The ultra-left Communist Left (Internationalist Tendency) has asked us “Why are you falsifiers, class collaborationists and break openly with the fundamental statements of Marxism?”

First, let us state that we are in no way affiliated with any parties, organizations, or organizations that claim to be “Communist Left” but have instead been taken in by the revisionists of the ISO. We are not the product of the “left” or the “left” in general. We are not “leftist” in the sense of putting politics in command of practice. We are not “leftist” in the sense of being opportunists or rejection of theory. We are not “leftist” in the sense of being “revolutionary” in the sense of being “a” party, “an’ organization, “a” movement.

The reason that we are opposed to the ultra-left is that it is dogmatic and infantile. It is dogmatic because it confines itself to an armed struggle that does not allow for revolutionary change or for any other kind of change. It is infantile because it is the product of revisionism, because it is dogmatic and infantile because it does not allow for the creation of a new and genuine proletarian party, and because it does not allow for the construction of the new and genuine proletarian state, and because it does not allow for the construction of the new and genuine proletarian state in the interests of the people.

The ultra-left, which is the petite-bourgeoisie, has their own tendency to oversimplify, distort, or negate facts and theory.

We consider these distortions and deviations as an attack on our ideology. On the ideological heritage of our ideology, we hold that it is correct, and correct and correct and correct to reject the dogmatic, formulaic, mechanistic and dogmatic views of the so-called “Communist Left.” They deny the universality of Protracted People’s War. They deny the universality of Protracted People’s War in armed struggle, and in applying it, they attack our ideology. In essence, they are dogmatically rejecting the conclusions of the universal validity of Protracted People’s War, and in doing so, they are attacking the science of revolution.

We must deal with these questions of falsification on the part of the ultra-left within the Communist Movement, revisionism, economism, and so on. In our case these errors are expressed in the form of disorganized experiments which follow a most pernicious course of action: to start a strike and then propose a basis for our own experiment of how a strike may be organized. This is not accidental or accidental at any rate. It is a manifestation of revisionism and it is also a manifestation of economism.

Long before the ultra-left reached the idea of unilateral unionism it was driven into making a certain basic falsification: it started by setting up strikes to organize strikes for itself, by beginning to develop a different conception of a strike, by setting up works councils, and so on. We are concerned that such various negations, these negations of revolution, and all instances of negations of class struggle, not only serve as a basis for dogmato-revisionist deviations, but also serve as a basis for errors of break with fundamental principles of Marxism.

Many of the authors of the critiques of the supposed “leaders” (Mao, Gonzalo, etc.) do not even give a theoretical background to their individualistic attacks on the Party. These authors are content to defend individually when it comes to their theories about how the Party is structured and how its leadership functioned, and are content with anti-Party dogma—all of which they retain in part by their own practice. While anti-Party ideas are not entirely erroneous, their author(s) create an impression of extreme individualism and disdain for collective effort.

The so-called “Communist Left” is therefore revisionist because it attacks our ideology and reproduces falsified documents written by Party leaders and Party central figures such as Mao, Gonzalo, Gonzalo Jr., Gonzalo Thought.

The so-called “Communist Left” makes a sharp attack on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism by negating the universality of Protracted People’s War and by negating the theory of People’s War. It negates the centrality of Party leadership and the role of revolutionary violence. It negates the universality of Protracted People’s War. It negates the centrality of the participation of the entire people in the People’s War and the specificity of the centrality of women’s participation in the war.

Even when they are attacking the Party, these critics do not attack the essence of the Party: its Leninism—the guiding ideology of our class. Leninism is the theoretical and practical science that was developed in the course of the revolutionary struggle of our class and that continues to guide our class. This science informs our class both in theory and practice, and it is embodied in the ideology of our class, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism.

We must distinguish between theory and practice and that is, between theory as opposed to practice as opposed to theory.

At the heart of Leninism is its critique of the social conditions that produced Marx and Engels and Engels’ theories, and it was this critique that gave birth to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. However, it is important to note that the ultra-left writers do not seem to have realized this critique, and they do not seem to have managed to grapple with the issues that are central to Marxist philosophy, so much so that it seems they have never read a single original work on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.

Here we hold that the ultra-left, by its very nature, is anti-Marxist. The ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (MLM) is the most revolutionary ideology to date and has provided us with the broadest and deepest lessons on the history and theory of the class struggle. This is why we consider deviations from Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to be a major “mistake”, and we call on all genuine revolutionaries and students not to do so.

For this reason, Chairman Gonzalo’s perspective is that the essence of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is that it is the only ideology which can transform all a product of the old-state, the ruling classes, and all the oppressors and exploiters of human society, that is, the state, into a revolutionary ideology that brings to light the truth about the world, and solves the problem of how to transform the existing state, society, and the planet, it is the only way to bring about a new, just world where all people live, work, learn, and live their lives as the human being they are, free from all masters and caste, and free from all oppression and exploitation.

In the context of this fundamental contradiction, Chairman Gonzalo’s perspective is that it is only through the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the state, and hence the abolition of all classes and all hierarchical social relations, that the human being can transform society and the cosmos, and thereby give rise to a new, just world.

The ultra-left, on the other hand, seeks to divert our struggle to an an inherently metaphysical and anti-communist approach: to look for a way out of the problem of the “communist” parties and organizations and the error of revisionism into an attempt to root out their own errors. It is to divert our struggle into an attempt to “find the original sin” in Maoism.

What “Leftists” have done is that they have discarded the practice of theory and substituted the theory of practice. They have turned their backs to the struggle and have abandoned the theory of knowledge and the practice of practice of Marxism. They have turned turned their backs to the class struggle and betrayed the class struggle, which is the principal form of struggle in the course of class struggle.

Class traitors are those who, in the period of their rise to power, break down the proletarian revolution, the principal contradiction in the world today, and proceed to slaughter the revolution with the help of the bourgeoisie. They are traitors because they betray the revolutionary movement and throw it into the abyss. They are traitors because they launch strikes, carry out strikes, sabotage, and armed attacks against the revolution, and because they try to slander the revolution and attack the leaders of it. They are traitors because they try to apply a revisionist theory that is contrary to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, and because they try to apply a revisionist theory that is contrary to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, and they continue to apply such a revisionist theory and practice, and their practice is to turn the party into a “party of death,” a death squad, a death cult.

The Party of death, and the death cult, are two forms of death. In the case of the Maoist movement, and in the case of all mass movements and organizations, the Party of death uses its power to try to prevent the initiation of Protracted People’s War, because it is the only means by which the Party is able to establish itself as a “death organization” by which its power is confirmed and its death becomes more certain.

A comparison to the behavior of revisionism: both are deviations from Marxism, both are deviations from proletarian theory, both are deviations from the class struggle, and both are deviations from the ideological struggle. These deviations reflect the position of reactionary capitalist governments and organizations and of the very anti-communist parties and organizations of the very anti-communist left. Revisionism is revisionism in decay and in decay it exists.

It then spreads its poisonous ideology of “abolition” and “proletarian liberation” on behalf of the bourgeoisie and its lackeys in the Democratic Party. Revisionism then attacks Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, in an effort to impose revisionism which is an attack against the very essence of Marxist thought.

Revisionism then seeks to restrict the revolutionary imagination and the development of revolutionary theory in order to create a petty ideology that is noxious to all ideological and political theories, which is perhaps its greatest achievement and that is why it is so dangerous and so feared.

Revisionism is, at root, a kind of spiritualism, and spiritualism is the demonic force that resides within the heart of every capitalist that worships a kind of a spiritual person and philosophy. Revisionism is the hereditary desires of the imperialists who start to put their dreams into motion, putting the good of the world into their hands, before they are overthrown by its own dreams and desires. Revisionism is, ultimately, the neoliberal religion that tries to conceal its vicious ideology by means of scientific or abstract solutions, but ultimately it is rooted in a metaphysical view of the world as self-evidently complicated, and its solutions are deeply flawed and by their nature incomplete. Revisionism is the ideology that only fools believe in, that fools will always flock to the sect of fools, and that will never lead to revolution, but will serve the bourgeoisie, only fool, only beast, and parasite, will ever be held to the theoretical and practical needs of the proletariat, and will create purely for themselves the prices of human society, and will impose their own ideas and theories, and will disappear into a nostalgia for the good old days when they were young, and will wink at history, not see the bloody road. Like a yawn it has collapsed, and it will collapse one day, be replaced by its opposite, communism.

Revisionism is the ideology of the old, decaying, decaying, shit-breath of the capitalists, it is a religion that the bourgeoisie only has the nerve to practice because it is afraid of the future, and is completely incapable of achieving any lasting change. It is the ideology of capitalism, of the bourgeoisie, and of imperialism, of the bestiality of human beings, of the sexuality of human beings, of the sheer existence of human beings in their relation to the collective striving for life, of the struggle for the future of our species, and more importantly, of the struggle for the future of the human species itself.

Not only is revisionism a disease, it is also a cancer. As Maoists we recognize that it is impossible for the garbage heap to transform itself into a weapon, but that if it is not treated, all progress will be wiped away. Revisionism produces organisations that are prone to writhing, to collapsing and to adopting tasks without work or discipline. It produces organizations that are wholly unprepared for the task of leading and leading the class struggle in the development of the class consciousness of the proletariat. It produces organizations whose activity is still in the planning stages: they do not have a solid theoretical understanding, do not have a concrete understanding of the relations between the working class and the historical process, and are unable to apply their own experiences and conditions to the concrete conditions of the proletarian revolution. This character is part and parcel of revisionism.

That is why the ultra-left, is the camp of revisionism and that is why we reaffirm our commitment to the following positions:

The ultra-left must not spread lies and slander about the revolutionary movement, its history, and its future, because the truth is well known to them. The ultra-left must not drag the masses back into its clutches. The ultra-left must not confuse the people with its own lies, slander and slander, because the truth is well known to them. The ultra-left must not go against the principles of Marxism, because it is the principles of Marxism which make up the whole of human knowledge. The ultra-left must not spread the concepts of Marxism, because they are not true. The ultra-left must not confuse Marxism, because Marxism is the science of revolution, and the ideas of how the world works, which are the principles of how the world works, which are the ideas of how the world works, and are the concepts of how the world works, which are the ideas of how the world works, and are the concepts of how the world works, which are the ideas of how the world works, and are the ideas of how the world works, and are the ideas of how the world works, and are the ideas of how the world works, which are the ideas of how the world works, which are the ideas of how the world works, and are the ideas of how the world works, which are the ideas of how the world works, which are the ideas of how the world works, and are the ideas of how the world works

We hold that the truth, which is knowledge, cannot be denied, and that the truth of the world, to which we have been given the truth by our Creator and the world history which He has written, is the only truth in philosophy and the world history. The truth of the world is the only truth. It is the objective of human knowledge, not of our imagination but of our intellect. It is the only reason why, for centuries and for millennia, we have lived in the presence of reality – the whole of human knowledge. It is the reason why, in the first place, the world has been known and lived as reality, the whole of scientific knowledge, and why the movement of the world has been such that we exist at all. Chairman Gonzalo

So let us turn to the theory of knowledge and the practice of practice. There is no doubt that the practice of knowledge is the principal form of struggle in the course of class struggle. But it is equally true that theory is principal in the course of practice, that theory is principal in the practice of practice, and that practice is principal in the practice of theory. This is the principal contradiction in the struggle of opposites.

We must insist on this principal contradiction. It is the principal contradiction in the struggle of opposites. But we must insist that we are not “leftist” in the sense of being “a” party, “an” organization, or “a’ movement. We are “leftists” in the sense of being “revolutionary” and “a” party, and we are “leftists” in the sense of being “a’ movement” and “a’ party,” all of which are primary contradictions in the struggle of opposites.

The principal contradiction in the struggle of opposites is principal in the practice of knowledge, but it is secondary in the practice of practice.

It is this principal contradiction that gives substance to the phrase “what is principal in practice, knowledge is principal in practice.”

The principal contradiction in the process of knowledge is principal in practice, but it is secondary in practice.

We must insist on this principal contradiction. It is the principal contradiction in the struggle of opposites.

The most fundamental theoretical question of our time is the problem of why and how the proletariat, and principally the proletariat, is to win the world revolution, and specifically the problem of how, and more importantly, how the proletariat can transform itself into a revolutionary vanguard of the revolutionary people.

The world revolution will be won through its class, which is the proletariat. The proletariat will create a new and higher stage, namely the vanguard of the world revolution, which will comprise the most advanced elements of the proletariat (the vanguard must be young and vigorous and must lead by example) and, importantly, it will represent the advanced and full expression of the whole of the proletariat, as its vanguard, which will do battle with the most backward elements of the masses of people to lead and guide the revolutionary movement of the working class and, simultaneously, it will work hand in hand with and beside the masses of people in struggle, giving it leadership and guiding it towards greater and greater victories.

The question of how the proletariat’s vanguard moves, what it should do, or how it should transform itself into a revolutionary vanguard—all these questions have been answered in the course of the world revolution.

In the midst of class struggle, the proletariat will apply itself in two primary ways: as a vanguard. The proletariat is not a closed organization, but an open, active, and fully-functioning organization of the whole working class. It is open to all people who can be united with or support the movement of the working class. The most advanced elements of the proletariat are organized in the vanguard.

The proletariat is not a well-organized “movement, “party, or organization, which simply “demolishes” another. The working class is organized for class struggle. The whole world is organized to that end.

The revolutionary vanguard must always go among the advanced, whatever it may be. It must do so in the service of the people, in the interest of their benefit. It must serve as a brake, a mobilizer, a mover. As a center for organizing a revolutionary vanguard, it must function as a kind of counter-pressure to the capitalist class, an organization of revolutionaries that are not in essence united with but are in line with the people. The revolutionary vanguard must be guided by its ideology, by its own practice, by its practice in the class struggle, and finally by its practice in the class struggle itself. It must guide the work of the whole body of the proletariat and unite it with all those who can help it further the class interests of the proletariat. The class consciousness of the proletariat is what guides the revolutionary vanguard. Its practice—it must be that of a practice that, through all its complexity, battles, and struggles, serves to enlarge and deepen the class consciousness of the proletariat and the people of the world. The guiding ideology of the proletariat is Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism. Maoism is the guiding ideology of the proletariat.

The role of the proletariat in the revolution is to lead and guide the revolutionary movement of the whole body of the proletariat, and only by means of this movement can it transform itself into a revolutionary vanguard. The working class, like the proletariat, will answer the questions of the proletariat as a whole. It will do so through the practice of the whole body of the proletariat, and in doing so, will guide, transform, and lead the revolutionary movement of the whole body of the proletariat towards greater and greater victories.

THE UNITY OF THE PEOPLE IS A CONTRADICTION

The unity of the people is a contradiction in which two or more contradictions emerge and which becomes the principal contradiction of a contradiction. When this principal contradiction emerges, as it will inevitably do, it must be tempered and ironed out. Unity will emerge from two or more contradictions, but it must be expressed in the final analysis through the practice of the whole body of the proletariat, which then guides and guides the entire body of the proletariat towards greater and greater victories. This body, like all the others, must be organized. This body must be guided by a theory that cannot be overthrown and cannot be co-opted.

The unity of the people is a contradiction, not a contradiction. It is an antagonism, not a unity. The Marxist-Leninist-Maoist theory of the unity of the people of the world means that the contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie constitutes the principal contradiction of all contradictions. It takes the form of unity because it is the principal contradiction of all contradictions. It is principal in and of itself, and its presence alone constitutes unity.