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Biden was in Ankara, attempting to convince the Turkish government to take a more direct role in the anti-ISIL fight. In particular, the U.S. wanted access for coalition forces to Turkey’s İncirlik air base just north of the Syrian border and in close proximity to ISIL targets both in Syria and Iraq. No doubt, the U.S. also wanted Turkey’s own and significant fighter fleet and its army engaged in the anti-ISIL fight as well. In the end, however, Biden left Ankara empty-handed.

Indeed, there are considerable policy differences between the U.S. and Turkey concerning the situation in Syria and Iraq. For the U.S., the priority is defeating ISIL, while for Turkey it’s removing Assad. During Biden’s visit, the Turkish government insisted that a no-fly or safe zone for the opposition had to be established in northern Syria or there could be no common way forward with the U.S. In reality, the Turkish government is frustrated with the U.S., insisting that if the Syrian opposition had been given the support it needed right from the start, Assad would have been forced from power and ISIL would never have appeared.

In Iraq, the combination of air power and Iraqi “boots on the ground” will give the U.S. a fighting chance to defeat ISIL. However, the situation in Syria is different. U.S. air power cannot defeat ISIL in Syria without a significant ground force in support. And, if ISIL is able to use Syria as a semi-safe haven in the future it will remain a threat to the Iraqi government for years to come. Because of this, I suspect that in a number of coalition capitals there is a growing acknowledgement that Assad needs to stay on. Certainly, it is wishful thinking to believe the Syrian opposition can take on ISIL even if the U.S. has promised them more money and training. As for Syria’s Kurds, all they can do is hang on while Turkey clearly has no interest in sending its troops into battle, especially if the U.S. won’t.