Rather than endorse a single candidate, Exponents Magazine has decided to let six of our current contributors and editors make an argument for their preferred candidates. Below are arguments in favor of Elizabeth Warren, Mike Bloomberg, Pete Buttigieg, Joe Biden, Andrew Yang, and uncertainty.

Warren is the Only Way Forward

Paul Crider

Our institutions have fallen ill. They need a neoliberal physician with the right diagnosis, the right plans, and the right team. That’s Elizabeth Warren.

Neoliberals understand that high quality institutions are both hard to come by—there’s a lot of contingent luck in economic history—and subject to relentless forces of decay. A primary cause of political (and institutional) decay is what political scientist Francis Fukuyama has called “repatrimonialization”. Repatrimonialization is the tendency to award positions of power and prestige, lucrative state contracts, and other things of public value not by impartial meritocratic means, but by personal connection or the potential for personal gain. Liberalism from its inception has fought against such unjust privileges and hierarchies. Early liberals won the fight against the private privileges of primogeniture and monopoly, but privilege evolves. In our modern liberal democracy, politically-connected economic elites influence the writing and interpretation of the rules to their own advantage.

Warren has been clear that her first priority in office would be an anti-corruption bill that tightly regulates the relations between high-ranking government officials and powerful private sector economic actors, which often generate conflicts of interest. The key planks of Warren’s plan: increase transparency, limit movement between government and private sector positions, and strictly regulate lobbying by private interests. Importantly, the same anti-corruption plan calls for a strengthening of Congress’s internal policy research capabilities. This would offset the policy knowledge lost from lobbyists with augmented state capacity for research.

Neoliberals should support a generous welfare state on the universalist, consequentialist grounds that each person deserves to have their basic needs met and to have a fair shot at flourishing. We can fund such a welfare state with taxes high enough to meet needs but not so high they stifle entrepreneurship. Warren’s marginal wealth taxes promise a bounty of revenue without seriously endangering commerce and innovation. Warren’s marginal wealth taxes are allocated to fund proposals — universal childcare, student debt relief, and universal healthcare — that would extend opportunities for all, ensuring economic growth is inclusive. Meanwhile they counteract extreme inequality, which is a political danger on its own. Neoliberals should thus embrace Warren’s marginal wealth taxes.

Neoliberals understand that shared prosperity isn’t truly shared unless everyone is included. Warren has persistently focused on the disparate impact some policies have on women, people of color, and other marginalized groups. An economy that incentivizes women to stay at home to rear children while rewarding men who prioritize work over caretaking reinforces another kind of privilege and hierarchy: patriarchy. A political economy that leaves intact a racial wealth gap created over more than a century of government- and private-sponsored racist oppression isn’t “race-blind”. It’s a failure to live up to the liberal directive to dismantle unjust hierarchy and power.

Of all the candidates, Warren is most attuned to how power perpetuates itself in America. Her anti-corruption plan and wealth taxes strike at the root of entrenched economic power. Warren’s “big structural” feminism and anti-racism address different but equally important dimensions of power and would reshape American institutions to finally live up to the liberal ideals of freedom and equality for all.

Why Neoliberals Should Like Mike

Vince Donohue

In the past few presidential elections, Americans have harbored skepticism for establishment politicians “out of touch” with the general electorate. Somewhat paradoxically, in our current election, candidates such as Pete Buttigieg have been attacked for their lack of experience. How do we satisfy both of these types of voters? In order to satisfy skeptical voters and to beat Donald Trump, Americans can bet on Michael Bloomberg.

Neoliberals value technocracy, and Mike Bloomberg has a proven track record as both an elected politician and businessman. He presided over one of America’s greatest cities with the best approval ratings for a New York City mayor in recent memory. In the private sector, Mike has also excelled; building, owning, and heading perhaps the most successful and ubiquitous financial media company in history. In each capacity, Bloomberg demonstrated a data-driven and pragmatic approach to governance. He used outside expertise and statistical analysis in his efforts to make his constituency and business more effective.

Beyond just being a technocrat, Bloomberg also supports neoliberal policies. He was one of the first American politicians to call for a carbon tax, the gold standard of neoliberal climate policy, as early as 2007. Other climate-friendly policy included his promotion of bike lanes and bus lanes in New York City. However, the best plan Bloomberg has outlined is his housing program that seeks to add hundreds of thousands of housing units and award $10 billion in incentives to municipalities that remove restrictive zoning regulations. Neoliberals should support a candidate who supports market-based housing solutions, given the calls for policies such as universal rent control from other candidates.

Mike passes other litmus tests for neoliberal candidates. He is unapologetically pro-immigrant, saying that the US needs “an awful lot more immigrants”, and worked to make immigrants feel at home during his time as New York City’s mayor. His healthcare plan for a public option resembles that of other neoliberal-friendly candidates such as Joe Biden and Pete Buttigieg. Moreover, Bloomberg has lent his support to women, the LGBTQ+ community, and religious and racial minorities, as any serious candidate should. In the spirit of just giving poor people cash, Bloomberg supports necessary expansions of the EITC to give Americans more freedom and less bureaucracy. Given Bloomberg’s track record and policy positions, neoliberals should consider donating a few of their dollars to his campaign in the near future.

Buttigieg Has the Edge

Dylan Meisner

In 2020, America needs a statesman. As someone who concentrates on foreign policy and global geopolitics, I believe that Mayor Pete is the best fit for that title.

President Trump’s geopolitical philosophy, or lack thereof, has led to three years of foreign policy uncertainty and inconsistency. When dealing with dangerous despots, the President vacillates between strategies of appeasement in the cases of Kim Jong Un and Vladimir Putin, to foolhardy and reckless confrontation in the case of Iran. His erratic behavior has resulted in renewed Iranian pursuit of a nuclear bomb and an emboldened Putin, who has expanded Russia’s foreign footprint in the Middle East.

Mayor Pete is preferable to Trump in the realm of geopolitics because, being a veteran, he personally understands both the awesome might and tremendous responsibility that comes with American global hegemony. Unlike Trump’s general tendency towards an ill-advised unilateralism, Pete has expressed a preferred strategy of multilateralism in the geopolitical chess game that must be played on the world stage. He has been unafraid to call out bad actors the world over, much to the discontent of isolationists on both the political right and left who other candidates have sought to appease with messages of supposed “anti-imperialism.”

To be a statesman is not just to advocate the right set of policies. It requires being a voice that the world can trust. Bret Stephens of the New York Times put it best when he posed the question, “Wouldn’t it be nice to have a president who makes you enjoy the English language every time he speaks?” when discussing the possibility of a Buttigieg Presidency.

We need a candidate that not only opposes Trump politically, but also stands in as stark a contrast as possible with Trump’s personality. Buttigieg is a well-spoken, politically experienced young veteran and a Rhodes Scholar to boot. Prior to being President, Trump was a playboy with a Twitter account and some incoherent political opinions, and an anti-intellectual draft-dodger.

The way to beat Trump’s Euro-style Right-Populism is not to respond with the other side of its coin in Bernie Sanders. The way to beat President Trump is to return to the American mainstream with Pete Buttigieg. This is why he is my choice heading into the 2020 Democratic primaries.

Anti-Malarkey Aktion: The Practical Case for Joe Biden

Alex Newbegin

Joe Biden is the strongest and most practical candidate to be the Democratic nominee for President of the United States in 2020. There are three primary arguments why the former VP should be on the top of the Democratic ticket in 2020; Biden’s performance against Trump in polls, his ability to help deliver the Senate for the Democrats, and his deep capacity for empathy.

Beat Him Like a Drum

Joe Biden has consistently polled better than any other candidate against Donald Trump, both at the national and state level. According to RCP, Biden has beaten Donald Trump in all but three national polls conducted since 2017. His average margin of victory over Trump in these polls is 1.9% higher than anyone else’s. At the state level, Biden has consistently led in key battleground states including Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. Additionally, he makes lean Republican states such as North Carolina and Texas more competitive. The consistency and ubiquity of Biden’s strong poll performances make it clear he has the best chance to beat Donald Trump in the 2020 general election.

Overthrowing Cocaine Mitch

Control of the US Senate has been the lynchpin of the GOP’s governing strategy since they won a majority in that chamber in 2014. As Senate Majority Leader, Mitch McConnell has exercised an outsized influence over judicial appointments and Supreme Court vacancies. He has also used the filibuster to obstruct Obama’s policy agenda, and looks prepared to clear Donald Trump of all charges of wrongdoing in the upcoming impeachment trial. Given this track record of partisanship, it’s hard to imagine McConnell changing this behavior after 2020.

This makes winning the Senate almost as important for Democrats as winning the presidency in 2020. Given that Republicans already hold a three seat majority in the Senate and will likely reclaim Doug Jones’ seat in Alabama, Democrats will need to flip five seats to win an outright majority in the Senate. They will almost certainly need to win races against vulnerable Republican incumbents including Susan Collins in Maine, Thom Tillis in North Carolina, Cory Gardner in Colorado, and Martha McSally in Arizona in order to reach that threshold. Many of these states are historically unfriendly to Democrats and will require additional support and campaigning from national Democrats, including the Democratic Presidential nominee. No one would be better suited to campaign shoulder-to-shoulder with these Senate candidates than Joe Biden. He is one of the most recognizable candidates in the Democratic field, and is viewed more favorably than other candidates in many of the aforementioned states (e.g. North Carolina, Arizona, & Maine). Having Biden at the top of the ticket would be a boon for any down-ballot Democratic Senate nominees.

The Human Side of Joe Biden

While Biden’s 2020 campaign so far has been characterized by tough talk directed towards Donald Trump, it has also had some genuinely human moments. Joe Biden’s ability to connect and empathize with others is one of his greatest assets as a politician. Anecdotes similar to the times when he consoled a farmer who recently lost his wife, nibbled on his own wife’s finger at an Iowa campaign stop, and took a selfie with a New York Times security guard before his appearance on The Weekly are features of every campaign he’s ever run. Biden draws from personal struggles and tragedies in his own life – including his lifelong battle with speech impediments and the losses of his first wife, only daughter, and eldest son – to build bonds with other people. Biden’s openness about his personal losses and shortcomings is rare for a presidential candidate, but is part of what makes him such an exceptional one.

Biden’s strong polling performance, his impact on down ballot elections, and his very personal brand of retail politics make him the best possible nominee for the Democrats in 2020. Democrats have consistently rated beating Trump as their top priority, and no one is more capable of winning than Joe Biden.

Join the Yang Gang

Henry Kelly

It’s time for us all to join the #YangGang. The entrepreneur Andrew Yang is the obvious choice for neoliberals looking for the candidate that best represents neoliberal values. For proof of this, look no further than the chief neoliberal’s twitter feed:

Don’t even think about it Yang Gang pic.twitter.com/RolYjb9vV4 — Colin 🌐 (@colinmort) January 14, 2020

Yang has a broad slate of policies that should pass every neoliberal test with flying colors. He’s a huge fan of YIMBYism and strongly advocates upzoning. He strongly supports immigration and has to policies to back it up, promising to both welcome new immigrants and introduce a pathway to citizenship for undocumented ones already here. Unlike other candidates, Yang also touts a bold but actionable climate plan that features a carbon tax and support for nuclear power.

But that’s just the tip of the iceberg. Yang’s website offers dozens of other great policies such as allowing medicine to be imported to reduce its price, reducing mass incarceration and legalizing marijuana, and smaller but still important reforms like national Ranked Choice Voting. Moreover, Yang has a better chance of passing his flagship policies than most—his promise to end the filibuster should help constrain Mitch McConnell. His outsider status could even prompt cooperation, given his more unusual (and thus less polarized) policies. Taken together, these policies indicate a strong commitment to the same things neoliberals universally value, and a strong ability to implement them. At a minimum, that should at least put Yang into consideration for any neoliberal looking for a candidate.

In addition to his inspiring array of policies, Yang has a strong record for someone who’s never held public office. His previous project, Venture for America, was an attempt to implement his policies through the non-profit sector by encouraging entrepreneurship in struggling cities, with much success. Despite concerns that it hasn’t created enough jobs, VFA has helped found 129 companies in 14 struggling cities—no small feat, a testament to Yang’s management skill and commitment to his goals.

Just as importantly, Yang’s technocratic vision for governance is perfectly compatible with the neoliberal worldview. His willingness to use AI to improve governance and implement a Department of Technology are good, forward thinking policies. Yang’s policies and extensive work with VFA indicate a candidate who is willing to take advantage of technology to assist his presidency.

Finally, we come to the Freedom Dividend, Yang’s thousand dollar a month freebie for every adult in America. Neoliberals believe in markets, but we also believe they sometimes need prodding to achieve the best outcomes for everyone, and a Universal Basic Income is exactly the prodding it needs.

A UBI would provide a floor for everyone to start from but would leave recipients to decide what’s best for them, providing financial freedom and agency to people of all income levels. The program would make it easier to make investments, go to school, or just make ends meet during a bad month. The combination of a floor and financial freedom is a potent cocktail that will allow Americans to fully participate in the economy regardless of their position. In this way, the Freedom Dividend promises a step towards America’s unfulfilled promise of equality of opportunity while giving millions of Americans a bigger slice of the prosperity our modern economy creates. What’s more neoliberal than that?

It’s Okay to be Unsure

Tom Fish

In the past two Democratic primaries, it was easy for me to make a decision. In both, I quickly decided that Hillary Clinton was the best option. However, with the current field of candidates I am having a hard time deciding who to back. My heart says the anti-corruption platform of Elizabeth Warren or the millennial moderate Pete Buttigieg. On the other hand, my head says that someone extremely electable and experienced such as Joe Biden or Amy Klobuchar is the best option.

I truly believe that if Warren got to run her campaign in a vacuum, away from the weird twitter distractions and Jacobin tantrums, she would be running on a platform of fairness and anti-corruption. You can see this in her stump speeches: her first priority would be to reform perennial Beltway problems such as lobbying and conflicts of interest. America desperately needs these reforms. Unfortunately, she is also proposing a number of poor trade policies and unilateral actions that turn me off.

I am tired of Baby Boomers running for president; if I can help it, I don’t want to vote for someone who is old enough to collect Social Security. With the election of Barack Obama (a Gen-Xer by the most generous definition), I was hopeful that the torch had passed from people who remember Vietnam to new generations with their unique post-cold war perspectives. Unfortunately, Donald Trump’s election reversed that trend. At this point, there are only two viable non-Boomer options in the Democratic Primary: Buttigieg (millennial) and Klobuchar (Gen-X by the most generous definition). Both are moderates with fresh Midwestern perspectives. Unfortunately, Pete has an experience problem and Klobuchar has a likability problem.

If I was fully committed to electing the most electable candidate, then Joe Biden should be the top of my list. He has the perfect mixture of working-class background and moderate policies. You can’t visit a town in Delaware (or really on the whole DelMarVa peninsula) without meeting people who have personally interacted with Biden and feel connected with him. He has a personality that just attracts people. However, he has the Baby Boomer problem I outlined above turned up to eleven. In the September debate, Biden suggested that in 2019 people should “leave the record player on at night” to help their children’s education. Bernie is older than Biden but comes across as a much younger man. Reflecting his age, Biden’s views on marijuana are out of step with the majority of Americans. Finally, Biden has a history of being handsy and creepy to women.

I think it is okay to be unsure. There are many options this primary and they all have policies that are positive (even Bernie). They also all have policies that are unfortunate. It is impossible to find a candidate that agrees with you on every issue. It takes time and energy to weigh all of the options and in the end, you are picking the best candidate not the perfect candidate. Because no candidate is perfect, it’s perfectly natural to feel uncertain and to be unsure.