Mike Bloomberg is using his vast personal fortune to commandeer the Democratic Party, discarding tradition and ignoring the party establishment in an unorthodox bid to capture the presidential nomination.

The former New York City mayor is moving to leapfrog entrenched Democrats with carefully laid plans that follow time-honored rules for seeking the presidential nomination. Bloomberg’s approach is reminiscent of another billionaire candidate initially dismissed as a long shot. In 2016, President Trump crashed a crowded Republican primary, flouting party norms as he elbowed out established politicians.

Bloomberg is skipping Iowa and other early nominating contests popular with grassroots Democrats and the party's establishment. The 77-year-old media mogul is spending hundreds of millions of dollars to field massive, high-paid ground and digital operations and to blanket television airwaves across the country in a big play for 14 states that vote on Super Tuesday, March 3. He is paying for all of it out of his own, deep pockets.

“Bloomberg recognizes that a crowded field has resulted in an electorate that isn't solidly behind anyone,” said Ed Espinoza, a Democratic operative in Austin, Texas, active in efforts to turn the state blue. “Thus, the unconventional strategy of skipping the first four states might actually work this time around. And if it doesn't, it's a great launching pad for a new super PAC or 501(c)4 organization to mobilize voters for November.”

The Bloomberg campaign is less a coalition than it is a virtual shadow party. He is strictly self-funding, declining to solicit or accept donations. He is not endorsed by major liberal groups that might influence his agenda. Just 10 Democratic politicians or influential party operatives have backed him, according FiveThirtyEight’s endorsement tracker. Should Bloomberg’s gambit fail, he is promising to keep the lights on at his campaign and put it to work for whoever wins the nomination.

If the ex-mayor follows through, he could wield unusual influence over the party. The Democratic National Committee is stretched thin, underfunded and outmanned by the Republican National Committee and its robust field and data programs deployed continuously since 2014. Without Bloomberg’s help, the Democratic nominee might have trouble competing with the Trump campaign.

“There’s no doubt that to beat Donald Trump you want people going all-in,” said Neil Sroka, spokesman for Democracy For America, a liberal activist group. “But I don’t think anyone is saying that’s a good thing for our democracy.”

Democracy for America is neutral in the primary, although it's generally supportive of Bernie Sanders, a socialist, and Elizabeth Warren. The Left is suspicious of Bloomberg, whom they criticize as hailing from the party’s “corporate wing.” The Bloomberg campaign told the Washington Examiner that it has no hidden agenda. “Mike is committed to defeating Donald Trump, no matter what happens,” spokeswoman Erin McPike said. “He’s running because he’s the best person to do it.”

Bloomberg's power over Democrats is related to his money. He claims he is willing to spend $1 billion — on himself or the eventual nominee. Most of his ideas are consistent with those of the moderate-to-liberal Democratic establishment.

Trump spent far less of his own money but still wrested the party from the Washington GOP establishment based on the power of his personality and with a populist platform that appealed to conservatives and working-class voters harmed by the economy. He took a sledgehammer to GOP orthodoxy on foreign policy, trade, and other issues, while agreeing to adopt priorities such as repealing Obamacare, appointing conservative judges, and cutting taxes.