Imagine this: a right-wing populist party comes to power, promising to protect the nation's Catholic roots, stand up for family values and reject the liberal elite.

There is soon an attempt to put a blanket ban on abortion.

The President declares same-sex marriage will never be legalised.

Heads roll in the public service and at state TV and radio stations.

There's a refusal to accept refugees from nearby nations — part of the concern is that many are Muslims.

Community groups say xenophobia, Islamophobia and anti-Semitism are becoming more common.

An increasingly vocal far-right fringe movement grows, inspiring people with extreme views across the continent.

A new law is introduced, which leading academics worry will make it difficult to challenge the Government's preferred version of history — powerful allies are upset.

Then there is the judicial overhaul.

In two years, 13 pieces of legislation are passed that observers believe undermine the independence of the country's courts.

Legal experts say the justice system can now be stacked with political appointees, including the court that rules on the validity of election results.

But this is not some imaginary scenario — it's all happened in Poland since 2015.

A Catholic Church service in Warsaw. ( ABC News: Lincoln Rothall )

Separately some of these measures may not seem particularly surprising.

Combined, it's easy to see why the European Union, which prides itself on values of liberty, democracy, freedom and the rule of law, is very worried.

Many fear Poland is now on the road from liberal democracy to authoritarianism.

"We are in what I would call an autocratic drift," said Jacek Kucharczyk from the Institute of Public Affairs, a policy think tank in Warsaw.

"It's a bigger process of dismantling democratic checks and balances and introducing what political scientists call majoritarian democracy, so a direct rule of parliamentary majority with little concern for the views of the minority."

It's difficult to make generalisations about the views of ordinary Polish voters, but the country is deeply polarised.

"On almost every issue, you currently have a small majority on side of the Government and an almost equally same size opposing it," Mr Kucharczyk said.

The political opposition though is split on the best way forward, while the ruling Law and Justice Party (PiS) has capitalised on the division and rapidly implemented its plans.

Jacek Kucharczyk says Poland is in what he calls an "autocratic drift". ( ABC News: Lincoln Rothall )

The view from the ground

Adam Zych, a successful Krakow businessman, is in favour of about "90 per cent" of the Government's actions.

"It is helping families with extra money and payments, it is doing things for ordinary people, not just the wealthy liberals, this is one reason why it is popular," Mr Zych said.

"The European media is biased … and people in other countries don't get a good picture of what we are doing here.

"Perhaps this is partly why we have fights at the moment."

Adam Zych says the Government's actions help families. ( ABC News: Lincoln Rothall )

Poland's biggest fight is with EU bosses over the controversial court system changes.

The Government argues the judicial system is inefficient, slow and still home to "communist" judges who presided over Soviet-era cases.

But the EU Commission is convinced the rule of law is at serious risk.

It has started an unprecedented process that could eventually see Poland face sanctions or be stripped of EU voting rights.

"Let them do this, it will bring more people to us," said Robert Winnicki, the sole MP from the far-right National Movement.

He represents a section of society that wants Poland — and fellow black sheep Hungary — to keep defying the EU's wishes to maintain an increasingly illiberal axis in the east.

In particular, Mr Winnicki is worried the EU will weaken the foundations of Polish society by encouraging an "invasion" of Muslim refugees.

"It's a big thing to say now but I think western Europe will eventually have a civil war between native citizens and Muslim, African immigrants when a big financial crisis hits," he said.

"I want to protect Poland from this … Pol-exit would be a good thing."

That view is still very much in a minority.

There is debate about Poland's relationship with the European Union. ( ABC News: Lincoln Rothall )

There's enormous support for EU membership in Poland, partly because the nation is the single biggest beneficiary of infrastructure funding.

Mainstream right-wing politicians want to change the EU, not leave it.

"After a long time, Poland is no longer weak," said Law and Justice (PiS) MP Arkadiusz Mularczyk.

"We want to create our politics in the European Union and defend our interests, this is why we have conflict."

The idea that a country should be able to enjoy the economic benefits of the EU without accepting all the conditions that come with membership is common among nationalist movements at the moment.

But the Government's liberal opponents fear the approach will eventually lead to growing Euroscepticism.

"I am worried this Government's confrontational approach will distance us from Europe," said Konrad Korzeniowski, an activist with anti-government group Obywatele RP.

"But Poland's history and geography tells us, if we drift from the EU … unfortunately I think there is only one way for this country to go and that's east towards Putin [Russia]."

"It's terrifying if you think about it."

Where to next for Poland and the EU?

In December, the EU executive gave Poland three months to reverse the judicial overhaul.

Since then there have been a few indications that some sort of agreement may eventually be reached.

But this dispute could still have serious consequences for both Poland and the EU.

If the union doesn't act to defend democratic principles, its credibility will suffer around the world.

Konrad Korzeniowski is worried the current approach could distance Poland from Europe. ( ABC News: Lincoln Rothall )

If Poland continues down its current path, it could be hit by EU budget cuts or become increasingly isolated politically.

A few years ago it was a poster child for the economic potential of European integration; the eighth-largest country by GDP and sixth-largest by population, it seemed destined to one day take its place at the union's top table.

Now, it is quickly becoming something of a pariah.

Instead of making Poland great again, populism could squander some of the nation's potential and see it remain closer to the edges, rather than the heart, of European decision making.