Political observers have given much attention to the far right and to right-wing populist challengers. Since the 1990s, in particular, these parties have either entered national parliaments for the first time or increased the number of seats they hold. In most European countries they are relevant political players. It is true that, at the moment, right-wing populist parties are part of the government in only four countries: in the non-EU countries Norway (the Progress Party, Fremskrittpartiet) and Switzerland (the Swiss People’s Party, Schweizerische Volkspartei); and since the most recent elections in 2015, in the EU countries Greece (Anexartiti Ellines, Independent Greeks) and Finland (Perussuomalaiset, The Finns Party). However, that these parties are generally found in the opposition should not lead one to underestimate the phenomenon. The recent European elections in 2014 have once again shown that such parties can attract a critical mass of disillusioned floating voters, particularly with their clear anti-immigration stance, but also with the message ‘Europe – no thanks!’ (Grabow and Hartleb 2014). The politics of exclusion, intolerance and xenophobia on the right-wing end of the political spectrum certainly deserves attention. Distrust in conventional parties seems to consistently correlate with far-right outsider party support and has become a permanent factor in European party politics. However, the sole focus on the ‘radical right-wing party family’ is, in some respects, misleading. This can be seen from the following four points.

First, the right-wing parties differ considerably, ranging in nature from democratic to clearly extremist. Moreover, they come from member states from Western to Central Eastern Europe. Consequently, after the European Parliament elections in 2014, they did not form a European group, but split up into different factions or decided to stand alone. The ‘merger’ of Marine Le Pen, leader of the French National Front (Front National, FN); Geert Wilders, leader of the Dutch Party for Freedom (Partij voor de Vrijheid, PVV); and Heinz-Christian Strache, leader of the Freedom Party of Austria (Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs, FPÖ), was more a successful public relations stunt than a real sign that they intended to join forces. These parties operate more on the idea of a common enemy (e.g. the West, the EU, Islam, globalisation, elites and the media) than on a shared ideology or coherent programme.

Second, this focus neglects the fact that the classical left–right dichotomy in politics loses much of its relevance in the framework of anti-establishment protest politics. The recent well-organised wave of street protests has involved parties from across the spectrum: from the radical leftist Occupy movement and the Spanish Outraged (Indignados) to the Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamization of the West (Patriotische Europäer gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes, Pegida) in Germany, especially in the city of Dresden. The latter movement combines mobilisation against ‘Islamisation’, a clear anti-elitist stance and scepticism regarding representative politics in general. In some instances, the street movements have led to the founding of a political party, most significantly in Spain with the Outraged movement. The leaders of the Spanish left-wing protest party Podemos (We can!) are individuals who had played a decisive role in the movement. In Germany, some leaders of the right-wing Alternative for Germany (Alternative für Deutschland, AfD) have declared their sympathy for the protesters on the street and stated that they share the same goals. This is not a new phenomenon: in the 1980s the alternative-left Green parties received support from various social movements. Due to their agenda-setting role, topics such as peace, ecology and feminism have entered the mainstream.

Third, protest on the left is growing. This has been clearly demonstrated by Syriza, Podemos, the Five Star Movement (MoVimento Cinque Stelle, M5S) led by the Italian comedian Beppe Grillo, the (radical) socialist Left Parties in Germany (Die Linke) and France (Parti de Gauche), and the already forgotten project of the Pirate Parties in Sweden and Germany.

Fourth, the phenomenon of anti-establishment parties has grown. This is especially the case in the long-standing democracies of Western Europe, following the examples in (post-)transition Central Eastern Europe. As the most recent elections in Central Eastern Europe have shown, and especially those in Poland, Slovakia and Estonia, there is still plenty of room for outsider parties. In this regard, it seems that the party systems in Central Eastern Europe are a trendsetter for the Western European ones and not vice versa.

This article points out that the creation of anti-establishment parties is a real threat to conventional parties. Astonishingly, the research into the types of anti-establishment parties (which is still as basic as Schedler 1996) focuses more on the anti-systemic features of the extreme or radical right. However, European party politics has become highly dynamic, which means that its future has to be considered in a more general manner. Political parties need to transform their tools of organisation and participation in order to tackle declining memberships and to address the challenges of the digital age (Hartleb 2012). The rise of anti-establishment parties mirrors the changing European electorate, which is more volatile, more sceptical of the political elites and, in some respects, frustrated by ‘big politics’. The economic crisis has also accelerated the creation, growth and presence of anti-establishment parties in countries such as Italy, Spain and Greece.