A former sportswriter for Lendava’s local newspaper, Népújság, Horvath’s appointment as president of MMONK coincided with Orban’s return to power in 2010 after an earlier stint in 1998-2002.

MMONK, and therefore Horvath, is the main interlocutor for the Hungarian and Slovenian governments when it comes to the needs and development of the Hungarian community in Slovenia.

Historian Attila Kovacs, a former local councillor in Prekmurje, said Horvath had “totally transformed” MMONK, ending long-standing practice that councillors in the five counties of Prekmurje have the final say on MMONK’s budget and other issues.

“Applying new statutes, the organisation became totally independent from the other self-governances, giving nearly unlimited power to the president,” Kovacs told BIRN.

“Mr. Horvath uses his power in an authoritarian way. He appoints people loyal to him to every important position, while he marginalises everyone who is critical of his politics.”

Horvath disputed this, telling BIRN: “The decisions of MMONK are made by the Council of 21 persons, the president executes the decisions and represents the Council. The duties of the president did not change during the time of my mandate.”

His critics, however, say the evolution began in earnest around 2015, and coincided with an influx of funds from Hungary that were handed out in the form of grants to individuals and firms in ceremonies often presided over by Horvath.

Pro Futura, the economic development programme funded by Hungary, has provided 2.4 million euros since 2016, while the Bethlen Gabor Fund, another state fund for Hungarian spending abroad, provided 4.5 million euros between 2016 and 2018. That compares with just 222,000 euros in Hungarian state grants in 2015.

Most of the Bethlen Gabor Fund money went to institutions such as MMONK, the Institution for Hungarian Nationality and Culture, the Hungarian-language local broadcaster and the library in Lendava – all ultimately under the control of the Horvath-run MMONK.

In 2018, Horvath was elected to the one reserved seat for the Hungarian minority in Slovenia’s parliament, at which point Kovacs reported him to the state Committee for the Prevention of Corruption.

The Committee ordered Horvath to relinquish either his post as MP or the presidency of MMONK, ruling that holding both – as a member of the legislature and head of the executive branch of the Hungarian minority – represented a conflict of interest, made worse by Horvath’s directorship of Minta Ltd, a company owned by MMONK and involved in the economic development of Prekmurje.

Horvath refused and continues to hold both posts, though he did step down from Minta Ltd. A subsequent committee of legal experts ruled that his roles did not represent a conflict of interest. “I had no reason to resign,” he told BIRN. “The attack on me was clearly motivated by political reasons, with the aim of damaging my reputation and discrediting my persona.”

In the Slovenian parliament, Horvath exercised his right as a national minority lawmaker to nominate himself to a special committee tasked with investigating whether right-wing opposition leader Janez Jansa, whose Slovenian Democratic Party came first in 2018 election but was unable to form a majority to govern, received illegal campaign funds from Hungary via allies of Orban.

Orban personally campaigned for both men – Horvath and Jansa – during 2018 election, though Horvath had other help too.

‘I’d call it self-censorship’

In Prekmurje, the main Hungarian-language newspaper, television station and radio, are financed mainly from the Slovenian budget, but their directors are appointed by Horvath’s MMONK. Sources say a number of editors in these outlets have relatives employed directly or indirectly by MMONK.

They have barely a bad word to say about Horvath, who is not afraid to make his presence felt.

In 2018, the media ombudsman of Slovenia’s public broadcaster characterised the Hungarian-language television coverage as highly biased, saying it was focused almost exclusively on the Hungarian government and its supporters.

At the radio, one of the news editors, Bettina Gerebic, in which she said Hungarians living outside of Hungary should not vote in Hungarian elections.

According to Gerebic, Horvath and the local Hungarian consul turned up the next day to complain. Gerebic was ordered to cover only culture and children’s topics, while her boss issued an on-air apology for the op-ed.

The situation is little better at the newspaper, Népújság, where Horvath once worked.