Two years ago this weekend, millions of American women took to the streets to protest against US President Donald Trump.

These mostly liberal women were upset that the trailblazing female presidential candidate, Hillary Clinton, had lost in what many thought would be a sure victory.

But they were more upset that Mr Trump had won.

After some sexist language from the candidate during the campaign, they feared he would revoke women's rights, such as the right to an abortion, the right to contraceptive care and the right to maternity leave.

Some women feared he could fundamentally change the way the nation treated half of its population.

Fast forward two years to the halfway point of Mr Trump's first term in office (and, coincidentally, the year marking the 100th anniversary of women's suffrage).

Have things changed, for better or worse, since the Trump era began?

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Abortion, contraception and reproductive rights

Still front of mind for many women is the precedent set by Roe v Wade, a 1973 supreme court case that effectively made abortion legal in all 50 states.

Since he took office, Mr Trump has successfully nominated two judges to the nine-seat Supreme Court, tipping it conservative and heightening progressive concerns that Roe v Wade will be overturned.

If the right case makes it to the Supreme Court, it could mean control over the legality of abortion goes back to the individual states.

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While abortion may stay legal in blue states such as California or New York, pregnant women in conservative areas may have to venture across state lines or into illegal back-rooms seeking terminations.

But thanks to the ever-complicated US Constitution, it's still unlikely abortion could be made illegal in every state.

The same could be said for access to birth control, though the Trump administration is fighting hard to roll access back.

Under the Obama-era Affordable Care Act, women's insurance must include access to birth control, as well as preventative screenings and services, at no extra cost.

Some employers want to deny coverage of contraceptives on moral or religious grounds.

The Trump administration is in their corner.

Several courts have ruled the employers can't cut the coverage. One judge estimated that nearly 70,500 women would have lost access to birth control had that not been the case.

And speaking of which, Planned Parenthood, which provides an array of reproductive health services using federal funds — and abortions, using non-federal funds — serves 2.4 million Americans annually.

On the campaign trail, Mr Trump wasted no time taking up the Republicans' years-long promise to completely defund Planned Parenthood — though he noted "millions and millions of women had been helped" through its other services.

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Though the US President has revoked some of Planned Parenthood's protections, he's been unsuccessful in defunding it completely, stymied by the courts and Congress.

It seems even less likely to make headway with the Democrats in control of the House of Representatives.

But there are plenty of loopholes the administration is eyeing, such as redirecting some of Planned Parenthood's funds to anti-abortion clinics.

The wage gap, maternity leave and women in the workplace

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The push for equal pay hasn't budged in the age of Trump.

Though that was his daughter Ivanka Trump's campaign promise, not his.

Some accuse Ms Trump of having a hand in rolling back legislation that forces companies to disclose salaries by gender. It'd be hard to call that a step in the right direction.

And a recent Reuters report suggested the pay gap is now worse, with women making roughly half the income of men in a 15-year period, accounting for time off for family care.

Both Trumps have been mute on the issue for some time.

Maternity leave is another story.

The administration is pushing a bill to allow six weeks of paid leave, as opposed to the 12 weeks of unpaid leave currently mandated by the Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993.

The bill has stalled, and it's unlikely it'll pass the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives.

Those on the left oppose the bill, saying that mothers would be paying for the leave, indirectly, as funds come from their own social security retirement income.

For now, the US remains the only industrialised country that doesn't provide some kind of paid parental leave.

The attitude of a moment

At the time of the first Women's March, women took to the streets out of concern, but appeared empowered, determined and united.

There are roughly 164 million women in the US, and there are no words that could speak for all of them. But a few themes keep popping up.

For one, women are speaking out.

Take for example the #MeToo movement.

Though not caused by Mr Trump as such, #MeToo followed the election of a man who once boasted about grabbing women "by the pussy" to, arguably, the most powerful office in the world.

Sorry, this video has expired The Women's March is the second to be held since Donald Trump's inauguration. (Photo: Reuters/Eduardo Munoz)

There was a sense of urgency behind the movement, evidenced by 1) Hollywood's "Time's Up" moniker and 2) the waterfall of allegations that came out as soon as Hollywood movie mogul Harvey Weinstein was accused.

That urgency, with its scope and profile, proved enough to unseat several powerful men due to their behaviour towards women.

But it's the slow, drip-drip of bureaucracy — the court process — that will prove whether those same men will face criminal or fiscal consequences.

Bill Cosby is going to jail after years of legal wrangling, but Weinstein has successfully eluded a few charges.

And then there's Brett Kavanaugh.

Brett Kavanaugh won confirmation for the Supreme Court. ( Reuters: Jim Bourg )

After his nominee to the Supreme Court was accused of sexual assault, Mr Trump argued the #MeToo movement was dangerous because of its incompatibility with the "innocent before proven guilty" principle.

The he-said-she-said nature of sexual assault cases — especially in relation to incidents in the distant past — means that some victims don't see justice.

We'll probably never know whether Justice Kavanaugh was guilty of the alleged assault or himself a victim of politics, but the decision by Congress to endorse him regardless left some feeling like they chose not to err on the side of caution.

Some women have been frustrated with Congress, which points to another notable pattern in attitudes.

Women are stepping up.

A record number of women ran — and got elected — in the 2018 midterms and state elections.

A woman, Nancy Pelosi, is again Speaker of the House of Representatives, making her third in line for the presidency.

Critics and scholars named 2017 "The Year of the Woman".

And already a number of women have signalled their interest in vying for the presidency in 2020.

But as much as they're empowered, not all women are feeling united.

Look no further than the Women's March itself.

Nancy Pelosi is third in line for the presidency. ( AP: Andrew Harnik )

The grassroots organisation behind the first event — which attracted up to a million in Washington DC and millions more across the country — fractured shortly after the first march.

Its founders are facing questions about inclusivity and accusations of anti-semitism.

Some cities are expecting two or three marches this year, and each is expected to attract just a fraction of 2016's extraordinary crowd.

It's worth noting that this division and fizzle is consistent with the history of American women's movements dating back a century.

Time and time again, the dialogue born from the division is productive.

But when it comes to US rights, it's individuals — through their votes — that often make the most direct impact.