In the grand, hypothetical road map to Donald Trump’s impeachment, the Emoluments Clause is a forgotten path plowed through by the much more dramatic prospect of Russian collusion. But thanks to the president’s refusal to divest from his business interests, Trump’s past life as a globe-trotting real-estate mogul has periodically resurfaced in the context of the Emoluments Clause, which bars members of the government from receiving gifts from foreign officials. Whether the foreign dignitaries who pay to stay in Trump’s hotels are giving the president a formal gift is a matter still winding its way through the federal courts, with two challenges already thrown out due to lack of standing. But absent a formal ruling, the Trump Organization seems all too willing to let it occur, and foreign governments seem increasingly willing to play along.

On Tuesday, McClatchy D.C. reported that foreign governments have made several dubiously timed interventions into public-works projects surrounding Trump International properties. The Indonesian government approved the construction of a more direct road between a Balinese airport and Trump’s newly opened six-star resort and golf course, cutting the commute to a speedy 25 minutes; the road will also decrease travel time from Jakarta to 60 minutes. In Panama, the government itself paid to construct sewer and water pipes surrounding the Trump Ocean Club International Hotel and Tower in Panama City, stepping in after the original contractor went bankrupt. (Representatives of the Indonesian and Panamanian governments did not respond to McClatchy’s request for comment.)

A Trump Organization attorney told McClatchy an attorney for the Trump Organization said that, “because the developments you are referring to are all license deals owned and developed by others, any improvements made to the local infrastructure provide no benefit to the Trump Organization or any of its affiliates.” But according to financial disclosure statements filed in June, the organization pockets fees and royalties that are likely tied to a site’s success or failure.

These new developments—no pun intended—follow previous instances of foreign governments opening their coffers and public lands to the Trump Organization. Just weeks after Trump won the election, the Argentinian government suddenly granted a permit for a long-delayed Trump Tower development in Buenos Aires. In September, Trump’s Middle Eastern business partners granted a company partially owned by the Chinese government a contract to build a road to Trump World Golf Club in Dubai, seemingly going against his pledge to not engage in foreign business transactions during his presidency. And, of course, there is the ongoing constitutional crisis that is the Trump International Hotel Washington D.C., which critics claim violates the Emoluments Clause on a regular basis, allowing diplomats to curry favor with the Trump administration by enriching the Trump Organization.

Granted, this seeming attempt to get in Trump’s good graces seems less effective than throwing lavish receptions for the president: in Saudi Arabia, days of glitzy receptions, sword dances, and oversize portraits prompted Trump to ignore the fact that he had accused the country of sponsoring terrorism, and shortly after Trump received the red carpet treatment in Beijing, he softened his tone on the country he had bashed as a currency manipulator—“I don’t blame China [for the trade deficit], he told reporters. “After all, who can blame a country for being able to take advantage of another country for benefit of its citizens? I give China great credit.” But for those countries without the means to throw an extravagant party in Trump’s honor, giving his businesses a boost may be the next best option.