President Donald Trump treats the prospect of oversight like a disease, one he seems to think is just as dangerous as the COVID-19 pandemic sweeping our nation.

Unlike his promises in January and February that this novel coronavirus was “totally under control” (when his own staff warned otherwise), Trump has proved he will attack even the possibility that his or his administration’s actions could be subject to independent review. While it may have taken Trump a while to take this pandemic as seriously as he should have, there has been no hesitation or delay from him when it comes to avoiding oversight.

Just this month, he fired or sidelined multiple inspectors general, those government officials uniquely responsible for rooting out mismanagement and corruption in government. IGs serve a vital role, reporting to both Congress and the agencies they are tasked with monitoring. Trump pushed aside the IG at the Department of Defense who would have been responsible for scrutinizing the $2 trillion approved by Congress to fight the COVID-19 pandemic. The president also fired the intelligence community IG who properly handled the anonymous whistleblower complaint regarding Trump’s attempt to extort Ukraine into supplying campaign dirt on former Vice President Joe Biden. To be clear, Trump didn’t get rid of these IGs because they did anything wrong. He got rid of them because they were doing their job without favor toward him. In so doing, he shattered norms about the independence of inspectors general, potentially chilling their critical monitoring of executive branch agencies.

Degrading the inspector general system is bad enough, but Trump has done worse to Congress. He has stonewalled House committees countless times since he took office, both before and after his impeachment, in wholesale obstruction of duly authorized subpoenas to supply witnesses or documents in congressional investigations. Trump has even prevented former members of his administration from complying with any congressional subpoena under the radical theory that some of them have “absolute testimonial immunity” from congressional process.

That’s what the president instructed his former White House counsel, Donald F. McGahn, to assert against a subpoena from Congress calling him to testify as part of impeachment proceedings. Recently, by a 2-1 vote, a three-judge federal appeals court in Washington, D.C., sided with Trump, ruling that Congress didn’t even have the right to ask a court to enforce its subpoena. Thankfully, however, that ruling was vacated by the full panel of the D.C. Circuit. Now all 11 judges on that court are scheduled to rehear the case on April 28 and how they ultimately rule could significantly affect Congress’ ability to hold the executive branch accountable.