In a historic first, North Korean human

rights ambassadors from Japan, the U.S., and South Korea gathered to discuss

the importance and challenges of harmonizing a regional approach to the human

rights problem. In the past, North Korea has been adept at playing the allies

off one another in order to draw in as much aid as possible without making

improvements on human rights. The conference, titled “Taking a Stand

Together for Human Rights in North Korea,” was held on May 2 at the

Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington D.C.

Heavy emphasis was paid to the importance

and difficulties of regional cooperation in the modern political climate. What

practical steps can be taken in order to develop consensus for a unified

approach without sacrificing traction in strategic terms, watering down

important measures, or marginalizing the interests of sub-groups?

CSIS Korea Chair and Georgetown Professor

Dr. Victor Cha opened the event by admitting that international interest has

mainly focused on the nuclear/security issue and there has been disconnect

between the human rights agendas of Washington, Seoul, and Tokyo. However, he

argued that the UN’s Commission of Inquiry on human rights abuses in North

Korea in 2013 has helped to create a groundswell of interest capable of

producing results. He concluded by saying, “What we’re seeing today is unity

among the three countries as allies, not just in terms of the security issues,

but also in terms of human rights.”

CSIS Japan Chair and Georgetown Professor

Dr. Michael Green agreed that grand strategy is too often painted as a

dispassionate endeavor that avoids human rights dialogues. The human rights

issue was once seen as an obstacle to diplomacy – for years, Seoul and

Washington did not acknowledge North Korea’s abduction of Japanese citizens–

but that sentiment has largely dissipated. Now, progress on human rights

efforts and strategic issues are viewed as complementary, he said.

Ambassador for Human Rights of the Republic

of Korea Lee Jung Hoon delivered a forceful and eloquent appeal to make serious

progress. “The debate is over,” he said. “It’s time for enforcement and

accountability.” As liberal democracies, the U.S., South Korea, and Japan

should be at the forefront of defending human rights. North Korea is a litmus

test for the strength of these values and our conviction to uphold them, he asserted.

Ambassador Lee applauded the COI and the

recent batch of U.N. sanctions (UNSCR 2270), but argued that the COI’s

recommendations have not been followed up with enough urgency. The Kim regime

continues to judge that the benefits of using human rights violations to

maintain control outweigh the costs.

“We need pressure to clearly signal that

this is unacceptable. We have to draw the line. There has to be change. Are we

doing enough? I don’t think we are,” the ambassador pointed out.

A global campaign reminiscent of the global

anti-apartheid movement is needed to move the needle, Ambassador Lee stated.

Instead of causing provocation, he insisted that human rights should be treated

as an effective tool for decreasing the security threat, because it provides

leverage and opportunities for de-escalation.

Ambassador Lee suggested some practical

measures to increase the pressure on North Korea to improve its human right’s

record. The threat of criminal prosecution in the ICC is a powerful weapon

against Pyongyang; however, the Rome Statute limits the ICC’s jurisdiction. To

surmount this jurisdiction problem, Ambassador Lee laid out the following

solution: The regime runs a labor network of

50,000-100,000 workers in 40 ICC countries. The forced labor issue can be

referred as an investigation to ICC prosecutors. China and Russia hold veto

power, making prosecutions difficult for human rights violators inside North

Korea. Moscow and Beijing did go along with referrals in Darfur and Libya to

the ICC – giving hope that they might do so again under certain circumstances. The results of the Libya intervention, however, might have left a sour

taste in Beijing’s mouth. Regardless, China holds the key that can move the

needle.

“Instead of complaining about Chinese inaction,” Ambassador Lee said, “we

should find ways to compel China to do otherwise.”

Special Envoy for North Korean Human Rights

Issues Robert R. King said, “I don’t see the glass as empty or full with regard

to China and human rights. We’re pressing China on this front and will continue

to do so. The Chinese have a mixed record on repatriation. First they pretty

much repatriated all the refugees they could capture. However, recently 13

workers at a North Korean restaurant in China defected without incident.” He

suggested that this reflects Beijing’s frustrations with North Korea, as well

as the importance of their relationship with South Korea.

When asked about what specific progress he

would like to see on the human rights front with regard to China, Ambassador

Lee said, “The most immediate problem is the defectors. China does not abide by

UN principle of non-refoulement. China does not recognize them as refugees.

They round them up and repatriate them knowing full well that they’ll be

persecuted. Over 70% of defectors are women, and many suffer sexual assault.

The fact that this is happening right underneath our eyes is unacceptable. The

first thing China should do is to stop repatriating the defectors.”

Minister in Charge of the Abduction Issue

Katsunobu Kato was the person who initially proposed the idea for the

conference. This might seem unlikely, given that Tokyo’s interests in North

Korean human rights typically focus on the abductions issue and are looked upon

as more narrow that Seoul or Washington’s. But Minister Kato presented a

compelling case for the importance of unifying the approach, utilizing the

principles of “dialogue and pressure,” and “action for action.”

Minister Kato said, “Without the resolution

of the abduction issue, which is as important for nuclear and missile issues

for Japan, there can be no normalization of relations.” Until such time as North Korea engages in good faith measures to settle the issue, he explained, Japan will neither

provide humanitarian aid nor lift sanctions against the former. According to the COI, while a mere five of the

17 official abductees have been returned home, 886 potential kidnapping cases

remain open.

Following a pair of Summits in 2002 and 2014,

Pyongyang prevaricated and dodged obligations, causing resentment in Tokyo.

Some of the abductees have been gone for over 40 years. “Time is running out,”

Minister Kato said. “The problem is that by continually defaulting on

commitments, North Korea has created conditions in which Japan has no choice

but to ratchet up their demands, including extradition of guilty parties of abduction

crimes to Japanese authorities.”

Sensing the problematic nature of this

cycle, Dr. Green said, “North Korea has been far from forthcoming concerning

the abductees. Is the diplomacy on hold? What are the circumstances under which

they might be resumed?”

In his optimistic yet firm response, Minister Kato

said, “As we use pressure, we need to use dialogue as well to show them that

negotiation and commitment to past resolutions will help improve their

standing.”

Dr. Green then shifted the focus further afield–namely South Korea and the U.S, both of which he noted have elections on the horizon–asking the panel members, “What is your sense of the

continuity of human rights policy in terms of the next administration?”

Ambassador Lee responded,

“I hope it doesn’t dissolve into a debate between engagement vs.

accountability. Constructive engagement won’t be easy. Why? For North Korea,

nuclear weapons and human rights violations go hand in hand. Both are used for

regime survival. Nuclear weapons are used for external pressure, and human

rights violations are needed for internal repression. How can you convince them

to move against their self-interest?”

To the same question, Special Envoy King

said, “On the human rights issue, there is a growing consensus that we need to

continue to press. In the U.S., despite deadlock on budgets and Supreme Court

justices, sanctions against North Korea passed the Senate unanimously and only

two votes in the House against it. South Korea adopted the Human Rights Law,

which reflects growing consensus and unity there as well.”

Special Envoy King stressed the unity of

the allies, saying “The three of us share the same values and ideals in terms

of commitment to rule of law and the importance of human rights.” Concerning the abductions, Special Envoy King added, “This is not just a Japanese issue. It’s

part of the larger spectrum of North Korea’s human rights violations.”

In terms of the international effort to

draw attention to the violations occurring in North Korea, Special Envoy King

said, “Pyongyang is feeling the pressure in terms of human rights, thanks to the

COI. North Korea came back very aggressively trying to defend their record. The

Foreign Minister made an appearance at the UN assembly session for first time

in 14 years. He persuaded their allies to oppose the COI resolution – countries

like Belarus and Zimbabwe. In the end, they didn’t defend North Korea. They

said an individual country shouldn’t be singled out. So North Korea didn’t

bother contesting the resolution. This reflects the fact that NK is feeling the

pressure.”

Grace Jo is one of 180 defectors who have

come to America thanks to the US North Korean Human Rights Act and is now Vice

President of the support group NKinUSA. When her siblings died of hunger, she

escaped North Korea with her mother. But after gaining entry into China, she

was caught and repatriated over and over again. After five trips, she finally

managed to get out of China.

Ms. Jo began her speech by quoting US civil

rights activist Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., “Human progress is neither

automatic nor inevitable…Every step toward the goal of justice requires

sacrifice, suffering, and struggle–the tireless exertions and passionate

concern of dedicated individuals.”

When asked about the meaning of

international efforts to help improve the human rights situation in North

Korea, Ms. Jo told a story from 2002: “My cousin told me to put a bucket under

the faucet and fill it up. The water came out very slowly, one drop at a time.

The villagers said that all water would stop soon. We would need to use what

was in that bucket for three days. Every drop was precious. Efforts on human

rights are like those drops of water. They seem insignificant at first. But the

drops will eventually form a wave and produce big changes. Single drops of

water, collected over time, have the power to pierce through stone.”

She followed with a humble expression of gratitude.

stating, “I want to thank the UN and the US for treating me like a human.” Ms. Jo then pointed to areas that need attention in the road ahead, noting, “Radio

broadcasts and USBs have a big effect on North Korea. That’s a very important

method–to reach out to the people individually to change their minds.”