When the message came through mid-afternoon yesterday that Jeremy Corbyn was planning a no-confidence motion, it seemed as if the trigger had finally been pulled.

He had been lobbied for weeks by his own MPs, party grandees and opposition parties to push that button; and had said himself that it would happen at the right time.

They were swiftly disappointed.

It was actually a vote of no confidence in the prime minister - a symbolic move intended to embarrass her - not the legally binding process which could topple the government.

Image: Downing Street is calling Mr Corbyn's bluff

The big gun would not be deployed, even though it is the only way for Labour, if it won the vote, to trigger a general election.


That is what Mr Corbyn constantly says he wants.

An afternoon of confusing comings and goings was to follow.

Mr Corbyn said he would go ahead with his limited plan to censure the prime minister personally, if she failed to announce a date on which Parliament would vote on her deal, which she promptly did - January 14.

Image: The government is not obliged to give it time for a debate and vote

His shadow chancellor John McDonnell then briefed the media that Jeremy Corbyn had got what he wanted.

But wait - after the prime minister had sat down, Mr Corbyn was up again, saying he would go ahead with his no-confidence plan regardless.

It is not binding, and with three days to go until the House of Commons breaks for Christmas, the government is not obliged to give it time for a debate and vote.

What the Labour leader proposed was a fudge, intended to embarrass the embattled prime minister, but in fact leaving his own position exposed.

As Scottish First Minister Nicola Sturgeon tweeted: "Labour tabling a motion just in the PM rather than in the entire government begs the question, which Tory do they want to see as PM?"

Labour tabling a motion just in the PM rather than in the entire government begs the question, which Tory do they want to see as PM? — Nicola Sturgeon (@NicolaSturgeon) December 17, 2018

Why won't Jeremy Corbyn use his biggest parliamentary weapon, the vote of no confidence in Her Majesty's Government, given that he has accused the prime minister of presiding over a "national crisis"?

Officially, the party says there is little point on doing it unless they win, which would require DUP support, hence biding their time.

If there had been any glimmer of hope that hardline Brexiteers in the Conservative Party - who had tried to topple Mrs May themselves last week - would vote against the prime minister without the threat of an election hanging over them, it was quickly extinguished.

The European Research Group, led by Jacob Rees-Mogg, rowed in behind Mrs May.

Ditto the DUP, who said they would not also support the Labour leader's move either as they want to see what she can bring back from Brussels by January.

The PM commands my confidence, says Rees-Mogg

There is another reason too.

At his party's conference, at which members' views are supreme, Labour came to a tortured position on Brexit.

The party vowed to seek a general election and if it could not achieve that, all options including a second referendum, would be on the table.

If a vote of no confidence in the government was tried and failed, there would be immense pressure on the party to back another poll.

Image: Labour's policy is to call for a second referendum if it can't get an election

The Labour leadership, and large numbers of MPs, are deeply uneasy about a second referendum, fearing it would be divisive and damage their electoral prospects in the two-thirds of Labour seats which backed Leave.

They feel that opposition parties such as the SNP and Liberal Democrats are cynically pushing the idea in order to generate another vote, along with dozens of Labour MPs who want to reverse the result and remain in the EU.

Downing Street is now calling Mr Corbyn's bluff, challenging him to bring a no-confidence motion in the government.

If Mrs May lost, that would leave 14 days for her or an alternative leader to form a government.

If they could not, Labour would be able to have a go, before a general election would be called.

In theory, there is no limit on how many of these Labour could call.

In reality, the party's Brexit divisions mean that unless he is assured of winning, it remains too much of a risk.