Move over Berlin. The real center of German political intrigue right now is further south.

While national leaders try to figure out how to form a government, a battle is underway for control of the Christian Social Union (CSU), the Bavarian sister party of Angela Merkel's Christian Democrats.

The CSU plays a key role in Berlin, as the Bavarian component of the conservative parliamentary group that gives Merkel her power, and will have a big say in the composition of the next German government.

But what the party cares about most is its southern home state — and defending its absolute majority in the Bavarian assembly in an election next fall. The battle to lead the party reflects a big internal debate about how best to bounce back after a poor score — by the CSU's standards — of 39 percent within the region in September's German general election.

Party officials and activists are divided over whether to move to the right, so as to counter the threat from the far-right Alternative for Germany, or to move to the center — or try to straddle both positions.

In short, the CSU is trying to work out what needs to change so that everything can stay the same politically in Germany's second most populous state, which prides itself on being home to major companies including BMW and Siemens while also retaining a rural, folksy charm.

At the center of the action is the party leader and Bavarian state premier, Horst Seehofer. The 68-year-old is under pressure to say whether he wants to keep one or both of his jobs ahead of a party conference next month.

In an interview published at the weekend, Seehofer said he still hadn't made up his mind about his political future.

But Seehofer is just one member of a cast of characters in a political drama that will play out over the coming weeks. Here's a guide to the key players.

1. Horst Seehofer

The wily veteran has managed to fend off efforts to get him to spell out his plans so far. He managed to postpone decision day last week by appointing a group of three party stalwarts to advise him on the best way forward.

Seehofer was weakened by the poor result in September's election. Internal critics accused him of having been too close to Merkel's centrist course and not tough enough in opposing her open-borders refugee policy.

However, he also won praise from colleagues for his negotiating skills in exploratory talks on forming a national government with Merkel's CDU party, the liberal Free Democrats and the Greens. Although those talks collapsed when the Free Democrats walked out a week ago, no blame was attached to the CSU chief.

"Now, to my surprise, many party colleagues are pressuring me with the argument that it's important for Bavaria and Germany that I keep this post and stand again as party leader," Seehofer told Bild am Sonntag newspaper. "Even people who've criticized me up until now are saying this. But I'm still undecided on this issue."

Seehofer plans to present his ideas on who should lead Bavaria and the CSU on Monday, December 4. That gives him a week to take soundings, float his ideas with different party groups and senior figures — and persuade them to follow his course.

The way Seehofer has managed to resist efforts to oust him or get him to set out a plan for the future has made one thing clear: He's still a force to be reckoned with. He has proceedings in his own hands and has been given time to shape his party's leadership according to his own ideas.

That's not to everyone's taste. Former party leader Erwin Huber warned Seehofer on Friday he could not pass on the leadership like an old farmer leaving his land to the heir of his choice. (Huber knows how brutal internal CSU battles can be — he was ousted after only a year in the top post in 2008.)

2. Markus Söder

Bavaria's 50-year-old finance minister has made clear he thinks the time has come for him to take over as state premier, whether or not that means he also takes on the party leadership. He is a polarizing figure who, even within the party, has fervent supporters and bitter opponents (Seehofer above all).

After a long meeting of senior CSU figures on Thursday night, Söder showed considerable chutzpah by saying in a ZDF television interview there were "no camps" within the party. He said the party was looking for a "long-term solution" with a "broad team." But he also said the CSU's "power center" was its group in the Bavarian parliament — which just happens to be where support for him is strongest.

In other words: My friends are going to push through my ambitions, come what may.

Söder, who embraced social media early on, is both "a very modern and very traditional politician," observed a senior CDU figure who knows him well. He has posed with youngsters in Lederhosen for selfies and has also strengthened his support base by decentralizing his ministry's offices across the state.

As leader, he would probably shift the party further to the right. But he is also pragmatic enough to know that the CSU can only retain its absolute majority by appealing to a broad range of voters.

His biggest strength: his qualities as a fighter for his own cause.

His weakness: being too overt about his leadership ambitions. It did not go down well with everybody when Söder posed earlier this month with the party's youth organization — and their signs calling for him to become state premier.

Another drawback: Söder is from the region of Franconia, which is not considered 100 percent Bavarian in the state's heartland.

Still, Söder is in pole position to take over one or both of Seehofer's jobs. But he could yet trip himself up — or be stopped by an alliance among his foes.

3. Manfred Weber

Weber, leader of the center-right European People's Party group in the European Parliament, has made an unusual career for a CSU politician by staying away from Munich and Berlin.

But he is proud of having achieved the best result among the CSU's vice chairs in internal elections. "I've always been glad that I've received a lot of support from the party base at CSU congresses," he said Friday when asked whether he would run for a top job.

Weber described Söder as "a strong regional politician" — thereby drawing an implicit contrast with his own career as a figure on the international stage. He visited Theresa May this month — at her suggestion, Weber has been sure to make clear.

Weber's message: Söder wouldn't be able to guarantee the CSU's influence on national or European politics — its raison d'être according to the party's legendary and longtime leader Franz Josef Strauß.

The 45-year-old has noted that the CSU lost more votes to the liberal FDP than it did to the far right in September's general election, suggesting there would be no tilt to the right if he becomes leader.

If Weber wants to take over as head of the CSU and keep his job in the European Parliament, however, he will have to persuade a party that prides itself on its Bavarian identity above all that it can be run from Brussels.

On the other hand, his job in Brussels is secure. He doesn't have much to lose in an open battle for the leadership.

4. Ilse Aigner

Seehofer pulled Aigner out of a federal ministerial job to make her Bavaria's economy minister and set her up as a crown princess to take over from him. Aigner has struggled to grow into that role but she does have "mother of the (Bavarian) nation" appeal and an influential position as the head of the CSU's powerful Upper Bavaria section.

Earlier this month, Aigner proposed letting party members decide who should get the top jobs — a proposal in line with the CSU's love of referenda and with the party's statute. The plan was swiftly shot down by allies of Söder, who claimed it was a ploy to grab the state premier's job for herself. But the criticism struck some party members as over the top.

Bavaria's Europe minister Beate Merk told Süddeutsche Zeitung she was shocked by such "personally wounding and aggressive" attacks and asked whether Aigner's critics "would attack a male colleague in the same way."

The support for Aigner was a reminder that the CSU group in the state parliament is not the only power center. The party's women's group, local politicians and the CSU group in the Bundestag also wield influence — and Aigner has friends among all of them.

5. Alexander Dobrindt

Dobrindt leads the CSU group of MPs in the Bundestag. The car-industry-friendly transport minister in the last national government, he revels in the role of Greens-basher-in-chief.

While other members of the CSU's coalition negotiating team in Berlin struck up good relationships with the Greens, Dobrindt made sure no one got the impression that the two parties had gotten too cozy. He came out against policies proposed by the Greens, traditionally the CSU's favorite whipping boy, on everything from energy to security.

Dobrindt's reputation within the party hasn't suffered from the fact that his flagship project as transport minister, an Autobahn road toll, exists only on paper. He is considered a strong CSU figure in Berlin — in contrast to Söder, whose power base is very much back home in Bavaria. Making sure the CSU wields influence within the national government is a tricky task, given the party has been the smallest partner in all recent ruling coalitions — although it also has the advantage of being the closest ally of Merkel's party.

6. Joachim Herrmann

Bavaria's interior minister stands for the party's core promise to its voters to keep the state safe and secure. He led the party's general election campaign and thus was weakened by the CSU's poor result.

He also looked somewhat hapless by not winning a seat for himself in the Bundestag — due to a quirk of the German electoral system, which penalized him for running on a party list rather than as a candidate for direct election.

His strength: As a minister, he's a safe pair of hands.

His weakness: Like Söder, he's from Franconia. If Söder gets one of the top jobs, it might be too much for CSU members in the Bavarian heartland to have someone else from the same region in the other.