Slick media strategies and strong narratives are of no help to a flailing government if its political decisions are flawed and its policies untenable, writes Paula Matthewson.

It's hard to know why some of the Abbott Government's biggest and most vocal media supporters have chosen the past week to complain about its abysmal performance.

Other than the Government's abysmal performance, of course.

Last week's Newspoll shows Labor has a 10-point lead on the Coalition once notional preferences are distributed, and that any increased approval rating for the Government from the national security issue has been short-lived.

This deterioration confirms the trend highlighted by polling analyst Andrew Catsaras on yesterday's Insiders program, in which the Abbott Government is consistently faring less well than it did at the federal election. This is in stark contrast to the first-year polling performance of the previous Howard and Rudd governments:

... for the first 15 months the Howard government averaged a vote of 55.5 per cent, 2 per cent higher than the election. The Rudd government averaged a vote of 57 per cent, over 4 per cent higher than the election. Whereas the Abbott Government has averaged a vote of 48.5 per cent, 5 per cent lower than the election.

Catsaras also emphasised that polls are reflective, not predictive, so it's curious why members of the Government's conservative media cheer squad have turned into nervous nellies two years out from the next federal election.

Yet rightwing shock jock (and staunch Coalition supporter) Alan Jones berated the PM last week for failing to meet the "pub test" on the free trade agreement with China. Conservative blogger (and arguably the nation's biggest Coalition fan) Andrew Bolt followed swiftly with a 19-point deconstruction of the Government's woes entitled "The Abbott Government must now change or die". And then The Australian newspaper, which has unambiguously nailed its colours to the Coalition mast, joined the lament with an editorial insisting that "The Abbott Government is doomed without narrative":

Limply, the Prime Minister is losing the battle to define core issues and to explain to voters what he is doing and why. At stake is his political credibility, no less. Mr Abbott risks becoming a "oncer" if he allows his opponents to constantly control the agenda.

Amongst this litany of complaints, the common thread is that the Abbott Government's problem is one of poor communication; that the Coalition's less than sterling performance would be remedied with better media staff, a more strategic approach to communications, and a narrative.

These could help, but as former prime ministers Rudd and Gillard could attest, a slick media strategy or strong narrative are of no help to a flailing government if its political decisions are flawed and its policies untenable.

The Abbott Government is not lacking a narrative, as claimed by The Australian, but saddled with one that is not of its choosing. Having been presented with the Government's weasel words and black-is-white recasting of commitments and lies, voters have taken a lead not from its rhetoric but the Coalition's actions to identify its narrative.

In its own words, The Australian's editorial best encapsulates that narrative:

Voters are left with the impression that Mr Hockey's May budget was a litany of broken promises, designed to inflict severe pain on low-income workers and the poor, and that the deficit crisis was not as acute as the Coalition presented it.

Well, yes.

And there is next to nothing, in the Government's words or deeds, to suggest that voters should think otherwise.

Voters did feel more receptive to the Prime Minister when he was fulfilling his "protector of the realm" role after the MH17 tragedy and in response to the heightened terrorist threat from Islamic State, but that perception took a hit at the G20 when Abbott ended up looking cowardly and weak through no-one's efforts but his own.

This has increased the pressure on Treasurer Joe Hockey to successfully "sell" the budget and the Government's broader economic reforms in order to protect its only remaining perceived strength - that of superior economic management. Hockey's next best chance to retrieve this sales job is the Mid Year Economic and Fiscal Outlook report, which is due in December.

The Government could roll out a shiny new narrative at that time, which more successfully pitches the prosperous Australian future that will emerge as the result of everyone taking on their "fair share" of the burden created by the necessary economic reforms.

And Coalition MPs could refrain from foolishly drawing attention away from that message with political self-indulgences like cigars, Knights and Dames awards, whining about being unloved, or Gonski-type triple backflips.

But none of this will be enough.

As Abbott's mentor, former PM Howard, made clear when he spoke at the National Press Club earlier this year, the community will only respond favourably to the type of change envisioned in the Coalition's budget if it is satisfied the reforms are in the national interest and fundamentally fair.

And there's the rub. The Abbott Government won't be able to satisfy this fundamental requirement. The budget is neither in the national interest nor fair, and no compelling narrative or fine media strategy will be able to fix that.

Paula Matthewson is a freelance communications adviser and corporate writer. She was media advisor to John Howard in the early 1990s. She tweets and blogs as @Drag0nista. View her full profile here.