaging public split being aired at conference, one option is for the national executive committee (NEC) to step in on Sunday or Monday morning and table an overriding motion that is closer to Corbyn’s position.



However, several shadow cabinet ministers would like the party itself to commit to campaigning to remain in the EU. John McDonnell, the shadow chancellor, Diane Abbott, the shadow home secretary, Keir Starmer, the shadow Brexit secretary, and Emily Thornberry, the shadow foreign secretary, have all stated they would campaign against Brexit in a second referendum.



The majority of pro-remain motions have been drafted by leftwing groups Another Europe is Possible, Labour for a Socialist Europe and Open Labour, containing a commitment to “campaign energetically for a public vote and to remain”, alongside support for free movement, a radical domestic agenda and a vision to transform Europe.

Facebook Twitter Pinterest Shadow Brexit secretary, Keir Starmer, and shadow chancellor, John McDonnell, would both campaign against Brexit in a second referendum. Photograph: Kirsty O’Connor/PA

Chi Onwurah, Labour MP for Newcastle Central, said the party had to be alive to the threat of the Lib Dems, who have wooed some remain voters by taking a stance in favour of cancelling Brexit altogether.

“In constituencies all over the country, leave seats as well as remain ones, we are in danger of losing because our voters are turning to the Lib Dems,” she said.

“We need to reach out across the Brexit divide with our radical domestic programme, but we also need to send a clear signal to our remain voters that we understand them and are on their side.”



Eloise Harris, a delegate from Bethnal Green and Bow Labour party, added: “Jeremy Corbyn appears committed to standing above the fray and playing honest broker in a future referendum on Brexit. That can work. But as we go into a general election, members need to know that the party itself is on our side.

“Labour is a remain party – our members, unions and MPs are overwhelmingly in favour of staying in the EU. The public knows this already. We should move forward with energy and clarity and back remain, while giving full license to anyone who wants to campaign the other way. That is the only way to unite us and move the conversation on to our radical domestic offer.”

