As citizens of what could then be a fairer approximation of genuine democracy, the laws and policies of an Alberta government – sovereign but smaller and much closer to its electorate – would better reflect the views of the people who live here and pay for it, regarding crime and punishment, marriage and other family matters, educational curricula, environmental protection, religious freedom, wildlife management, firearms regulation, our approach to narcotics and addiction, immigration, and relations with the rest of the world, including our most important trading partner and ally, the United States. All of this could be accomplished without regard to whatever “higher enlightenment” happens to be in fashion amongst Toronto’s pontificating class, Ottawa’s mandarins and Quebec’s political power brokers.

As an independent commonwealth, Alberta could promote and protect a social environment nurturing the qualities of character that many of us still naturally admire: self-reliance, enterprise, honesty, fairness, attachment to liberty, loyalty to friends. These are the qualities that have long made Alberta a “distinct society” within Canada – recognizably so, as visitors familiar with the rest of the country have so often noted (not always approvingly). It is a society of which each of us can be proud to be a part, one that is tolerant but principled, that stands for something positive. And so it should be governed accordingly. That is, by one paramount concern: the common good of Alberta, leaving the rest of Canada to shift for itself.

In framing laws and policies, our legislators would no longer be obliged to keep one eye on the feds, nor allow absurd and expansive interpretations of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms to determine our affairs. We could leave “the problems of Canadian federalism” and its endemic corruption (of which Quebec is the centerpiece) behind us, once and for all.

If, however, we remain subject to Central Canada’s overweening cultural and moral influence for another generation, we risk becoming suffused with the qualities that, since the Pierre Trudeau era, have come to define Canadian “national” character – sanctimony, envy, resentment, spite, hypocrisy and fecklessness, along with a tendency to preen and whine. What a contrast to the Canadian character of earlier generations, which stoically endured the Great Depression and defeated the Nazis, now barely remembered and even mocked by elites, particularly those in Eastern Canada.

For anyone who understands the political reality of Canada as presently constituted, the old Reform Party slogan of “The West Wants In” is a foolish irrelevance. Our slogan should be, “Alberta Wants Out!” Why stay? The central government is so feeble it cannot enforce its own writs in the face of any organized resistance, whether by provinces whose votes it relies upon, by Indigenous organizations, or by professional “environmental” lobby groups largely influenced and funded from outside of Canada. Why fritter away our resources in order to remain with eastern provinces so alienated from us that demonizing Alberta – portraying its people as rustic, benighted, intolerant, selfish, climate-change skeptics indifferent to pollution – is the Liberals’ most effective electoral strategy? They have already signalled that this odious tactic will again be employed in the coming election campaign. It is, indeed, likely to plumb new depths this time.

Beyond our dissatisfaction with the way Canada is governed internally, and what this has done to Alberta, Canada’s behaviour on the world stage is also cause for shame. Canada’s position internationally has become so near that of a nonentity that there is little advantage in remaining a part of it. Worse than that, there are serious liabilities resulting from the chronic chafing of our inescapable relationship with the U.S. Repeatedly disparaged by its NATO allies for its feeble contribution, and despised by the nation it relies upon to protect it, Canada has taken an unashamedly evasive posture towards its defence and security responsibilities. Will it ever get the modern ships, fighter jets and other equipment that are needed if the country is to maintain even minor military credibility? Or is perpetual postponement the unstated policy?

Simply compare Canada’s standing in the world right now with that of Australia: a robust, loyal, and proactive ally of the most powerful nation on Earth, and respected accordingly. Were we Albertans on our own, we would be able to forge a more productive and wholesome relationship with the U.S., including a proportional military component. Allocating 3 percent of GDP to national defence would provide the Commonwealth of Alberta with an annual budget of US$7.5 billion (without factoring in the economic growth unleashed with independence). This is more than one-third of what Canada as a whole currently spends on defence and exceeds the national defence budget of Norway, which is able to afford a substantial fleet of state-of-the-art F-35 stealth fighters.

Making the decision to seek independence would be a giant step for any thoughtful Albertan. The process will be difficult and controversial. But, to illustrate to fellow Albertans and thoughtful Canadians elsewhere just how problematic Alberta’s position has become within Canada, it might help to turn the entire question on its head, by borrowing an idea from a friend of mine. If Alberta were already an independent republic, would we apply to join the Canadian federation on the terms under which we currently serve? The very idea is laughable.

So why should Alberta stay in Canada under these conditions? This is a serious question, and it deserves a serious answer – not vacuous platitudes, passionate rhetoric and romantic sentiments but sober, solid, rational analysis addressing the economic, moral, cultural, and political advantages of staying. I do not believe such a case can be made. I’m aware that you, Premier Kenney, have declared yourself to be a federalist, and doubtless many Albertans feel as you do. Yet apart from the fact that leaving would involve some bothersome but temporary inconveniences, I believe there are simply no decisive advantages in staying.

Accordingly, I would hope that as you wrestle with the problems of governing Alberta within the present arrangement, you keep an open mind as to what would be best for the long-term interests of Alberta and Albertans. Trapped within the worsening confines of a nation with which the majority of Alberta’s people increasingly disagree, Alberta could never reach its full potential in remaining a province. Whatever dislocations would attend leaving are small compared to what we risk by doing nothing. Inaction is itself risky and in Alberta’s case entails allowing ourselves to be stripped of our wealth while being drawn ever further into the morass of contemporary Canada.

Our province has been a distinct political entity for well over a century. It has an established institutional structure and geographic integrity. But it remains subject to an alien power located 2,000 miles away – and which, let’s face it, doesn’t really like us. We should remedy this anomaly. Starting now, I call upon Albertans to petition you, Premier Kenney, to focus on achieving Alberta’s complete independence. This would begin with undertaking whatever studies and institutional changes are needed to advance this project. Independence is not a fantasy, but a perfectly viable option. It will, however, take time, dedication and planning.

Since declaring independence would involve major changes in how governmental business is done, it is not a step to be taken without having thoroughly thought through the practical difficulties and prepared accordingly. Thus we need a cabinet minister charged with that responsibility – the Minister of Independence Preparation (MIP). The MIP would need to be an exemplary man or woman of intelligence, energy, courage, and absolute determination to get the job done. For the job will entail a number of critical and challenging measures.

First of all will be establishing an independent provincial police force and, hence, negotiating an early termination of our rolling contract with the RCMP. Second, Alberta must become the tax collector of first resort, remitting to the federal government its (hopefully much reduced) share until our severance from the federation is complete. Third would be to replace the current Canada Pension Plan (and associated old age programs plus, if possible, unemployment insurance) with an independent Alberta version. You will recognize that, so far, several of these measures are drawn from the old “Alberta Agenda” (which also, unfortunately, became known as the “firewall strategy”), and the originating letter to then-Premier Ralph Klein in 2001 can be read here. Eighteen years later, its excellent suggestions still await implementation, and they would be of direct use to Alberta’s MIP.

Preparing for independence will, of course, need to go far beyond the Alberta Agenda. So fourth, Alberta should establish an independent and reconfigured universal health care system aimed at delivering timely and top-quality services, based on a partnership of public and private providers. Fifth, lay the groundwork for an Alberta Defence Force (ADF), an all-volunteer military organization professionally trained and equipped to meet Alberta’s unique geographical requirements while being largely inter-operable with the residual Canadian Forces and those of our allies (principally the U.S.). Sixth, review all of Canada’s treaties, alliances, and trade agreements, with an eye towards an independent Alberta’s confirming, renegotiating, or revoking same. Seventh, develop a policy position with regard to Alberta’s responsibility regarding “its share” of the national debt.

Equally important would be a sustained effort of public education to get the Alberta populace used to the idea of independence: clearly setting out how to deal with the risks in order to ease anxiety about its consequences, appealing to pride and a sense of enterprise and adventure, and detailing without letup the incorrigible moral bankruptcy of Canada as presently constituted and governed. So the MIP’s eighth area of focus would be to establish a public information office charged with educating Albertans regarding the costs and liabilities of remaining in the current federation versus the potential benefits of independence.

Ultimate success will depend on committed, shrewd and attractive political leadership. If the ground is sufficiently prepared, someone of suitable political qualification and ambition will see the opportunity it presents and seize it. The opportunity would be enormous: possibly becoming the father (or mother) of a new Commonwealth of Alberta.

We should undertake our move towards independence with a wholehearted intention of achieving it. Not, that is, as simply a tactic to obtain a temporarily “better deal” from Ottawa, such as reducing West-East transfer payments as a sop to our “Western alienation”. Albertans must understand that the current Canadian reality is profoundly prejudicial to the interests of our children and grandchildren – economically, culturally, morally, politically – and that there is no realistic prospect of improvement in their lifetime. There is instead every likelihood that it will get worse, as Canada drifts the way of Old Europe into stagnation, corruption, ennui and impotence.

Nor should we become mixed up with some amorphous “Western separatism” which, to succeed, would require creating an all-new political entity. This is a seductive prospect to some, but would be subject to almost limitless practical difficulties. If other provinces opted for independence, that would be their business, and we would wish them well and would work to develop amicable and mutually beneficial relationships. Or if other provinces or parts thereof should later wish to join an already sovereign and flourishing Alberta, that would be a matter for negotiation.

It’s quite likely that eastern and northern B.C. would consider doing so, thus making the new Commonwealth sovereign over the Yellowhead corridor all the way to Prince Rupert. In this vein, Barry Cooper and David Bercuson of the University of Calgary in March published a plausible piece of political fiction, entitled The rise of the Republic of the Northwest, wherein they imagine the flourishing situation 20 years after we declared independence and some of our neighbours chose to join us. In the meantime, our personal relationships with friends and family elsewhere in Canada, or anywhere in the world, need not be impaired by our independence.

The single greatest obstacle to our declaring independence is sentiment. Sentiment, and emotions generally, are of massive importance in politics. Achieving rational outcomes in today’s politics therefore depends on people coming to feel what their reason indicates they ought to feel. Albertans ought to feel indignation. But for now, Albertans’ sentimental attachment to Canada remains very strong. Successive polls have shown that Alberta is the country’s most patriotic province; this is part of our overall virtue, and we should be proud of it. But we could as easily – and far more justifiably – be proud, patriotic Albertans.

For the “Canada” Albertans still love is partly one of an illustrious but bygone history. Mainly, however, the “Canada” we love is the portion of it we know firsthand, and that is Alberta itself. Yet Alberta isn’t like the rest of Canada. It truly is a distinct society amidst the increasingly alien context of the postmodern Canada, which has been fostered primarily by the political, academic, media and cultural establishments of the central provinces. The weakness of these establishments in the very areas most needed to hold a country together – courage, patriotism, decisiveness – as demonstrated in their submissiveness towards Quebec separatism over the decades, would be to Albertans’ huge advantage as we sought independence.

We need have no fear of what could be a great adventure: founding a new country. Think of the advantages of becoming masters of our own political house. Is this not an enterprise that could engage the spirit of Albertans, young and old? The only real obstacle is in ourselves: our strong but misplaced sentimental attachment to a weak and pacifistic Canada, to be transferred to a sovereign Alberta, truly strong and free.

Leon Harold Craig is Professor Emeritus of Political Science at the University of Alberta.