The people of North Macedonia know full well what is behind the EU's moral standards and how to get around them. Long before the country had that name, and long before hundreds of thousands of refugees came to Germany from the Middle East, its government got several practical lessons in the discipline.

Back then, almost a decade ago, hundreds of citizens from the tiny Balkan country applied for asylum in Germany. Alarmed by asylum authorities, German diplomats in Skopje put their foot down and asked, "What is going on here?"

Most of those who were applying for asylum were Roma from the city's worst neighborhoods. Most were not actually seeking asylum, rather, they wanted free health care and the chance to spend a winter sheltered from the bitter cold and not sleeping in drafty spaces.

No matter, German officials told their Macedonian counterparts, though we feel bad, the problem is for you to solve. Regarding the Roma, it was made clear that Germans are not racists and ethnicity had nothing to do with the decision. Nevertheless, it was also made clear that if local authorities failed to control the situation, Germany would be forced to reinstate visa requirements.

No Roma wanted

Macedonia did get a grip on the situation. Its police fulfilled German requests and stopped anyone it suspected of traveling to the EU for reasons other than applying for asylum in Belgium or Germany at Macedonia's border with Serbia. And who did they suspect? Anyone who looked like they might be Roma: "You," said border patrol officers, "get out of the bus."

Norbert-Mappes-Niediek regularly writes about southeastern Europe for German-language dailies

That was, of course, illegal. And the Germans were intentionally kept in the dark about it. Local authorities knew that German citizens were sensitive about ethnic discrimination. They also knew that if their border policies became public knowledge they would face serious criticism in the EU's next progress report, the annual report that records membership requirement infractions by candidate countries. Human rights are at the very top of the list.

Read more: North Macedonia and Greece: What's in a compromise?

It was not only important that the Germans did not find out, they didn't want to find out. Two years later, the European Union won the Nobel Peace Prize. Southeast European politicians quickly learned how to cover for their wealthy western neighbors by singing the praises of human rights at various conferences by day, while their border police beat back refugees at home at night.

Today, when African migrants and Syrian refugees are brutally beaten and illegally deported at the Bosnian-Croatian or Turkish-Bulgarian borders, human-rights respecting citizens in the West remain silent. In general, they say it is an open secret that eastern European countries tend to be nationalist xenophobes. Though one doesn't want to say it too loudly, because we in the West don't have national prejudices.

Refugees in Greece concerned about state of EU 'There is no life for LGBT refugees' Pedro, an actor and LGBT activist, fled Lebanon due to safety concerns. He doesn’t see much hope in Greece. "I left because Lebanon was not safe for me as an LGBT and [being] HIV positive. But Greece isn’t much different," he told DW. But his biggest concern is the future: "Even if I get asylum in Greece life will not be good, because there are no jobs, the language is difficult."

Refugees in Greece concerned about state of EU Fighting for their rights Manar fled Syria in 2016 and now learns Greek and works as an interpreter with the Greek NGO Solidarity Now. "In Greece you have to count on yourself to support yourself and your family," she told DW. "If I look at the future of the Greek children, I can't find a very bright future for them so for sure I can't find any future for mine."

Refugees in Greece concerned about state of EU Combating nationalism and climate crisis Foivos has been in Greece since the 1980s when he fled the Syrian regime and came to study law. He now works as an interpreter at the Refugee Day Center Alkyone, and was a candidate in Thessaloniki's local elections. "The two biggest issues that Europe has to face now is the rise of nationalism and climate change," he told DW. "Poverty and misery leads to nationalism."

Refugees in Greece concerned about state of EU A Europe for everyone Since Suhaib fled Iraqi Kurdistan 18 months ago, he has been active in volunteer groups as a way to give something back to those who first helped him. "Fascists in the past killed millions, but after World War II Europeans volunteered in order to rebuild Europe," he says. "My message for European leaders would be to try to make a Europe for everyone."

Refugees in Greece concerned about state of EU Losing its meaning Fahima from Afghanistan has been in Greece since 2004, and now works as an interpreter for the Refugee Day Center Alkyone. Her biggest fear is the rise of fascism. "During the Greek government of 2012-2014 fascists became stronger. For this reason we had to leave Athens," she said. "Things in Europe will become worse from now on because of the far right. It now seems to be losing its meaning."

Refugees in Greece concerned about state of EU Uncertain future Malaz (not his real name) came to Greece in 2016 with his family. His sons started speaking Greek soon after they arrived, so they decided to stay in the country. "I am afraid of the rise of the far right," he told DW. "Things will become very difficult for Greece. If the EU wants to help refugees they should create jobs and offer education."

Refugees in Greece concerned about state of EU EU is not doing enough Bagher, who works as an assistant kindergarten facilitator, arrived in Greece in 2015 and was stuck in the country due to the EU's policies. "In the beginning Greece was a door but people got stuck here," he said. "But people need jobs and housing. Greeks don't even have jobs, how will we?" Even though Bagher remains optimistic, he doesn't think the EU is willing to help refugees.

Refugees in Greece concerned about state of EU Europe's societies at risk Mojtaba has been in Greece for over three years. He's currently at a Greek school and dreams of becoming a footballer or a dentist. He sees the rise of fascism as one of Europe's biggest problems, but not the only one. "Right-wing parties rise and this is not good for societies," he said. "The extreme right will destroy the face of Europe." Author: Marianna Karakoulaki (Greece)



Germany's 'moral credit'

Western doublespeak suits ruling cynics in the region just fine. It gives them credit to later win concessions from their cynical Western partners.

But such contradictions are more difficult to deal with in countries that have less experience dealing with Western hypocrisy, countries like Italy. Although thoroughly Western, its leaders say, either everyone abides by EU rules, or we fight refugee influx – there is no other option, at least in the long run.

Germany has managed to strike a balance. The moral credit that its chancellor received some three-and-a-half years ago has yet to be entirely liquidated. Still, many signs point to the day when Trumpism will eventually carry the day.

The so-called 2015 refugee crisis brought about a rare moment of self-reflection in Germany. The self-critical message from the highest political posts in Berlin was that Mediterranean countries, especially Greece, had been left to defend Europe's borders on their own for far too long.

Read more: Who's allowed to sell Macedonian wine?

Lessons were learned and the call for more solidarity and the equitable distribution of refugees across the EU was made. Yet, nothing came of it, things only seemed to get worse. As a result, Germany peered out across the castle moat and saw itself surrounded by anti-migrant and anti-refugee neighbors.

That distant cordon relieves Germany of having to exercise its own brutality, and puts its humanitarian efforts in a favorable light. "Everyone has the right and the responsibility to rescue people in distress," was the message from Berlin when Italy recently impounded a migrant rescue ship and threatened to put its crew on trial.

We gladly acknowledge our right and duty to rescue others, and by doing so ensure that deeds need not back our words. The next time it comes to sharing the burden of migration, Germany's moral credit should be taken into account.

Norbert Mappes-Niediek lives in Graz, Austria, and is a southeastern Europe correspondent for number of German-language newspapers.