Jacek Rostowski makes an interesting point on Theresa May's Brexit problem, and her eagerness to push it through as soon as possible. The challenge she faces at home may be bigger than the one she will face in Brussels, and she worries more about provoking the Brexiteers than appeasing the Bremainers.

The author highlights the division within the Leave coalition, which makes up of two groups that share "certain conservative values", but different agendas. To one faction belong English nationalists, who are "mostly middle-class, affluent pensioners who want to leave the EU because they think it is too bureaucratic and protectionist." The other faction makes up of nativists - "mostly working-class voters who want to leave because they favor more protectionism", who resent foreigners taking jobs away from them. Whatever deal May's government is to conclude, it will satisfy neither of the two groups.

May might want to get the whole thing over with "before voters realize that the Leave campaign sold them a false bill of goods, including the promise that they could keep all of the benefits of EU membership, particularly full access to the European single market, without having to allow free movement of labor." But she would also want to move on and focus on Britain's future, like forging trade ties overseas.

While the Tory leadership is keen on respecting the will of the Brexiteers, the author says "no one is speaking for the 48% of voters who sided with Remain, except for the Liberal-Democratic Party, which has minimal influence in Parliament." He points out "two deep structural factors that will cut short Leave’s continued political dominance in the medium term."

The one factor is the "buyer's remorse" psychology. The author says, of the 1.2 million Leave voters, a million of them were not politically engaged and didn't vote in the 2015 election that ushered in a strong Tory government under David Cameron. They may have been misinformed and misled by the Leave campaign or they cast their votes in protest against the government and establishment. "These disengaged voters will likely not participate in future elections, though they might mobilize for a second EU referendum, if one were to be held."

The other factor is - according to the author - that the Bremainers have a demographic advantage. "Leave-voter deaths will exceed those of Remain voters by 150,000, while new Remain voters entering the electorate will surpass those of Leave by 150,000 (after adjusting for differential turnout between young and old). This generational dynamic alone will tip the balance in Remain’s favor by about 300,000 voters each year, and it will eliminate Leave’s majority by 2020." The number may be too good to be true. But it all depends on geography. Young, uneducated people with little skills growing up in deprived rural areas in England may not vote differently than their parents.

Indeed, the June referendum shows how divided the country is. "Leave and Remain voters’ attitudes differ on almost everything, from the death penalty to environmental conservation. And anyone reading the two sides’ increasingly heated online interactions can see that they heartily despise each other." The author speaks of “deep blue water” - a division "between Remain’s growing constituency and Leave’s diminishing one" that would mar "British politics for at least a generation." With radical Leave voters pushing for a hard Brexit, while Bremainers want a soft one, and given the unforgiving stance in Brussels, the "divorce" may be lengthy and painful. Moreover May's government seems inept to grapple with multiple challenges. Soon people come to realise that she will fail to “get the best deal for Britain.” The author predicts her government might last until May, but not much longer." The wisdom nowadays is that you take each day as it comes. Five months are a long time in politics, and much could happen in between.