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There is a lot of news amid national headlines but there is only one story. Unfortunately, that story is a complex multidimensional matrix of politics, law enforcement corruption, the DC swamp, and vested interests attempting to hide and manipulate facts, ie. The Russian Election/Collusion Story.

What I am going to introduce today is how the 2016 FISA-702(16)(17) data and surveillance activity issues; and the 2016 FISA Court applications for surveillance and search warrants; and the Christopher Steele (Fusion GPS) Russian Dossier; and the individual actions by DOJ, FBI and IC officials; all connect within the targeted political weaponization of government.

As many of you are aware we have been chasing and researching the fact-trail of this story for over a year. In my opinion this is the biggest story in our lifetime as it relates to government officials, specifically DOJ and FBI leadership, weaponizing their offices to retain political power for their ideological allies. Taken in totality it is a very troubling story. Nonetheless THAT STORY exists regardless of our discomfort.

Additionally, in the downstream aftermath, there are two political forces facing off amid the aggregate “Russian Election/Collusion Story”. One side is trying to find out the details behind the origin therein; the other side is trying to hide the origin therein. When we look at the reason for hiding the origin of the Russian narrative, we enter the rabbit hole of previous intelligence community activity and their weaponization of government.

Yesterday President Trump signed an executive memorandum for the Director of National Intelligence that forces the DNI to develop a responsive plan for any inquiry from a non-public entity about their information being swept up in intelligence gathering operations. Also yesterday, Representative Ron DeSantis wrote a letter to House Speaker Paul Ryan requesting Ryan declassify all documents surrounding the Steele Dossier and its use therein.

Both of yesterdays actions appear connected to the larger battle within the back-story.

If you have not followed the prior research about how NSA Director Admiral Rogers responded to his discoveries in 2016 you might be lost in this discussion. –SEE HERE–

This outline builds on that prior research and exposes specific individuals who participated in the scheme.

IMPORTANT – We are no longer taking it for granted a FISA warrant was ever given to the DOJ because NO-ONE can prove a FISA warrant exists. Heck, no-one can even point to anything that directly claims a FISA warrant was even requested. There are inferences, suspicions, media reports based on anonymous leaks, but no direct or reasonable evidence beyond innuendo. We are eighteen months past the reported origination dates, and there’s not a single official who will state a 2016 FISA warrant was applied for or granted. Therefore we must begin to question that basic assumption.

That said, the inability to prove the existence of a FISA warrant does not prove a FISA warrant doesn’t exist. Additionally, the cloud-of-uncertainty conveniently, perhaps purposely, makes it challenging to outline the liars within the intelligence community.

When it comes to questions around the 2016 DOJ/FBI FISA warrant – A key approach to finding the truth is to apply the scientific method during the research; question our underlying assumptions and reverse the hypothesis.

Example: Can we prove the non-existence of the FISA warrant?

Well, there is direct and attributable, evidence no FISA warrant existed.

And there is no direct, and attributable, evidence a FISA warrant did exist.

However, the absence of evidence is not evidence of its absence. Just because we cannot prove a FISA Warrant exists doesn’t prove the non-existence of the FISA Warrant; which, as you will see, is a critical piece of this puzzle.

It is important, heck, critical, to underscore that all of the currently available evidence indicates that TWO intelligence units participated in the majority of the illegal activity surrounding the 2016 Trump Operation: ♦The Department of Justice National Security Division (DOJ-NSD), and the ♦FBI Counterintelligence Division.

If you have read the prior explanation about compartmented intelligence, and how the process was used to hide illegal intelligence activity, you will more easily connect-the-dots on who/how this was strategically used.

On March 20th 2017 FBI Director James Comey testified to congress. During that congressional testimony James Comey was asked why the FBI Director did not inform congressional oversight, senior leadership, about the counterintelligence operation that began in July 2016.

FBI Director Comey said he did not tell congressional oversight he was investigating presidential candidate Donald Trump because the Director of Counterintelligence, W.H. “Bill” Priestap suggested he not do so. *Very important detail.*

FBI Director James Comey is stating on the record that the FBI Counterintelligence Operation was happening without oversight, and that lack of oversight was intentional. *Important Detail*

However, for the sake of this review pay attention to his remarks about the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, or DNI.

WATCH the first three minutes:

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Notice how Director Comey avoids mentioning the 2016 DNI James Clapper. Clapper was DNI throughout President Obama’s tenure and was DNI during the 2016 counterintelligence operation that James Comey and Bill Priestap intentionally kept hidden from congress.

The obfuscation about James Clapper might not seem like a big deal, and almost everyone missed it at the time, however in hindsight it is another critical part of the evidence against James Comey.

IF THERE WAS a FISA Warrant issued against the Trump Campaign, or Trump Officials, by the FBI (Counterintelligence Unit), or DOJ (National Security Division), James Clapper would have to be notified of it.

Now, let’s look at what happens when James Clapper is questioned about the FISA Warrant, as he explains on NBC March 5th 2017. This is TWO WEEKS BEFORE the James Comey testimony to congress on March 20th.

Pay close attention to the exact wording Clapper uses, and the thought he puts into explaining himself.

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Watch it Again. Closely.

There’s no ambiguity in James Clapper in that March 5th 2017 interview. He can specifically deny any FISA Warrant for Trump Tower, Campaign Officials, or Trump Campaign HQ.

That interview is so critical to Clapper personally – when questioned about FISA Warrants and Wiretaps six months later, September 24th 2017, he refers the questioning back to his NBC answer on March 5th, 2017.

Again, Watch Closely:

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Do ya think that earlier answer and conversation was parsed carefully between March 5th and September 24th?

Title III requires Federal, state and, other government officials to obtain judicial authorization for intercepting “wire, oral, and electronic” communications such as telephone conversations and e-mails. It also regulates the use and disclosure of information obtained through authorized wiretapping. 18 U.S.C. §§ 2516-18. An exception to the requirement that government obtain a warrant before intercepting covered communications is provided where: “any investigative or law enforcement officer, specially designated by the Attorney General, the Deputy Attorney General, the Associate Attorney General, or by the principal prosecuting attorney of any State or subdivision thereof acting pursuant to a statute of that State…

reasonably determines that an emergency situation exists that involves immediate danger of death or serious physical injury to any person, conspiratorial activities threatening the national security interest, or conspiratorial activities characteristic of organized crime that requires a wire, oral, or electronic communication to be intercepted before an order authorizing such interception can, with due diligence, be obtained, and

there are grounds upon which an order could be entered under this chapter to authorize such interception.” In such an emergency situation, the Federal government may begin intercepting communications, provided “an application for an order approving the interception is made in accordance with this section within forty-eight hours after the interception has occurred, or begins to occur.” In this situation, if the warrant is ultimately denied, the intercepted communications are treated as having been obtained in violation of Title III. 18 U.S.C. § 2518(7). (LINK)

Within this entire enterprise of spying on the Trump Campaign there is no “wiretapping” per se’ because EVERYTHING is being collected by NSA. The issue is: can you legally “look at” what is already being collected?

That’s where Admiral Mike Rogers comes in because he discovered political operatives were LOOKING AT IT. Hence, his report to the FISC about FISA-702(17) violations.

Again, all research indicates the DOJ National Security Division (John P Carlin) and FBI Counterintelligence Division (W.H. “Bill” Priestap) were the two DOJ organizations operating in concert with Fusion-GPS and Christopher Steele while simultaneously carrying out the prior known surveillance activity. Any FISA Warrant stemming from these two entities would have to pass the desk of ODNI James Clapper.

If a FISA Wiretap warrant is factually discovered, against the backdrop of James Clapper stating EMPHATICALLY no Title III FISA Wiretap warrant existed, how would that conflict be resolved?

Additionally, the internal issues with FISA-702(16)(17) unauthorized “About Query” searches being conducted and discovered in 2016 by NSA Director Admiral Rogers, would lend even greater weight to the DOJ-NSD and FBI CoIntel as the origin. SEE HERE.

We know the FBI Counterintelligence Operation against the Trump Campaign was operating without congressional notification or oversight.

We also know the DOJ-NSD Operation was also operating without oversight:

In 2015 Asst. Attorney General Sally Yates blocked any inspector general oversight of the DOJ National Security Division (SEE Pdf HERE). The Office of Inspector General, Michael Horowitz, requested oversight over the DOJ National Security Division and it was Sally Yates who responded with a lengthy 58-page legal explanation saying, essentially, ‘nope – not allowed.’ (PDF HERE) All of the DOJ is subject to oversight, except the NSD.

It is important to note here that President-elect Trump nominated Senator Dan Coats as ODNI on January 5th, 2017 – however, Democrats held up that nomination until March 16th, 2017. It is not coincidental that immediately following DNI Dan Coat’s ability to provide information, Intelligence Committee Chairman Devin Nunes first reported his concerns.

After Devin Nunes review the Eisenhower SCIF information March 22nd 2017, two days after James Comey’s testimony, Chairman Nunes stated the intelligence product he reviewed was: “not related to Russia, or the FBI Russian counter-intelligence investigation”.

House Intelligence Committee Chairman, Devin Nunes, then held a brief press conference and stated he has been provided intelligence reports brought to him by unnamed sources that include ‘significant information’ about President-Elect Trump and his transition team.

WATCH:

1.) …”On numerous occasions the [Obama] intelligence community incidentally collected information about U.S. citizens involved in the Trump transition.” 2.) “Details about U.S. persons associated with the incoming administration; details with little or no apparent foreign intelligence value were widely disseminated in intelligence community reporting.” 3.) “Third, I have confirmed that additional names of Trump transition members were unmasked.” 4.) “Fourth and finally, I want to be clear; none of this surveillance was related to Russia, or the investigation of Russian activities.

“The House Intelligence Committee will thoroughly investigate surveillance and its subsequent dissemination, to determine a few things here that I want to read off:” •“Who was aware of it?” •“Why it was not disclosed to congress?” •“Who requested and authorized the additional unmasking?” •“Whether anyone directed the intelligence community to focus on Trump associates?” •“And whether any laws, regulations or procedures were violated?” “I have asked the Directors of the FBI, NSA and CIA to expeditiously comply with my March 15th (2017) letter -that you all received a couple of weeks ago- and to provide a full account of these surveillance activities.”

When you add up the absence of a FISA warrant with the discoveries by NSA Director Mike Rogers, and overlay Devin Nunes concerns, this is the picture:

President Obama’s political operatives within the DOJ-NSD were using FISA 702(17) surveillance “about inquiries” that would deliver electronic mail and phone communication for U.S. people (Trump campaign). The NSD unit (John Carlin) was working in coordination with the FBI Counterintelligence Unit (Bill Priestap, Peter Strzok etc.) to look at this campaign activity. DOJ Attorney Lisa Page was the intermediary between the DOJ National Security Division and he FBI Counterintelligence Division.

In an effort to stop the FISA 702(17) activity NSA Director Mike Rogers initiated a full 702 compliance review. However, before the review was complete the DOJ-NSD had enough information for their Russian narrative; which was built upon FISA-702(17) that began in July ’16 per James Comey. Mike Rogers stopped the FISA702(17) process on October 26th 2016. As a result of his identifying the activity, Rogers became a risk; DNI James Clapper demanded he be fired.

♦Ten days after the presidential election, November 17th 2016, Admiral Rogers travels to Trump Tower without telling ODNI James Clapper. Rogers likely informs President-elect Trump of the prior activity by the FBI and DOJ, including the probability that all of Trump Tower’s email and phone communication was being collected and reviewed by political operatives within the DOJ-NSD and FBI.

♦ On November 17th, 2016, NSA Director Admiral Mike Rogers went to see President-Elect Donald Trump in Trump Tower, New York. –SEE HERE– Director Rogers never told his boss DNI, James Clapper.

♦ On November 18th, 2016, the Trump Transition Team announced they were moving all transition activity to Trump National Golf Club in Bedminster, New Jersey. –SEE HERE– Where they interviewed and discussed the most sensitive positions to fill. Defense, State, CIA, ODNI.

The transition team was set up in Trump Tower. The very next day, November 18th 2016, Trump moves the entire transition team to Bedminister New Jersey?

Does this make more sense now?

All research indicates the information the DOJ and FBI collected via their FISA-702(16)(17) queries, and the stuff Fusion GPS was creating via Christopher Steele (The “Russian Dossier), was used to create the Russian Narrative, “The Insurance Policy“.

♦Ultimately, the people within all of these unlawful intercepts of information is what Devin Nunes discovered when he looked at the “unmasking requests” which were a result of those FISA 702(17) collections on Team Trump. That’s why Devin Nunes was so stunned at what he saw in February and March 2017.

The ENTIRE SYSTEM of surveillance and data collection was weaponized against a political campaign. There were no authorizing or accompanying FISA warrants.

IG Stimulated Releases of Information:

♦Release #1 was the FBI Agent Strzok and Attorney Lisa Page story; and the repercussions from discovering their politically motivated bias in the 2015/2016 Clinton email investigation and 2016/2017 Russian Election investigation.

♦Release #2 outlined the depth of FBI Agent Strzok and FBI Attorney Page’s specific history in the 2016 investigation into Hillary Clinton to include the changing of the wording [“grossly negligent” to “extremely careless”] of the probe outcome delivered by FBI Director James Comey.

♦Release #3 was the information about DOJ Deputy Bruce Ohr being in contact with Fusion GPS at the same time as the FISA application was submitted and granted by the FISA court; which authorized surveillance and wiretapping of candidate Donald Trump; that release also attached Bruce Ohr and Agent Strzok directly to the Steele Dossier.

♦Release #4 was information that Deputy Bruce Ohr’s wife, Nellie Ohr, was an actual contract employee of Fusion GPS, and was hired by F-GPS specifically to work on opposition research against candidate Donald Trump. Both Bruce Ohr and Nellie Ohr are attached to the origin of the Christopher Steele Russian Dossier.

♦Release #5 was the specific communication between FBI Agent Strzok and FBI Attorney Page. The 10,000 text messages that included evidence of them both meeting with Asst. FBI Director Andrew McCabe to discuss the “insurance policy” against candidate Donald Trump in August of 2016.

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