'The tragedy of American politics': Follow the money in Tempe politics

Campaign donations from zoning attorneys and developers are common practice in Tempe and other cities, making up a large chunk of the contributions to council and mayoral candidates.

It's not unusual for contributions to come in advance of, or after, votes on the donors' projects.

Some examples:

Earlier this year, Tempe Vice Mayor Robin Arredondo-Savage, who is running for re-election in 2018, received campaign donations from two people looking to bring a hotel to the city.

Mayor Mark Mitchell received a donation from a zoning attorney in August 2015, a month before the council unanimously approved a development project the attorney was steering through the city process.

Councilman Kolby Granville received a donation from the same attorney in March 2015, two weeks before the council voted on a project the attorney was involved with.

Tempe has been at the forefront of Valley cities in significantly limiting how much deep-pocketed donors can give to candidates, requiring lobbyists to register with the city and taking other transparency measures.

Donations so close to a vote do not violate the law. But the practice, whether in local, state or national politics, concerns Thomas Volgy, professor of political science at the University of Arizona.

"Is it grossly unethical? You bet it is," he said. "It's the tragedy of American politics."

Campaigns are expensive and, unless the jurisdiction has publicly-funded campaigns, a politician must raise money or risk losing the race, he said.

'The bigger issue is perception'

Darin Sender is a zoning attorney representing property owner Sam Gordon and future property owner CAI Investments on the proposed Westin Hotel project near Seventh Street and Mill Avenue.

Sender donated the maximum $500 to Arredondo-Savage on Aug. 28. Gordon did the same on Sept. 12, two weeks before the city planning commission approved the project on a 4-3 vote. Both donations were made at campaign events.

Arredondo-Savage and the rest of council approved the project on Nov. 9, saying it's a win for downtown Tempe.

Arredondo-Savage said the campaign donation played no role in her vote and highlighted her transparency.

"Over the years I have voted for and against many projects based on their merits and impacts on Tempe, not because of any contribution I may have received," Arredondo-Savage said.

Sender initially wouldn't comment, saying, "It's not a story."

She then sent a statement through a public-relations firm saying, "I know Robin Arredondo-Savage is an excellent choice for Tempe City Council. I have supported her campaigns for many years, which is why I chose to support her at her campaign kick-off party, along with many others."

The mayor said campaign donations do not impact his vote when asked about a $500 donation from zoning attorney Manjula Vaz in 2015, a month before the council unanimously approved a development project she was steering through the city process.

Vaz did not respond to a request for comment.

Vaz also donated $250 to Granville in 2015, two weeks before the council voted on a project she was involved with.

However, Granville voted against it.

"(The) only thing that changed with this issue is you noticed," Granville said.

"I don't know of a single instance of a council member changing their vote due to money coming in," Granville said.

He added: "The bigger issue is perception."

Tempe makes it easier to follow the money

Mitchell said he was part of a group that spearheaded the lobbyist registration, cut the maximum campaign contribution to $500 from $6,250 per donor and proposed to reign in "dark money."

"We are a very transparent city," he said.

Phoenix and Peoria are the only other Valley cities that require lobbyists to register.

In January, Tempe will require lobbyists to report what they spend on city lobbying efforts, too.

Tempe recently launched a system requiring candidates to clearly mark donations from lobbyists on campaign finance reports. Tempe defines a lobbyist as anyone paid to influence city policy or decisions, including a developer-paid zoning attorney.

The city apparently is still working out the kinks.

Arrendondo-Savage's campaign report lists Sender as a lobbyist next to her donation. However, multiple council members' finance reports do not label Vaz as a lobbyist, although she is a registered city lobbyist. Former Tempe Mayor Hugh Hallman, an attorney now registered as a lobbyist, donated $500 to Arrendondo-Savage in August but is not marked as a lobbyist.

"This is a new system and we certainly didn't (intend) to exclude any registered lobbyist," Arredondo-Savage said in an email to The Arizona Republic. The vice mayor has since filed an amended report.

Arredondo-Savage said she prides herself "on being transparent and accountable to the residents and businesses in Tempe."

Hard to 'escape this trap'

Volgy, the UA professor, calls it "a structural problem" that extends well beyond Tempe.

"If they don't take the money, they are going to lose (the election)," Volgy said. "It's rare for them to escape this trap."

Some cities and states try to get special-interest money out of politics with publicly-funded campaigns.

Tucson voters passed a campaign-finance reform package in 1985 that included incentives for candidates to accept smaller donations and less money by having the city match the funds raised, Volgy said.

The system, coupled with a "change in the political culture," led to more diverse candidates and fewer incumbents repeatedly winning, Volgy said.

Tempe considered, but shelved, a similar proposal in 2015.

Councilman David Schapira pushed for the clean elections, or public funding, proposal. He's currently running for state Public School Superintendent under the state's Clean Elections program.

Arizona voters approved a Clean Elections system for state races in 1998. To qualify for public funding, candidates must get a set number of $5 donations from Arizona voters.

"It allows you to forgo special-interest money," Schapira said.

But not everyone believes taxpayers should pay for elections. Mitchell is comfortable with the way the current system works, noting, "My vote is not for sale."

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