Authored by Steven Guinness,

When devising a plan from the ground up, timing is perhaps the most important component of the process. For instance, building a one hundred story structure does not begin with a spade in the ground. There are blue prints to draw up, consultations to undertake, funding to put in place, planning permission to acquire, before the objective can start to become a reality.

It could be argued that global economic institutions operate in a similar manner. It is evident from their communications that they have as part of their agenda plans to introduce digital only currency to supplant physical capital. But they cannot simply foist these plans onto the population. Instead, they require public consent. Change on this scale takes time to gain approval, which is why globalists invariably utilise the model of gradualism when seeking to centralise powers further for their own benefit.

Unlike the standard creation of a new building where the intent might simply be to do good, globalists have a track record of using more nefarious means for achieving their ends. Inducing crisis scenarios and presenting themselves as a solution to the subsequent upheaval (the hegelian dialectic approach) is their primary, and I would argue only, method that they have at their disposal.

Where Brexit is concerned, it has been my contention for a while now that the tool which internationalists can exploit the most in their pursuit for a global currency framework is pound sterling. As of writing, the pound just dropped to the lowest monthly close since 1985 off the back of Boris Johnson’s ascension to Prime Minister and the growing risk of the UK leaving the EU with no withdrawal agreement.

This invites a number of questions. With the Brexit deadline of October 31st just three months away, why has an advocate for no deal risen to power at this moment? A man routinely compared to Donald Trump and classified as a ‘populist‘, why is now the time for Johnson to take direct responsibility for Brexit? I fear the answer may be in the question.

Stood before No. 10 Downing Street, minutes after becoming Prime Minister, Johnson said this to the nation:

I will take personal responsibility for the change I want to see. Never mind the back stop. The buck stops here.

Immediately on taking office, Johnson began surrounding himself with what the media term as ‘Brexiteers‘. Prior to this, the majority in the cabinet – along with Theresa May – supported leaving the EU with a withdrawal agreement. The dynamic has now shifted. Over two thirds of cabinet ministers now support leaving the EU with no deal should no other option be attainable.

One of the most notable appointments to Johnson’s cabinet was Jacob Rees Mogg as Leader of the House of Commons. Mogg remains chair of the European Research Group (ERG) which was influential in bringing Theresa May’s tenure as Prime Minister to a close.

With the ‘Brexiteer‘ cabinet in place, the media began perceiving it as an ‘alt-right‘ purge and a ‘right wing coup.’ Ever since the referendum result three years ago, elements of the mainstream press have been cultivating the narrative that Brexit is a product of the hard right. Despite evidence to the contrary (millions of Labour supporters voted to leave the EU), the ever present figures of Nigel Farage and interjections by Donald Trump have served to reinforce the media propaganda on how Brexit is identified.

Back in 2017 when the Conservatives held on to power following a snap general election, I posted an article (‘Conservative Brexit’ – The Reason the Tories are Still in Office) that discussed specific traits often associated with conservatism – like the championing of national sovereignty and individualism. I argued that these were important factors in being able to maintain Brexit under the banner of conservative doctrine, for the purpose of gradually ostracising these beliefs in favour of the internationalist ideology of global citizenry and collectivism.

Figureheads from the 2016 Vote Leave campaign were also appointed into key positions under Johnson. Campaign Director of Vote Leave, Dominic Cummings, is now Johnson’s senior advisor. Lee Cain, who was head of broadcast, is director of communications. Two other Vote Leave ‘alumni‘ – Rob Oxley and Oliver Lewis – were made press secretary and Brexit policy advisor respectively.

As with most events around the world, it did not take long for Donald Trump to attach himself to Johnson’s elevation. After it was announced that Johnson would be the next Prime Minister, Trump told an assembly of high school pupils in Washington:

They call him Britain Trump and people are saying that’s a good thing.

The parallels with Trump are clear. On becoming president, Trump took ownership of a boom in the stock market, in spite of calling the post 2008 rise in stocks during the campaign trail as a ‘big fat ugly bubble‘. What we have seen with Boris Johnson is him taking ownership of a potential ‘hard‘ Brexit in three months time.

Currently, Trump’s repeated criticism of the Federal Reserve and its chairman Jerome Powell has encouraged the narrative of central bank independence being put in jeopardy. It is conceivable that we might see a similar narrative build here in the UK, with a Boris Johnson led government calling for the Bank of England to support Britain should the country leave the EU with no deal. As a back bencher, cabinet member Jacob Rees Mogg accused the current BOE governor Mark Carney of politicising the central bank and called for him to be removed from his position. A sign of things to come perhaps?

Speaking to the same assembly in the U.S, Trump went on to advocate that Johnson work with Brexit Party leader Nigel Farage in the lead up to the UK’s exit:

I know he’s going to work well with Boris. They’re going to do some tremendous things.

There is speculation that after Parliament reconvenes from its summer recess in September that another general election could be called, either directly by Boris Johnson or through a vote of no confidence in his government. Farage’s Brexit party are ready to field candidates throughout the UK in the event of an election. Farage has also stated that Johnson would have his support provided he commits to taking the UK out of the EU with no deal on October 31st. This support would potentially extended to a coalition deal with the Conservatives. For what it is worth, Johnson ruled out a coalition with Farage days before becoming Prime Minister.

If there is an election prior to the Brexit deadline, I would consider it most likely that Boris Johnson wins an outright majority or the Conservatives enter into coalition with the Brexit party. Either scenario would entrench the perception of Brexit being firmly within the grip of ‘populists‘, and would ensure a no deal exit under this identity.

A recent announcement that the government will soon commence with a nationwide communications campaign in preparation for a potential no deal outcome is perhaps an indication that an election will occur. The official line is that the campaign would seek to prepare the public and businesses for a October 31st exit. It would encompass billboards, TV adverts, leaflets and social media advertising, at an estimated cost of around £100 million.

Keep in mind that Johnson’s new senior advisor, Dominic Cummings, was behind the Vote Leave campaign slogan of ‘Take Back Control‘, and played a part in using social media to influence voters to support Brexit. Perhaps his role in Downing Street and the announcement of this upcoming campaign are not a coincidence.

As I have debated previously, globalists require a strawman of sufficient size to hold culpable for the next major economic downturn. Central banks have been tightening monetary policy for several years now, and whilst they have been in a ‘holding pattern‘ so far in 2019, they continue to promote their inflation mandates as being fundamental in how they conduct policy.

With sterling and trade being most vulnerable to a no deal scenario, it was Mark Carney who described Brexit as ‘inflationary‘. The obvious danger here is that the BOE exploit the fallout from a no deal by tightening policy into economic weakness. Much as the Federal Reserve have been doing since Donald Trump was elected.

A lot will develop before this possibility, however. Right now the government are operating under the delusion that a new withdrawal agreement can be negotiated with the EU inside the next twelve weeks. This is a fallacy when you consider that the agreement Theresa May forged with Brussels took over a year to conceive. There is no discernible plan for how Boris Johnson intends to renegotiate the original withdrawal agreement. All we know for certain is that the government will not re-engage with the EU until they agree to remove the Irish backstop from the text. The EU have insisted that the deal already rejected three times by parliament cannot be changed and remains ‘the only agreement possible.’ There is no reason to suggest that they will relent on this.

In his first speech as Prime Minister, Johnson attempted to deflect any blame for a no deal Brexit back onto the EU, saying that Brussels may ‘refuse to negotiate any further‘, meaning ‘we are forced to come out with no deal.’

With Johnson having already taken ownership for his actions, the moment of leaving the EU will be seen as a political decision. I highly doubt that the EU will be held widely accountable, except by those most loyal to the Brexit cause.

What Johnson is doing now is playing on the traits of positivity and optimism. He has employed the tactic of characterising opponents to Brexit as those who seek to run the country down. So far, the promotion of vacuous, feel good rhetoric is finding a home within people. The upcoming communications campaign may cement this further. Johnson is selling hope over detail, which I suspect is working given that warnings of a no deal Brexit have longed been dismissed by supporters of leaving the EU as ‘Project Fear.’

The more that ‘remainers‘ ratchet up the scaremongering and try to delay or stop Brexit, the more chance it will draw the electorate over to Johnson. ‘Project Fear‘ has been in full flight since the spring of 2018. If its purpose was to demonise Brexit to the point of turning sentiment against it, then it has failed. Since then The Brexit Party have won an EU election, and Boris Johnson has become Prime Minister.

If anything, ‘Project Fear‘ has emboldened Brexit. Trust in the establishment has been steadily eroding since the financial crisis. People have become less inclined to believe the warnings of economic armageddon. It would not surprise me if this was the intent from the beginning. De-legitimise Brexit and those behind it, but not to the point of their destruction.

Where I believe this is going is that we will witness the resurgence in national sovereignty movements and the rise of nationalism being blamed for an impending economic decline, one that will extinguish the post 2008 false recovery . The ‘populists‘ will oversee the immediate fallout, which I consider as inevitable will manifest into the ‘Brexit recession‘. Eventually, when the majority of public sentiment turns against Brexit, the paradigm will shift back to the left in the run up to 2030.

Over the next few years, globalists are seeking to have reformed payment systems in place that will be able to utilise blockchain technology and work in conjunction with the issuance of central bank digital currencies (CBDC’s). The Bank of England are in the process of reforming the UK’s RTGS system, with a target of 2025 for completion. It is important to recognise that they are not doing this out of necessity, but out of choice. Last month Bank for International Settlements general manager Agustin Carstens linked the rise of CBDC’s to the development of payment systems. This is one of the reasons why the pound’s susceptibility to Brexit is of increasing concern to me.

Back in June 2016, when the waiting press fully expected Boris Johnson to run for the Tory party leadership, he announced that the next leader ‘cannot be me‘. Now, with the withdrawal agreement with the EU ‘dead‘, he has assumed office and rallied behind the drive for a no deal exit months before the October 31st deadline.

Is Johnson’s rise to Prime Minister designed to ensure that a ‘hard‘ Brexit happens on his watch and, by extension, under the banner of alt-right populism? We will soon find out.