Has Congress finally found its voice on foreign policy? The jury is still out. After President Trump Donald John TrumpBiden on Trump's refusal to commit to peaceful transfer of power: 'What country are we in?' Romney: 'Unthinkable and unacceptable' to not commit to peaceful transition of power Two Louisville police officers shot amid Breonna Taylor grand jury protests MORE disrespected NATO, the alliance which rushed to our defense after the 9/11 attacks, the Senate voted 98-2 to reaffirm its support. After Trump seemed to endorse Vladimir Putin’s textbook “whataboutism,” and the White House intimated we might send a former ambassador for questioning in Moscow, the Senate voted 98-0 to condemn it, as the White House should have done from the start.

Bipartisan resolutions are helpful. But there is much more Congress can do than voice an opinion. With a Putin visit to Washington on the horizon this fall, Congress has many tools to limit the damage of the Russia posture Trump has taken. Lawmakers should start using them. We know Congress can do more because, over a combined four decades on Capitol Hill and the State Department, we have been on the giving and receiving end of vigorous legislative oversight and activism. History is full of the right and wrong ways to leverage congressional influence.

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The last 10 years have been marked by ups and downs of congressional efficacy on foreign policy. Even a convention to protect the rights of the disabled, championed by Bob Dole, was defeated as “treaty” became a dirty word on Capitol Hill. Despite years of demanding President Obama do more on Syria, Congress failed to pass authorization for use of military force for airstrikes after Bashar Assad gassed thousands. No authorization was passed to attack ISIS, even as extremists marched across Iraq and Syria and seized territory. Congress did legislate effectively in reviewing the Iran nuclear agreement and rebuking Trump’s move to defund the State Department, but too often Congress dealt itself out of the game when its voice would have been invaluable.

That is a departure from congressional history. Whether it is oversight, appropriations, legislation, or official travel, Congress has a strong hand to play. The Constitution dealt our lawmakers into the game because the Framers knew the stakes. In the words of one scholar, “The periodic tug of war between the president and Congress over foreign policy is not a byproduct of the Constitution, but rather, one of its core aims.” From Vietnam, Central America, Angola, South Africa during the apartheid, the Philippines under Ferdinand Marcos, to the Balkans, Congress has a history of affecting solid policy and pushing or prodding reluctant administrations. This must be one of those times.

Not every congressional attempt to shape foreign policy is appropriate. The most effective policies are bipartisan. Much of what we witnessed on Iran and Libya reflected hyperpartisanship and dysfunction. On issues like Russia, Democrats cannot be held hostage waiting for reluctant Republicans to speak out with them. But that does not mean they cannot try to find a critical mass of Republicans willing to act in the best interests of their country, in defense of policy objectives they have long advocated, from defending NATO to opposing foreign attacks on our democracy.

Here are five tools Congress needs to use before Putin darkens the doorway of the Oval Office. First, meaningful hearings are the top line of defense. The Senate Intelligence Committee has had a commendable and bipartisan approach to investigating what happened in 2016. But the Senate Foreign Relations Committee can provide a perspective focused on the threat of Russia. Chairman Bob Corker Robert (Bob) Phillips CorkerHas Congress captured Russia policy? Tennessee primary battle turns nasty for Republicans Cheney clashes with Trump MORE can leave the Senate channeling his inner William Fulbright by holding landmark hearings on Russian activity in Ukraine and Syria, ahead of a Putin visit to Washington, which makes it harder for Trump to frame the visit around the merits of talking to adversaries and presses him to actually challenge Russia.

Second, pass additional sanctions. Russia responds to strength. The more pressure on Moscow, the better. It empowers those negotiating the terms of a Putin visit if there is a strong right flank from Congress. Third, pass the bipartisan Senate bill to protect special counsel Robert Mueller Robert (Bob) MuellerCNN's Toobin warns McCabe is in 'perilous condition' with emboldened Trump CNN anchor rips Trump over Stone while evoking Clinton-Lynch tarmac meeting The Hill's 12:30 Report: New Hampshire fallout MORE’s investigation. The president needs to know that he is not above the law and that there is a respected cop on the beat focused on Russia. The investigation remains the best possibility of understanding how Russia attacked our democratic process and preventing its redux.

Fourth, travel. The more members of Congress who travel to Ukraine and to the regions in Europe where Russia has attacked Western democracy, the more the story can be told and the more Trump’s strange rosy view of Putin will appear delusional. Fifth, pass legislation to defend our elections and demand the administration provide a monthly report to Congress, with both classified and unclassified components, on the state of the threat of foreign interference in our American political system.

These are just five tools our lawmakers have on foreign policy. Senators may prefer other means. But they all exist to empower a coequal branch of our democratic government. President Trump has reminded us why.