Cannabis and Culture: Impact of Drug Policy on Drug Use and Drug Trade

Molly Charles

Thesis is submitted for the degree in Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology to University of Pune.

Under the guidance of Dr. K.S. Nair

Department of Anthropology

University of Pune

Pune –411007

October 2004

Declaration

I, Molly Charles, solemnly declare that this thesis entitled Cannabis and Culture: Impact of Drug Policy on Drug Use and Trade, which I am submitting to the University of Pune, Pune, for Ph.D. Degree has been entirely prepared by me. All the information, data, analysis and other materials included in my thesis are mine. Whenever I have borrowed from other sources through review of literature, the same has been acknowledged as per the required format of referencing. In case any plagiarized material including data, information and analysis is found in the thesis I am solely responsible for the same. Dr. Nair, my guide/supervisor bears no responsibility in this regard.

I also declare that, this thesis is a product of the research work carried out by me and that no part of this thesis has been presented earlier for any degree, diploma, or similar title to any University

Dr. K.S. Nair Molly Charles

Deputy Director General-Research Research Student

Supervisor.

Date:

Place: Pune

Certificate

This is to certify that this Ph.D. Thesis entitled Cannabis and Culture: Impact of Drug Policy on Drug Use and Trade is the research work of Molly Charles and that it has been carried out by her under my supervision

Dr. K.S. Nair (Rtd) DateDr. K.S. Nair (Rtd)

Head of Dept. Anthropology, Place: PuneHead of Dept. Anthropology,

Department of Anthropology Department of Anthropology

Pune University

Present Designation Present Designation

Deputy Director General, Research. Deputy Director General,Research.

YASHADA,

PUNE

Table of Contents

1. Cannabis and Culture: Impact of Drug Policy on Drug Use / Abuse

management

Problem 29

Theoretical Perspective 35

Schema of Drug Effects 39 Schema of Drug Effects39

Schema of Drug Effects within Indian context 45 Schema of Drug Effects within Indian context45

Concepts Used 47 Concepts Used47

Broad Descriptive Hypothesis 51 Broad Descriptive Hypothesis51

Scheme of Thesis 51 Scheme of Thesis51

Conclusion 55

2. Methodology

Approach Selected 57

Research Sites 61

Rapport Building 68

Methods of Interviewing 71

Limitation 73

Relevance 74

Selection of Informants 74

Data Analysis and Presentation 74

Conclusion 75

3. Role of Psychoactive Substances in Religion and Asceticism

Saivite Samnyasis and Asceticism 78

Locale 84

Use of Psychoactive substances in Religious Context 88

The group under study –saivite samnyasis 89

Role of Psychoactive substances in Asceticism 94

Role of Drugs in Spiritual Search 102

Pattern of Drug Use among samnyasi community 105

Transference of Religious Use to general public 115

Conclusion 120

4. Socio-cultural use of Psychoactive Plant Products

Psychoactive Plant Products and their Non-Psychoactive Uses 124

Socioal context of Cannabis use 126

Social context for consumption of Poppy Plant Products 130

Psychoactive Plant Products as a Relaxant 132

Use of Psychoactive substances in Traditional Systems of

Medicine 137

Medicinal Use of Psychoactive Plants 142

Practitioners of Traditional Systems of Medicine 146

Use of Psychoactive Plants by Traditional Practitioners 147

Source of Psychoactive Plant Products 148

Conclusion 153

5. Impact of Criminalisation on Drug Use and Drug Trade

Creation of New Norms through Criminalisation 155

Transferring the criminal Approach to Society 165

Religious Use and Criminalisation 174

Socio-Cultural Use and Criminalisation 182

Impact of Criminalisation on Drug Trade in the Urban Context 186

Criminalisation and its Impact on Urban Context of Drug Use 198

Criminalisation and Graduation in Drug Use 201

Marginalisation and Entrenchment in Crime 209

Conclusion 219

6. Impact of Drug Policy on Cultural Use Management

Presence of Use Management and its disintegration 223

Creation of Deviants and resultant Alienation 230

Increasing Scope of trade through alienation 234

Expanding drug trade and criminalisation of social fabric 236

Conclusion 238

List of Illustrations/Tables

Title Page Number

1. Schema of Drug Effects 44

2. Adapted version of De Rios Schema 46

3. Map of Junagadh district in Gujarat state 63

4. Map of Kullu district in Himachal Pradesh 65

5. Mumbai city Map in Maharashtra 67

6. Use of Psychoactive Plant Products for common ailments 148

7. Punishment under NDPS Act based on

quantity seized 164

8. Schema of Drug Effects within the Indian context 240





Abbreviation (Key)

Expanded Form Abbreviation

Acquired Immuno Deficiency Syndrome AIDS

Human Immunodeficiency Virus HIV

Mind Altering Substances MAS

Narcotics Drugs and Psychotropic NDPS, Act 1985

Substances Act, 1985

Non- Governmental Organisation NGO

National Institute of Social Defence NISD

Traditional Systems of Medicine TSM

World Health Organisation WHO

World Trade Organisation WTO

Acknowledgement

The journey to arrive at this thesis has been long and an enriching experience. It began even prior to my registration as a Ph.D. candidate. It is my interaction with Dr. K.S. Nair in the capacity of a research advisor to National Addiction Research Centre (NARC), where I worked earlier the prompted me to do a Ph.D. research. His critical inputs facilitated in understanding the relevance of the present drug policy and bring forth some suggestions so has to address the contradictions in the drug policy. I would like to thank Dr. K.S. Nair for his active support at all stages of the study. In addition to his analytical input, it is his emotional support during stages of crisis, where I felt that the thesis would never come to an end that has been crucial in completing the study.

I would also like to thank Dr. Ram Gambhir, Head of the Department of Anthropology, Pune University for his support in facilitating the successful completion of this research study. I thank Pune University for providing me an opportunity to do academic research and hope the opportunity has been constructively used towards some benefit for society at large and drug users in particular.

In addition to the present research, years of work in the area of Drug Addiction as part of National Addiction Research centre facilitated this thesis for it provided an understanding of the complex drug situation in Indian and role of International drug policies on the same. I thank the input provided by Gabriel Britto, Director NARC, Mumbai, for he provided critical input and opportunity to explore various aspects of Drug Abuse Management with regard to different issues related to drug use and in the area of drug trade. Opportunity to do research was provided by International Federation of Catholic Universities (Paris) and UNESCO-MOST (Paris). Research undertaken as part of NARC was facilitated both by Dr. K.S. Nair and Gabriel Britto and that has contributed towards the present research.

The present study that focussed on collecting information on sensitive issues was made possible because of the willingness of samnyasis, practitioners of traditional systems of medicine, drug users and individuals in criminal activities to share information. Their magnanimity has been crucial for the data collection process. This was further facilitated by the support A.A. Das, Dr. Masihi, Mr. Bhaskar, Mr. Muthu who provided the connecting link with different groups. Dr. Udaya Mehta, J, P. Vijayakumar, and Daniel Pinto supported the process by giving their insights on specific issues.

Access to research material is crucial to sharpen any search and at times resource materials are not easily accessible within India. Besides, it is difficult and expensive to purchase them at the personal level. Laurent Laniel (DRUGSTRAT, Paris) suggested relevant books, provided the material, gave space to go through them and our discussion facilitated in arriving at a better understanding- - thank you!

For their unconditional support and encouragement I thank my parents, P.A. Charles and Daisy Charles. I thank my siblings Vimal Charles and Andrew Mohan, my sister-in law Grace Andrew for their support. Thanks is very much due to my nephew Quentin and niece Gale for their tolerance when I occupied the computer on continuous basis interfering with their time for computer games. The support of Muneera and her children and Ishwar Desai and family facilitated me to go through tough times in Mumbai while struggling to complete the thesis.

Molly Charles Place: PuneMolly Charles

Research Student Date:Research Student

Glossary

Addas : Drug dens where brown sugar (crude form of heroin) and other

synthetic drugs are sold.

Akhada: The word though translated as monastery, must be distinguished

from it for Akhada is a centre where only Naga samnyasis are inmates. It is only those Naga Samnyasis who are attached to the particular akhada’s who can be the inmate of the respective akhada.

Amal The local name for opium, which means rule or control.

Ashram: Religious residential place

Augharas or Aghoripanithi:A practitioner of Aghora, which means `non-terrifying’. It is one of the extreme among various sects of ascetics.

Ayurveda: A branch of traditional system of medicine, it is a Sanskrit word meaning `science of life’ or `longevity’.

Bairagis: Samnyasis who worship Lord Vishnu

Barella: filled in, here referring to cigarettes filled with brown sugar or crude heroin.

Bhagats: Devotees of samnyasis.

Bhajans: religious songs

Bhang : A drink or paste made from tender leaves of cannabis plant

Brahmins: The upper caste members who also belong to the priestly caste

Brown Sugar: Adulterated crude form of heroin sold in Mumbai

Chandukhannas: A place where opium was sold and where there was space for smoking as well. At times cannabis was sold along with opium.

Charan : A member of the Bardic caste, who composed verses during dayaro session held by Rajputs in Gujarat.

Charas:Hashish, which is made from the resin of the cannabis plant and it is the most potent of cannabis products.

Chella A devoted disciple, who gives himself/herself totally to the teacher

Chillum: A pipe used to smoke marijuana or hashish mixed with tobacco. It is three to six inches long, and straight with the width tapering from a wide

bowl to a thin mouth.

Corex: A brand name for a cough syrup, which also contains codeine.

Danda: A staff carried by student samnyasis who also belong to the upper caste.

Dandis: Means one who has a staff, usually a Brahmin initiate. He or she carries always carried the staff and discarded it on leaving the house of the teacher.

Darsana: The flat ear ring worn by Kanphata Jogis.

Darshan: Go to worship at the temple

Dasnami: The school of saivite samnyasis who has ten orders as organised by Sankaracarya.

Datura: Thorn apple, it is rich in delirium and delusion producing tropane alkaloids.

Dayaro: Group gathering held among Rajputs in Gujarat during which opium drinks are consumed.

Dhunni: The fire tended by a samnyasi. A samnyasi is said to sit `on’ his dhunni, meaning close to it, concentrating on it,

Dhyana: Meditation

Digambara Signifies Lord Siva in his naked form, it means `He who is clothed with space (naked).

Diksha: Initiation into savite smanyais sects

Diwali: Festival of Lights

Doda Pani Drink made by soaking poppy pods overnight in water.

Durga Puja The festival celebrated predominantly in Bengal to worship Goddess Durga, the consort of Lord Siva. She got her name Durga for she slew an asura named Durga

Duseera: Festival celebrating victory of good over evil, it is same festival as Druga Puja celebrated in West Bengal.

Ganja: The local name for marijuana which consists of the flower tops and leaves of cannabis plant.

Gard: Local name for brown sugar or crude heroin.

Gardulla: Local name for brown sugar users, used in a derogative manner.

Guru: The teacher who is crucial for sadhana and he/she dispels darkness

Gurugadhi: The place where the Guru sits and it also represents the power attached to the position. This position is handed over to the disciple, chosen by the Guru.

Hakims: Practitioners of traditional systems of medicine

Holi: Festival of colours

Jains: They are followers of Mahavir, the last and best known of all saints among Jains. It is said that Parswanatha, who is blue in colour with a snake is the founder of Jain sect. He was an ascetic born in Benares.

Janmashtami: The birthday of Lord Krishna who is the reincarnation of Lord Vishnu.

Japa: Systematic repetition of a mantra of sacred name.

Kamandalu: Water pot, carried by Lord Siva

Kanpata Jogi: Kanpata Jogis stands out marked from other Nathpanthis by the large earrings or ear discs which they wear in the hollow of the ear. At the last stage of initiation

Kumbha Mela: Mela meaning getting together in mood of festivity. Kumbha refers to pot. Kumbha mela is supposed to represent the celebration of the occasion when nectar of immortality was obtained.

Kund: Pond

Kundala: The round earrings worn by Kanpatta Jogis

Lambanis: A community in Karnataka which has cultural use of cannabis.

Linga: Male generative organ worshipped as a phallic symbol. Linga is the symbol of Lord Shiva.

Madak : It is raw opium that has been obtained through recurrent washing filtering.

Mahabag: Is a cocktail of different types of drugs ganja, charas, datura, pincers of scorpion, skin of cobra, english liquor, Mauva liquor

Mahachillum : Is a chillum containing five different drugs to be smoked together by saivite samnyasis

Mahadev: Another name for Lord Siva which means the great deity of Lord Siva.

Maharaja: A term of respect often used to address a religious person.

Mahashivaratri: The great festival of Lord Siva and it occurs on the night before the new moon during the lunar month of Magaha (February or early March).

Mahtama: An enlightened soul

Mal: Stuff, here representing brown sugar

Mandir: Temple

Moksha: Salvation or nirvana

Naga Samnyasis: The class of samnyasis who received their name after their chief characteristic - nakedness. Naga means naked or snake. They are worshippers of Lord Siva.

Naisthika Brahmacaris: A person who confirms to life long Celibacy.

Nasha: High

Nathpanthis samnyasis: Ascetics who are followers of Lord Siva and also worship Gorakhnatha and describe themselves as Gorakhapanthis. They are known for their expertise in physical exercise and exercise of mental control leading to total concentration.

Pani: Silver foil used for chasing brown sugar or crude heroin.

Paramahamsas: An ascetic or a person who having realised the identity of the individual soul with the supreme soul could be called the supreme discriminator.

Prasad: Any substance, usually food but includes psychoactive substances, which has been offered to a deity or saint, or to the image of the deity or saint, and which is then partaken by a disciple or devotee.

Pudis: The unit in which brown sugar is sold on the streets of Mumbai it is supposed to contain 250mgms. It also means small packet.

Puja: `Ritual adoration’, especially of a deity or guru with objects symbolic of purity, divinity or grace such as flowers, incense, sweet fruit, coconut etc. However puja can also be performed mentally

Rig Veda/Rg Veda: Path of Jhan or Knowledge

Rishis: Means Seer, anything a Rishi sees or experiences becomes a reality,

because a Rishi is an ethereal being of highest class, one who is almost totally unlimited, one who can travel anywhere in the cosmos and do anything at all.

Rogu: Local name for opium granules

Sadhana: Any spiritual exercise.

Saili: The sacred thread worn by Nathpanthi

Saivite Samnyasis: Ascetic who are disciples of Lord Siva

Shankranthi :Harvest Festival

Shivaratri: Festival of Lord Shiva.

Siddh: Having miraculous powers

Siddhi : Is a Sanskrit word for `perfect abilities’ or `miraculous powers’ that must inevitably be renounced and overcome it to attain Samadhi or union with Absolute.

Siddhar: An `accomplished one’. Anyone who has obtained Siddhi or supernatural accomplishment, is a siddhi.

Siddha: Traditonal system of medicine that originated from Dravidian civilisation and practised in Southern part of India.

Siddha Sangam: Sangam means academies that originally existed before 1000 BC, the first known member being Agastiya, who is the known member of Siddha medicine. At present the term is used to represent the academic council of Siddha practitioners.

Singanada: A whistle made of buck of a rhinoceros, worn by Nathpanthi on the sacred thread around the neck.

Soma: Is the drink of the Gods, the God of the intoxicating juice who resides in the plant itself.

Tantric Samnyasis : The Yogi or Jogi who practice appellation Consisting of a number of postures, exercises and certain mental control leading on through meditation to absolute concentration. This group of saivite ascetics can also be known as Tantric Samnyais. It is also said to represent Siddhas in North.

Tapas :`Heat, austerities penance’. Kamas (desire/passion) are burned away by tapas. Tapas etymologically means heat and significantly its practice is described in Sanskrit in terms of root `tap’ to get heated.

Tibbi :Traditional system of medicine originating from Tibet.

Tilak: Religiously significant marks made on the forehead or other parts of body, with different powders, sandalwood and ashes.

Udasin: A reformist sect of saivite samnyasis who also initiate members of the lower castes and Muslims to their sect.

Unani: The Arab system of traditional form health care

Vaidhyans/Vaids: Practitioners of traditional systems of medicine.

Vedas: Sacred knowledge or wisdom

Yajur Veda: Path of Karma or action

Yogi: One who is given to the practice of Yoga and in Northern part of India Yogis are also known as Jogis.

Yoga: Disciplining the body for various purposes, physical, mental and spiritual and meditation.

Abstract

The use of psychoactive substances for various purposes within a given socio-cultural context has been documented in different societies across the globe. The present approach to drug abuse management assumes that all forms of drug consumption are deviant or criminal behaviour and ignores the socio-cultural context of drug use.

It is this contradiction that formed the basis for this research study on cannabis and culture with specific emphasis on the impact of drug policy on drug use and trade. In order to explore various forms of use that exists within India, the study utilised the qualitative approach with data collected through field observation and interviews with informants.

For providing a theoretical base to the inquiry, the schema of Drug Effects put forward by De Rios (1975) was used and the same adapted to explore drug use within religious context of India. Data collected on religious and socio-cultural context of drug intake is contrasted with the data obtained on use of hard drugs within the context of the punitive approach to drug control. The study focussed on presenting another schema for Drug Effects within India context.

The first two chapters of thesis present a broad outline of the study and elaborate on the methodology of the study undertaken. The religious context of consumption has been explored with regard to specific sect of saivites samnyasis (ascetic followers of Lord Siva) and their interaction with others in society. Within the religious sect data was specifically collected with regard to understanding the role of psychoactive substances in the life of the ascetic and the process through which they are oriented to group ideology with regard to psychoactive substances and how they internalise the same. Analysis of various antecedent factors was done to explore the role it plays in evolving drug effects within the religious context.

Consumption of psychoactive substances in the socio-cultural context explored different forms of use both for psychoactive and non-psychoactive purposes. With regard to consumption for psychoactive properties the role of drugs as a relaxant during a social get together, festivals were examined, in addition to its use merely as a relaxant in daily life. The medicinal use of psychoactive plant products within the traditional system of medicine is another issue focussed upon. The basic emphasis was also to explore how within the context of punitive approach these forms of consumption continue to survive and the hurdles faced in the process. Data on different forms of religious and socio-cultural context of use presents the existence of cultural use management.

Data collected on the use of hard drugs within the context of criminalisation address the impact of the drug abuse policy on the drug use situation and its implication for patterns of use and impact on the lives of drug users. It is the process of marginalisation of drug users that is starkly different from the social acceptance given within the religious and socio-cultural forms of consumption.

In addition, the impact of drug policy on drug trade was explored, for the stated goal of drug abuse control has been to eradicate drugs. The study explores how the process of making drugs into contraband has led to the introduction of new forms of hard drugs for marketing at the street level. It is profit and the possibility of being able to evade the law that plays a crucial role in the choice of drug for marketing.

The entire process of criminalisation has led to a spread of drug use and the entrenchment of drug trade within society though there is a variation between rural and urban areas. The outcome of policy intervention by and large has been that cultural use management get transformed into drug abuse management.





CHAPTER - 1

Cannabis and Culture: Impact of Drug Policy on Drug Use/Abuse Management

INTRODUCTION

This study focuses on the role of culture in shaping various facets of drug use within India and changes brought about in them through the criminalisation of drug use and trade. The issues addressed here include the use of cannabis and opium for religious, social and medicinal purposes and the culturally embedded regulatory mechanisms that evolved through centuries. It then further elaborates on the impact of the national drug policy on both cultural and non-cultural patterns of use in rural and urban settings.

A review of global literature looking at prehistoric artefacts and historical drug use indicate that the use of mind altering substances has existed across cultures for many centuries. Studies undertaken in different societies, illustrate the use of cannabis, opium, coca and peyote for religious, social, medicinal and mind-altering purposes (Rubin (a) 1975; Palgi 1975; Codere 1975; Wilbert 1975; Rubin (b) 1975; Chopra et. al. 1990). An indepth understanding of drug use in history within different settings is hampered by the limited artefacts that created the basis for diverse claims and thereby, conflicting views on the issue. Overall, there has been no dispute regarding the cultural use of psychoactive substances and about its functional role being determined by socio-cultural reality. This in turn has led to diversity in the use of mind-altering substances and opportunities for cultural diffusion have not eradicated the diversity in drug use pattern (Blum 1969).

The role of socio-cultural factors in shaping the use of psychoactive substances has been studied within the Indian context by social scientists (Hasan 1975; Chopra 1990; Herer 1991; Masihi et. al. 1994; Shrivastava 1989; Masihi et. al. 2001; Machado et. al. 1994 and Hasan 1975).

In order to illustrate the role of socio-cultural factors, some of these studies are elaborated here. A study of drug use in Jhodpur (Rajasthan) indicated: “Traditionally, use of opium had been closely integrated with social, economic and cultural infrastructure of the society. It was intimately related to the social rituals, religious beliefs and social and economic conditions of the region” (Shrivastava 1989:135). Another study on the use of cannabis in Karnataka, (Rao 1994:3) pointed out, “Distribution of ganja (marijuana) occurs (in a particular community of Lambanis) during the ceremony of marriage. It has been also found that such distribution of ganja is related to the prestige of the family. If it were not performed, the families would be looked down upon”. In this area, another cultural sanction for drug use is indicated, during the festival of Saint Shishunal (considered a reincarnation of God), every devotee considers ganja smoking, a religious obligation (Machado 1994).

The cultural use of psychoactive substances provide a certain socio-cultural context for drug use specifying the profile of the community members granted the sanction to consume the substance/s. Regulations with regard to the use of mind altering substances encompass the type of substance, the form sanctioned for intake, the quantity consumed, mode of consumption, the setting for its use and the profile of users.

The study of opium use in Jodhpur, Rajasthan, (Shrivastava 1989:135) indicates the presence of cultural regulation with regard to use of the substance, “Culture and tradition have a role not only in contributing to the drug use pattern but also in screening and limiting the potential drug user, as well as specifying the occasions on which the drug should be used. This is the reason, why, by and large, the problem of opium abuse had been traditionally confined to the adult male population of the region”.

Norms with regard to the use of psychoactive substances within the socio-cultural context; in addition to regulating pattern of the use, they provided space for members to be enculturated to specific forms of use. Deviation from the sanctioned forms of use was restricted by group pressure either through disciplinary measures by senior members of the community or by ridicule. This is so in the case of cannabis use in Karnataka (Machado 1994) and opium use in Rajasthan. With regard to opium use in Rajasthan, (Shrivastava 1989:135), “Culture and social tradition limited the frequency and quantity of opium use in the region. Opium taking behaviour had to confirm to social expectations any violation of these norms, or its use in excess amount constituted deviant behaviour”.

In Gujarat opium use occurs in a group setting (Charles et. al. 1994:72-73), “Opium was consumed as a drink in gatherings called dayaro. Usually these gatherings were attended by men of the same or similar status. Opium was provided by the host and it could not be refused by the members of the gathering, for it would be considered an insult to the host. When Kasumba Pani (drink made from opium) was served in the cup of ones palm, the person to whom it was given allowed some liquid to flow out with the help of his finger, so that he did not get an overdose of it, as opium drink was served more than once during the sitting”.

Unlike norms based on socio-cultural reality, introduction of hard drugs (derivatives) led to an initiative aimed at creating universal norms of control that focused on the criminal approach to restrict drug use and trade. Studies have explored the creation of present criminal approach that exists in most countries (Brunn et. al. 1975; MacAllister 2000; Nadelmann 1990). The initial momentum for adopting the criminal approach came from America, where the rationale for alcohol prohibition lost ground but drug control continued to focus on abstinence. This approach to drug control emerged in America, more, out of concern for the intermingling of races rather than a concern over drug use itself. Cannabis and opium was seen as creating a setting for intermingling of races. The American approach subsequently became the basis for international drug policy and thereby affected all countries, including India.

“Groups in the medical community, reformers in the progressive movement, moralistic anti-vice crusaders, muckraking journalists, and racist and nativist groups who feared that America would be mongrelized and contaminated by drug consuming `inferior people’ were all intent on establishing some kind of regimen for drug control. Their various struggles merged in the early decades of the century to forge a new public judgement on drug use” (Bertram et. al. 1996:62-67).

At the international level it was trade interests that dictated American policy, for though United States had a trade potential, its world position was minor to the Colonial empires and it is through a strong anti drug policy that it managed to win the china market. (Musto1972,cited in Cohen 1990).

“The efforts led to the creation of Pure Food and Drug Act, 1906, The Harrison Act, 1914 and later to a punitive approach to drug control. As the prohibitionist approach gained support, the Narcotic Control Act in 1956 raised the mandatory minimum penalties (five to twenty years for second offence, ten to forty years for the third offence) and permitted juries to impose the death penalty on any adult who sold heroin to a minor (Bertram et. al. 1996: 83-84).

The rationale for the harsh legislation of the in United Sates was that it was meant to eradicate drug use and trade, but that was not achieved. Instead the law became a tool whereby the marginalised and excluded could be put behind bars. As drug crime is a felony, it gave a momentum to the process of making the excluded population powerless. This trend is seen from a profile of individuals likely to be arrested for drug crime.

In United States the number of prisoners in State and Federal prisons doubled from the year 1973 to 1983, it reached 1,408.685 in 2003. It has been indicated that crime in the United States has decreased but drug related arrests have been climbing steadily. Since 1980 the number of drug prisoners has increased sevenfold, and the chance of a black Americans being caught for the crime is higher. Data indicates that an American born in 1999 has about one chance in twenty to spending some of his or her life in a correctional facility. At the same time for black Americans, the chance increases to about one in four (Gray 2001)

The shift towards a punitive approach to drug control attains significance because of the impact seen on drug users and those from marginalized segments of the society. “The development of a market in private prison showing that ‘zero tolerance’ policy can be profitable, brings on an unexpected twist to the debate about discriminating drug use. The spectacular growth of the American Prison population, largely due to the anti drug laws enacted during the last 20 years, has resulted in the creation of private firms specialising in building and managing prisons. These’ correctional corporations’ are paid between US $50 to $150 per day per inmate from the budgets of states, counties or cities in order to manage the prison on their behalf” (Laniel 2001:55).

The changes that occurred in international drug policy also affected Indian drug policy. “In India, for centuries, Cannabis sativa has been used for various social, religious and medicinal purposes. The Narcotics Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act (NDPS) 1985, placed cannabis and opium among illicit drugs. When the Government of India, signed the Single Convention, 1964, it accepted the international decision to phase out the cultural and non-medicinal use of cannabis and opium in twenty-five years, but then did nothing about it (Charles et. al. 1999:68-69).

The criminalisation of drug use through drug policy and concurrent legislation is an attempt to create uniform formal norms for drug abuse management across the globe. The attempt aimed at creating a cultural convergence at controlling drug use, whereby cultural differences could be done away with, through legislation. But, both at the national and the international levels, it created a situation where different cultures have had to adapt to or resist change with regard to the use of psychoactive substances. Culture is dynamic and flexible, and it offers scope for its members to modify conduct by changing guide, rules or plans. Change is a slow process, but culture is not always adjustable to change, it can resist or adapt to change.

There have been hurdles in this attempt at cultural convergence, be it a result of the economic obligations involved in the adaptation or the resistance to change, or the tendency to conserve cultural norms because of the extent of existing integration and emotional attachment to customs. The attempt at cultural convergence at the global level, by powerful nations led to other countries, even those with a history of cultural mechanisms of control, passing legislation for drug abuse management at the national level contradictory to evolved local wisdom with regard to drug use/abuse management. This is clearly seen in the Indian context with regard to its drug control policy.

The new legislation created a need for appropriate social constructs to facilitate the implementation of the law, the creation of the concept of addiction with its criminal, moral and disease dimensions. The presence of harder drugs with pharmacological properties, quite capable of creating physical dependence, gave further ground to strengthening the concept of addiction and addicted personalities. At present, the term put forward by World Health Organisation (WHO), ‘dependence’ is gaining acceptance over the term 'addiction'.

Along with the concept of addiction there emerged theories on addiction that fell short because of their monocausal approach to the issue and failure to establish correlation between cause and effect. Theories focused on the pharmacological properties of the drug or personality deficiencies or dysfunctional family relationships to explain away the use of psychoactive substances. Some of these theories focussed on drug use and environmental deficits. The failure to explain drugs in terms of a monocausal approach led to the trend of presenting multidimensionality in drug taking behaviour.

In countries with a socio-cultural acceptance of the use of psychoactive substances, new formal norms based on criminalisation of drug use created a complicated situation; it diverged from the norms that existed within the cultural context. In India, there existed informal norms of cultural control (though now criminalized by present legislation) that followed, by and large, formal guidelines. These cultural mechanisms of control that emerged through the years was ignored by National drug policy based on international policies focused on a punitive approach to drug control; whereas cultural forms of control had created a cultural framework for drug use management which emerged from within the socio-cultural reality of the community.

The base for criminalisation of drug use was to control drug intake within the given society. At the same time, studies undertaken in countries without a cultural base for use showed that the absence of realistic formal norms and the presence of unclear informal norms made it difficult to establish regulatory measures for drug control (Zinberg 1984). According to him rules formulated by legislation and institutions are all part of formal norms and it is informal norms that act as guides for interaction between friends or siblings in non-formal situations. It is this informal interaction that governs drug use probability in varied contexts.

The present research, studies the role of culture in drug use management as it existed within traditional societies and as it exists today among cultural groups in different parts of India. In order to understand drug effects and its management within the cultural context, the conceptual schema forwarded by De Rios (1975) has been used. According to the schema put forwarded by De Rios, the impact of drug effects is an interaction between antecedent factors and consequent variables. Under antecedent factors, De Rios has included socio-cultural, biological, psychological and cultural aspects identifying consequent variables as being the physiological impact of the drug. This study additionally focuses on the impact of the drug policy on ground reality, to look at whether it has changed cultural mechanisms of control. In case there has been a change, its implication on the socio-cultural regulatory mechanisms and process of drug use management. On the other hand, if the impact of legislation on cultural norms has been restricted; the manner in which the impact of criminalisation of drugs covered by cultural norms has been dealt with and the implications of the drug policy on cultural use of drugs?

The study also addresses; issues of persistence of cultural forms of use and the continuation of cultural mechanisms of control with regard to drug use in religious and other social-cultural contexts. It also looks at the effects of criminalisation of cultural use and the role of the punitive approach in strengthening a networking of criminals and drug users of both traditional and synthetic/derivative drugs.

Change in behaviour is facilitated by economic viability, relevant when the social situation is in a flux and cultural norms of control do not have a strong hold over its members. Besides, adaptation is not a matter of choosing the most efficient alternative, but may be a compromise between limitations imposed by the pre-existing culture and the opportunities presented by new conditions (Barrett 1991).

It is common to find societies making piecemeal or makeshift adjustments that allow them, to preserve familiar institutions and to take advantage of new opportunities simultaneously (Barrett 1991). Elements from the past that persist will inevitably set limits to future flexibility.

The very act of criminalisation made drug trade a viable commercial activity, and being a criminal activity it slowly established links with the existing criminal networks. The trade came to be dictated by the profit margin of the commodity, the quality of the drug and strategies to corrupt the government machinery for drug control. This was not in line with transactions that existed prior to the period, where the sale of psychoactive substances was but a part of other economic ventures undertaken by the dealer.

The present study therefore, also looks at the growth of drug trade and the changes that occurred after the introduction of the NDPS Act, the process through which the trade has been reintegrated into or grown with the support of the system. The entire process of criminalisation of drug use and drug trade and its relevance in controlling the drug situation is elaborated upon here to understand in its totality the impact of the present drug policy.

I. THE PROBLEM

The study analyses the role of culture in drug use management, with regard to cannabis/opium plant products and the impact of the present drug policy on drug use management. In addition, it focuses on the impact of drug policy on consumption and trade of derivatives and synthetic drugs within the Indian context. For this purpose it focuses on the norms that existed to regulate drug consumption in the cultural context and the relevance of this strategy of control in the present legislation and policy, especially given the use of and trade in, hard forms of drugs. Research questions that facilitate this search are presented below.

To understand the role of culture in drug use management in India, the study focuses on cultural use of cannabis/opium in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh. Gujarat was selected as a site for studying religious use, as it is an important pilgrimage centre for followers of Lord Siva and the meeting place for all saivite samnyasis to celebrate Mahashivaratri. The researcher has conducted a study on drug trade in Himachal Pradesh, which brought forth the relevance of looking at the socio-cultural context of use in the case of cannabis and opium in the Himachal Pradesh (Charles (a) 2001). The role of psychoactive substances within the traditional health care system in India is also looked at, focussing on the practice of traditional systems of medicine.

The broad research question focuses on three areas (1) Socio-cultural use of drugs within the religious community of saivite samnyasis (2) Socio-cultural use of drugs outside the religious community in India and (3) Impact of criminalisation through the present drug policy on drug use and trade within and outside the cultural context.

1. Use of drugs in any form has been criminalized by the present drug policy. However, there exist cultural sanctions for consumption of drugs in the religious context. While the legislation views all forms of drug use in a negative manner, in the case of culturally sanctioned religious use, the concerned psychoactive substance is worshipped as a gift to mankind. Through the process of cultural sanction there evolved norms with regard to type of drugs consumed, forms of consumption and setting for drug intake. Against this background there evolved a process to orient its members to group ideology or norms and on its role in their search for enlightenment. Unlike this, existing literature on drug abuse management focuses on the adverse impact of drug use in all forms and present methods to abstain from drug use. While religious use considers psychoactive plant products to be a means to facilitate attainment of spiritual goals, drug abuse control programmes consider any form of use as a step towards becoming addicted.

Specific research questions are

· What are the normative practices of drug consumption among religious community?

· What are the underlying concepts, which contribute to religious use of drugs?

· What are the regulatory mechanisms and rituals that surround drug consumption?

· What are the ways in which the religiously sanctioned drug use orient its members to group ideology and norms?

· What is the role of drugs in the search for spiritual goals among saivite community?

· What is the process through which normative practice of drug consumption among religious community is communicated to the rest of the society,

2. To understand the role of norms in regulating drug use within the socio-cultural context, but outside the religious community; the study focuses on social, religious and medicinal use of psychoactive plant products. The present approach to drug control provides no scope for the rational social or religious use of psychoactive plants. At the same time cultural sanction provided scope for a normative manner of drug consumption within the religious and social context. Besides, the consumption of psychoactive plant products for religious reasons, as a means for celebration and as a relaxant; culture also evolved ways of utilising its medicinal properties as part of the Indian Traditional Systems of Medicine (TSM). Other uses of psychoactive plant products have been for production of fibre, fabric and as a means to deal with extreme climatic conditions.

Specific questions for research are

· What have been the non-psychoactive uses of psychoactive plant products?

· What are the social cultural contexts for consumption of psychoactive plant products?

· Is there sanctioned use of psychoactive plant products as a relaxant or for its mind altering capacity?

3. To understand the relevance of present drug policy the study focuses on the impact of criminalisation on, drug use and trade within and outside the cultural context. In order to put in place a criminal approach to a culturally sanctioned behaviour, the policy had to implement a legislation that put forward new constructs as to: What is a drug? Who is a drug user? What activities can be considered to be part of drug trade? In order to ensure compliance the present legislation introduced punishment for non-compliance. As legislation and its enforcement are not adequate to erase cultural sanction; the system put in place institutional infrastructure at the national level, and through its programmes transferred this new understanding or body of knowledge about drug abuse and its management. The criminal approach for management of all forms of drug consumption and the mechanisms of use management that evolved within cultural framework were criminalised. The attempt of the present drug policy was to eradicate all forms of drug use and trade both within and outside cultural context.

Specific questions for research are:

· What are the mechanisms put in place in order to ensure that a criminal approach to drug abuse management is implemented?

· What has been the impact of present criminal approach to cultural forms of drug consumption?

· What has been the impact of criminalisation on drug trade in the urban context?

· What has been the impact of criminalisation on drug use in the urban context?

· Has the approach of criminalisation been able to control drug use?

· What has been the impact of criminalisation on the drug user?

II. Theoretical Perspective

Studies undertaken in different settings have documented the use of psychoactive substances within the religious, social, functional and medicinal context. The religious use of cannabis has been documented in Nepal (Fisher 1975), in Jamaica (Comitas 1975), and in Mexico (Garcia 1975).

Mexican Indians use Psilocybin which is derived from a sacred mushroom known to them as tenonanacatl `the flesh of God’; this cult which has come to be named `cult of the sacred mushroom’ still exists in Oxxaca. Another psychoactive plant used by Indians of the southwest and Mexico for communication with divine world is peyote cactus. The active substance that has been identified from the cactus is mescaline, a chemical of the amini group which is quite easily synthesised. Eating of the dried button of the plant is the principal sacrament of the Indian church known as Native American Church of the United States (Watts 1962).

Based on his study on cannabis in Nepal (Fisher 1975: 249-250) said: “Many of the holy men use cannabis, claiming that it helps them to overlook the discomfort of living in conditions alien to them - such as cold weather- so that they can concentrate on higher matters…

Lord Siva is frequently depicted with a bowl filled with herbs under his arm as one of the emblems of the mendicant and there is a traditional association between Lord Shiva and cannabis. For saivites, smoking cannabis is a way of offering it to Lord Siva. But in interviews with samnyasis at Pashupatinath the holiest Hindu shrine in Kathmandu, it became apparent that cannabis use is by no means confined to members of saivite sect. On the contrary, samnyasis who used cannabis belonged to a wide spectrum of Hindu sects. It is the combination of the general austerity of asceticism, the unaccustomed climatic rigor, religious belief which produces conditions in which the use of cannabis is almost a professional technique”.

The social use of opium has been documented in Gujarat (Charles et. al. 1994: 72-73) “Opium as a drug found a very fertile soil in the region. Opium forms part of the lifestyles of various segments of Saurashtra society. In the local language opium was called ‘Amal’, which in other words means rule or control. There were two ways in which opium was consumed. One was the popular upper-caste method of consuming it in a liquid form. Individuals, who earn their daily bread, chew granules of opium, known as rogu.”

In India, traditional systems of medicine use both cannabis and opium products as ingredients in medicinal preparations, for human and cattle, Medicinal use of cannabis (Chopra et. al. 1990:168) has been described as follows: “Cannabis is used in Ayurveda and Tibbi medicines as an anodyne, hypnotic, analgesic, and as antispasmodic. In rural areas it is the remedy in prophylaxis and treatment of dyspepsia, pain, rheumatism, dysentery and diarrhoea, hysteria, gonorrhoea and cholera”. He further elaborated on opium use, “Opium is prescribed by Tibbi physicians for relief of pain in the head, eyes, ear, teeth and joints; drying of catarrh, allaying of cough, asthma and hiccup; treatment of maniac delirium and inflammatory conditions of the brain; treating diarrhoea and dysentery; treatment of paralysis, facial paralysis, epilepsy and similar nervous conditions, and curing intermittent fevers” (Chopra et. al. 1990:185).

According to a study undertaken among practitioners of traditional systems of medicine (Masihi et. al. 2001:43), “In the month prior to the interview 52 vaids and hakims had together treated 989 patients (an average of 19 patients per practitioner). In the medicines that they gave 802 patients, 81% contained either opium or ganja or their combinations in various forms.”

It is through the process of enculturation that the individual as a member of society imbibes customs, values and moral precepts with regard to different human behaviour including drug use. Culture can be defined as the system of agreed upon meaning that serve as a recipe or guidelines, for behaviour in any particular society. The agreed upon meaning is transferred both through overt learning and subtle learning, the latter through unconscious imitation by the transmission of cues from one individual to another or from symbols expressed in myth, art, literature and rituals. Subtle learning of cultural use of cannabis can be seen from religious texts, songs on cannabis and also religious idols, which have either cannabis leaves or the smoking pipe as part of the idol. A clear example, of this association is seen in the worship of the idol of Parappaswamy, a holy man, who used cannabis to enhance his religious insight. In his idol, he is shown smoking cannabis and this is worshipped by people in a village in Karnataka (Machado 1994).

The relevance of the socio-cultural environment in understanding drug use has been highlighted by other scientists. Weil (1972) pointed out that drug taking is a complex phenomenon and understanding it requires knowledge of more than drugs. Every drug experience reflects a user’s expectations and experiences with regard to a chemical substance, as well as the setting where a chemical substance is used, with whom, when and why; and the entire socio-cultural environment and its repository of meanings.

In addition to this “Social construction of drugs and drug users have powerful influences on how people act, and these social constructions are flexible and ever changing. The transformation of the usage of cocaine use from a harmless recreational activity to a dangerous, if not deadly, addiction was accompanied by shifts in the symbolization of both cocaine and its users” (Scheibe 1994, cited in Curra 2000:162).

In order to understand the role of culture in determining drug effects and settings or pattern of use within the context of use management in India, we utilise here the schema put forth by De Rios (1975).

III. The Schema of Drug effects

De Rios (1975) has put forth the schema for understanding drug effects within the cultural context, according to her, antecedent factors interact with consequent effect of the drug, which are previously established as per the local wisdom of the society. It is based on the interaction between antecedent and consequent factors that one can attempt to predict new or not yet verified relation and obtain useful theory of drug effects. According to De Rios (1975) antecedent factors occur in four general areas, biological, psychological, social-interact ional and cultural.

III.1. Biological Antecedents

Studies undertaken in different locations within Africa and South America, document the role of biological antecedents in determining drug effects. In the African continent, among Shagana-Tsonga of the northern Transval, the use of hallucinogens is crucial to achieve a religious experience during female initiation at puberty. At a girl’s puberty rite the plant Datura fatuosa is administered to young women ceremonially in order to ensure communication with an ancestor God who grants fertility (Johnson 1973, cited in De Rios 1975)

Myerhoff (1975) elaborated on how peyote is used among Huichol Indians. He showed how the cultural expectation from their hallucinogenic experience along with the recurrent possibly pan-cultural mystic vision that provided a touchstone for their world view and facilitated the participant’s attainment of a spiritual state whereby the person achieves a communion of sorts with deities. The ritualised pilgrimage lasts for several weeks. During this period pilgrims endure many privations to attain a spiritual state. They forego or minimise human physiological needs as much as possible- sleep, sexual relations, excretion, eating and drinking are actually or ritually foresworn.

III.2. Psychological Antecedents

Among Shagana-Tsonga, the initiation rite for a girl at puberty involves ritual activities prior to the ingestion of the datura plant in order to condition the attitudes, expectation and motivation of the initiates towards achieving certain culturally valued goals- namely fertility by worshiping the specific God. During the ritual, an initiate at first lies in a quasi-foetal position on a palm-leaf mat, during a dance which simulates childbirth. Stereotype visions as well as auditory hallucinations are important to the young women. Hearing ancestral voices, while under the effects of drug use is a cultural goal highlighted during the symbolic ceremonial activity. This is the part of the life cycle emphasised by the puberty school in preparing initiates for marriage (Johnson 1973, cited in De Rios 1975).

III.3. Social-Interactional

The structure of the group, the relationships of the members present and their role interactions, will affect the impact of the drug. The ritual performance itself and the presence of a guide skilled in the use of the drug are important factors to consider in any attempt to predict drug effects. Group use in the presence of a skilled guide facilitates the person to learn the ways of the animals they hunt, to understand the divine future and to be able to communicate with the supernatural (De Rios 1975). The rain forest group, the Amahuaca, use hallucinogen ayahuasa for culturally specified goals namely, to obtain insights into the habits and peculiarities of the animals they hunted, as well as to facilitate inter-group relations and aid them in achieving political harmony (Cordova 1971, cited in De Rios 1975). Among Shagnana-Taanga when the plant is administered to the initiates, the females leader officiating suggests to the girls that they will hear the voice of the ancestor God (Johnson 1973, cited in De Rios 1975).

III.4. Cultural Antecedents

Shared enculturation in belief systems is crucial to success in guiding an experience. A shared symbolic system guides individuals through a particular drug experience in order to achieve culturally valued goals. Expectations of the visionary experience that surrounds drug use are often the raison d’être for non-western drug experience, for which prior socialisation in this area is crucial to shamanic success. In certain cultures, adjuncts are used to strengthen the drug effects. Among the Shagana-Tsanga along with drumming and special music each initiate in turn is wrapped in a multi-coloured blanket to facilitate drug experience of hearing ancestral voices. The initiate during puberty rites see mavalavala –bluish green coloured patterns, which is similar to the common house snake in this area and which is believed to be reincarnation of the ancestors. This vision is believed to hasten the hearing of ancestral voices which assure the initiates of fertility (Johnson 1973, cited in De Rios 1975).

An ethnomusicologist’s analysis of tropical rain forest music from ayahuasca session found that music can play a crucial role in bridging ordinary and non-ordinary realms of consciousness (Fred 1971 cited in De Rios 1975).

Schema No: 1

Schema of Drug Effects

Antecedent Factors





An anthropological Schema of drug–induced hallucinations (De Rios 1975:413).

IV. Schema of Drug Effects- within Indian context.

This is a point of departure from De Rios schema (1975) for it is used to create an adapted version, which considers the religious, social and economic aspects of cultural use and mechanisms of use management within the Indian context.

The present study provides the adapted schema of De Rios which has been used in order to understand cultural use within the Indian context and limited to understanding drug use within the religious context.

Given the punitive approach to drug abuse management within the Indian context, the legislation put in place has criminalised all forms use including culturally sanctioned consumption. It is based on the changes that have occurred through criminalisation that a new schema of Drug effects within the Indian context is put forward. The schema presents the impact of punitive approach on cultural use management in Indian context and resultant impact of drug policy on drug use and trade both within and outside the religious context.

Schema No 2

Adapted Version of De Rios Schema

Antecedent Factors





V. CONCEPTS USED

V. 1. Culture

Culture is defined as systems of agreed upon meaning that serve as recipes or guidelines for behaviour in any particular society (Barett 1991). To say ‘agreed upon’ is equivalent to saying symbolic since a symbol is something whose meaning is bestowed by those who use it (White1940:453). This symbolic capacity is a distinguishing characteristic of all human beings, whereby they are able to bestow meanings on things and acts and then to live according to them.

V.2. Enculturation

It is the process through which an individual as a member of society imbibes a set of customs, values and moral precepts with regard to different behaviours including drug use.

V.3. Traditional Drugs

Psychoactive plants and their natural products which are used in cultural context are termed as traditional drugs. The main substances referred to are cannabis, charas (hashish), poppy plant, opium, poppy straw and datura.

V.4. Hard Drugs

It refers to derivative drugs of psychoactive plants products and synthetic drugs that are chemically processed based on the molecular structure of derivative drugs or its manipulation.

V.5. Addiction

It is the progressive disease of consuming alcohol or psychoactive substances, where the causal agent is the substance and drug use is a compulsive behaviour. The only cure is total abstinence.

Addiction is a cluster of physiological, behavioural and cognitive phenomena of variable intensity, in which the use of the psychoactive drug (or drugs) takes on a high priority. The necessary descriptive characteristics are preoccupation with a desire to obtain and take drug and persistent drug-seeking behaviour. Determinants and problematic consequences of drug dependence may be biological, psychological or social and usually they interact (UNIDCP 1997).

V.6. Social Constructs

Transformation in social thought grounded in fundamental changes to social life, structure and ideological conditions in society.

Social construction is an on-going process of building worldviews by the individual in a dialectical interaction with society at any time.

V.7. Formal Norms

Zinberg (1984) defined rules formulated by legislation and institutions as part of formal norms.

V.8. Cultural Norms

The norms which are not institutionalised and govern use of psychoactive substances within the cultural context.

V.9. Cultural Use Management

This refers to the process through which cultural norms have put in place regulatory mechanisms that restrict drug use.

V.10. Drug Use Management

It is a cultural guide of control consisting of informal norms and adaptation of formal or legislative measures towards restricting the use of psychoactive substances.

V.11. Drug Abuse Management

Programme focussing on control over the use of and trade in drugs based on the assumption that drug use is a disease and a criminal act; and drug trade is a crime.

V.12. Drug Laws

Legislative measures created at the national level in accordance with the international treaties and conventions with regard to drug use and trade. In India it is called Narcotics Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act, 1985.

V.13. Deviance

“Deviance is a social construction that emerges from social differentiation, social conflict, and social disagreement” (Curra 2000:16)

According to Becker deviance is not a quality that lies in the behaviour itself, but in the interaction between the person who commits an act and those who respond to it. Once a person is labelled as a deviant with reference to a certain rule, people automatically assume that the person possesses other undesirable traits too. Deviance is created by making rules whose violation qualifies as deviance, and involves the identification of rule breakers, and treating them as outsiders (Becker 1963:9).

VI. Broad Descriptive Hypothesis

Consumption of drugs within the cultural context restricts the quantity consumed and type of drug/s taken. It provides functional reasons for use and a social construct for the drug user within the cultural context and restricts the marginalisation of drug users.

With criminalisation of drug use through the present day drug policy traditional and derivative/ synthetic drug users have to interact with criminal networks. The criminalisation of drug use increases the market for drugs and the illegal drug trade becomes a lucrative enterprise.

VII. Scheme of the Thesis

The thesis has been divided into six major chapters. The first chapter deals with the research question and theoretical framework. It provides a review of literature (Blum 1969; Chopra et. al. 1990; Comitas 1975; Charles et. al. 1999; De Rios 1975; Fisher 1975; Garcia 1975; Herer 1991; Hasan 1975; Masihi et. al. 1994; Machado 1994; Meyerhoff 1975; Masihi et. al. 2001; Rubin (a) 1975; and Shrivastava 1989) on the use of psychoactive substances within the cultural context and provides information on the influence of the drug setting on drug consumption, the purpose of use, forms of use the type of drugs consumed and regulation of drug consumption. The problem statement for the present research and schema for understanding drug effects is as put forward by De Rios and forms a part of the chapter.

The second chapter focuses on methodology, research sites, rapport building, techniques, tools used in the study, the process of data analysis, and the relevance and limitation of the study. Relevant background information on the sites selected for the study has been presented, and the coverage includes a larger geographical area than the locales selected.

The third chapter presents data on the religious use of psychoactive substances by the samnyasis community. It further presents information on the initiation into drug use, the graduation and gaining mastery over it. By analysing the process it presents cultural mechanisms of control that evolved with regard to drug use.

Based on the data collected, it was found that traditional drugs were consumed in a controlled manner that included the quantity of drug, type of drug, context of use, restrictions arising from expectation related to the physiological impact of drug use and the adherence to a power structure when consumed in a group setting. As a result the social construct of drug, drug user and addiction presented here are different from present mainstream literature on drug abuse management, which considers regular use a disease/addiction.

Chapter four presents the socio-culture use of cannabis and opium in different social contexts based on data collected from Himachal Pradesh, Gujarat and Tamil Nadu. The data focuses on religious, social and medicinal use of cannabis and opium. The choice of location for the study was based on the presence of groups to be studied and accessibility to the groups concerned.

The use of cannabis is more extensive in Himachal Pradesh because of the superior quality of the locally produced charas and the growth of tourism in the State (Charles (b) 2001). For studying the use of traditional drugs for medicinal purposes data were collected from Tamil Nadu as use of traditional systems of medicine is extensive here and for the ease of access to practitioners of traditional systems of medicine.

Based on data collected the schema of drug effects was adapted to the Indian context and it was found that consumption of traditional drugs within the cultural context did control drug use with regard to type of drug, quantity consumed, the setting for use and profile of users. It was found that traditional drugs have been used and continue to be used in medicinal of traditional systems of medicine.

Chapter five utilises the data on non-cultural drug use and drug trade to present the impact of criminalisation on traditional drugs and hard drugs. It focuses on present day legislative measure, the NDPs Act, 1985 and it’s implication on local wisdom with regard to drug use management. Adaptation of cultural use to new formal norms, introduction of hard drugs and the strengthening of a new body of knowledge with regard to cultural use, the changes in the social context of drug use and the impact of criminalisation on drug use, these issues are considered here on the basis of data from drug users. Changes in the social context of drug trade, the emergence of new socio-economic activities, initiation into crime and entrenchment of criminal networks are focussed upon and based on data from informants in the drug trade and drug users involved in criminal activities.

Based on data collected, the chapter adapts the schema of De Rios to the Indian context whereby the changes in antecedent and consequent factors brought about through criminalisation, are integrated to understand drug effects in the changed socio-cultural context.

Utilising the data collected from various groups from different settings, the chapter addresses the issue of criminalisation of drugs and presents the impact of criminalisation process on drug use and drug trade. It presents the process through which the present day drug policy has created a situation where there is scope for the introduction of new types of drugs without a cultural base, along with new forms of use that evolve in a sub-cultural setting which lead to marginalisation, stigmatisation and criminalisation of the user.

Chapter Six presents the conclusion of the study; the implications of criminalisation on drug use and drug trade which is presented through an adapted schema of drug effects called schema of Drug Effects within the Indian context.

VIII. Conclusion

Drug use management exists in different socio-cultural contexts across the globe it consists of regulatory mechanisms for use within the religious, social and medicinal context. A review of literature presents this reality within and outside India. With the enforcement of legislation that focussed on the criminal approach for drug control, a different social context evolved with regard to drug use and trade control, it led to the marginalisation of users and created scope for the selective implementation of justice based on class and race differences.

Against this background information based on a review of literature, the Schema of Drug Effects put forward by De Rios, 1975, is presented for analysing the data collected from within the Indian context and facilitating the process, definition of concepts used is also presented. The problem statement presents research queries on issues linked to drug use and abuse management.

The last section of this chapter focuses on the schema of the thesis and a brief description is given on the contents of various chapters in the thesis.

Chapter-2

Methodology

Introduction

The chapter presents details on the data collection process. It focuses on the method selected for the study and provides details on the research sites included for collecting data on drug use and trade. Along with an elaboration on the rapport building process, the focus here is on the methods of interviewing, the limitation and relevance of the study and the process of analysis of data collected.

I. Approach Selected

The choice of methodology appropriate to the research study depends on the target group focussed upon and also on past research and accessibility to the group. When a social issue is explored for the first time there arise circumstantial limitations that lead to an adaptation of the tools used for data collection and also determine the preference for one methodology over another.

The question of the value of qualitative and quantitative research designs and techniques has been a point of dispute among scientists. They have argued over their merits and demerits from their individual/professional perspective. The quantitative research design is highly useful when researching a known population and in dealing with phenomena on which some scientific knowledge already exists. When the area of inquiry is one on which little or no scientific knowledge exists, an exploratory study, primarily qualitative in design, might be more appropriate.

Working with a hidden population about whom little is known makes it difficult to use standard random sampling techniques. According to Wiebel (1990) the use of illicit intoxicants is largely a covert activity in our society and it is not possible to identify the number of individuals who engage in such behaviour. Representative sampling irrespective of its scientific merits is quite simply impossible to employ with the varied phenomena at hand.

The situation is further complicated when members of the group under study are involved in criminal activities and live in isolation or hide their deviation from accepted dominant norms of the society. Drug use other than use of bhang (cannabis leaf) has been criminalized with the implementation of NDPS Act, 1985. Though the consumption of bhang is sanctioned there is no provision for licit cultivation of the cannabis plant as in case of opium, and so the only source for bhang is illicit cultivation and criminal networks. According to the existing legislation drug use and drug trade are punishable, the period of imprisonment varies with the nature of the drug and quantity seized. This makes it extremely difficult to collect data on drug and drug trade, except when data is collected from the institutional setting or through agencies involved in outreach activities.

The groups selected for the study limited the tools for data collection. Agar (1997) stated that there are two settings, from which data can be collected, one from the institutional setting, which include treatment centres and prison settings, and the other from community settings. In this study data were collected from both settings, institutional and community. For the research group of samnyasis, the akada (institutional setting) was the primary place of contact other than the community setting or their temporary residence in isolated places close to forests and other remote places. With those involved in crime it was basically the community setting and the drug peddling areas that provided a source for data collection.

Data about drug users in Himachal Pradesh and Mumbai city were collected from different settings. In the case of drug users from Himachal Pradesh, data were collected from the community setting; this included data from restaurants where cannabis is smoked in a manner similar to the cafes in Amsterdam. Data from drug users in Bombay city were collected from both the institutional (treatment centres/outreach setting) and community settings. Unlike the case of samnyasis and drug users of Himachal Pradesh, data in Mumbai City were collected only from hard drug users, especially marginalized street level drug users.

Data from drug peddlers and those involved in organised crime required contact with informants who had an excellent rapport with the study group, and an extended period of time was spent to strengthen the relationship. For confirming reliability, data were collected from different informants in the community. Data from this group were collected both from Himachal Pradesh and Mumbai City. The role of contact persons who had close links with informants was crucial at both these research sites. This was also the case with data collected from samnyasis, as they lead an isolated life avoiding contact with worldly persons expect for brief religious ritualistic interaction.

In addition to the complications and difficulties that arose from the choice of study groups, the gender of the researcher posed another problem. A female was not expected to be involved in activities that required close interaction with males involved in criminal activities or belonging to isolated groups of samnyasis, especially since they were ones that preferred the use minimal clothing, if any. These aspects limited the researcher’s role as a participant observer.

Along with the quasi-participant observation, data were collected from informants and research groups through interview guides. Data were crosschecked through observation and group discussions for reliability.

II. Research Sites

Different sites were selected for collecting data from samnyasis, drug users and practitioners of traditional medicine in Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Mumbai. The same was also the case for data collected from those involved in different activities related to drug trade in Himachal Pradesh and Mumbai. Here research sites refer to geographical area larger than the locale of the study.

The locale selected for different groups depended on its relevance to observing the phenomenon under study and the extent to which it represented the reality of the issue focussed upon.

II.1 Junagadh – The Religious Community

In the case of religious use of psychoactive substances the samnyasi community who gathered for Mahashivaratri at the town of Junagadh in Junagadh district of - the state Gujarat was selected for inquiry. Junagadh is an important pilgrimage site in India, where samnyasis meet every year to pay obeisance to Lord Siva. Data were collected from different sites in the district, where samnyasis had a temporary institutional base in their wandering lives or had their permanent residence.

The town of Junagadh is situated on the foothills of the sacred hill of Girnar and occupies a special place in the history of Gujarat. According to Hindu mythology, Lord Siva resides at the temple of Bhavanath and Narayana as Damodarrai near Damodar Kund (pond). Mount Girnar, to the east of Junagadh city, is an important pilgrim centre for Hindus. It has five peaks, the first being Ambamata (or the Girnar Goddess) which is visited by married couples to ensure wedded bliss, the second is Gorakhnath the highest peak, the third is Oghad Shikhar, the fourth Guru Dattatraya peak has a shrine dedicated to Goraknath, and the fifth peak, Kalika peak which is a resort to Aghoris (Rajyagor 1975)





Map No 1

Location of Gujarat in India Map of Junagadh in Gujarat





II.2. Cannabis Users in Himachal Pradesh

Himachal Pradesh situated in the western Himalayas is dominated by mountains and associated rivers. It has a total population of 5.6 million within its 55,673 sq.km of area. Its capital is Shimla, and the main languages are Hindi and Pahari or language of the hills.

Agriculture is the main source of income for the people of the state. As traditional crops have limited growth potential, the emphasis has been on high value cash crops, mainly fruits and off-season vegetables. These efforts have had a limited outcome as deforestation and quarrying for slate have caused ecological damage and resulted in harsh climatic conditions unfit for crops.

The tourism industry has become an important source of income for the local people, especially given the limited impact of development programmes in the State. The local people lease out their land to others from nearby States to build hotels and cater to the tourists. Another easy way of making money identified by the youth is to provide drugs of choice to the tourists (Charles (a) 2001; Charles (b) 2001).

Map No: 2

Map of Kullu District in Himachal Pradesh

Location of Himachal Pradesh in India

II.3. Hard Drug users and Drug trade in Mumbai

An important metropolitan city on the mid-western coast of India, it is the capital of the state of Maharashtra. It is densely populated with a population of 9,908,547. It is an important centre for drug trade and also has users of different types of drugs. The drug is sold in different localities across the city and its suburbs. These outlets are near railway stations or bus stations and at times near the highways, main roads or in specified localities. The research sites were selected based on existing data collected from outreach work undertaken by a Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO). For further inquiry in these sites, specific addas (locations in the city where the drug is sold and users sit and consume drugs) were selected for observation and to conduct in-depth interviews of users when possible.

Map No: 3

Location of Maharashtra in India Map of Mumbai City in Maharashtra State









III. Rapport Building

Whatever the methodology adopted the crucial issue in this study is rapport building, to obtain relevant sensitive information especially from a hidden population and isolated groups. It is a long term interaction that began even prior to undertaking the present research study that facilitated rapport building.

It was extremely difficult to establish contact and collect information on samnyasis, especially Naga and Aghori samnyasis, for whom cannabis use is an integral part of their meditation and quest for spiritual insight. In spite of working in the field of drug abuse management for over a decade, the researcher found minimal information on the use of mind-altering substances by the samnyasis. This availability of limited information was also reflected in the viewpoints of professionals on the use of cannabis by samnyasis sometimes this pattern of use was mentioned in passing while addressing the issue of cannabis use within the socio-cultural context of India or Nepal. It is this absence of information that motivated the researcher to study drug use by the samnyasis community.

There was a religious meet of samnyasis for Shivaratri in Junagadh, which the researcher decided to attend as the starting point to the investigation. There were few who could help in the inquiry, as they or their families did not welcome the idea of close interaction with the samnyasis from the Naga and Aghori sects.

At the hotel, the researcher met an ex-member of naga samnyasi who had married, as custom required that the only son get married to carry on the family lineage. It is with the help of this person that she managed to interact with Naga and Aghori samnyasis. Quite unlike the perception of laypersons, these religious personalities were extremely kind and forthcoming. They stated that they were happy to meet an Indian interested in understanding their way of life, though they were surprised it was a woman.

During her interaction with these samnyasis she noticed that there was only one widowed older woman, who came anywhere near them to take their blessing. The male members of the area who came to take the blessings of the samnyasis, at times for their small children, were surprised or rather shocked to find the researcher sitting next to the Naga samnyasis, and so insisted that she must be a hippie, otherwise she would not be interacting with them in this manner.

Rapport building for data collection from individuals involved in the drug trade and criminal activities was possible because of contact persons who acted as facilitators. It is the trust of this group on these individuals that facilitated the researcher collect information on this sensitive issue. These contact persons vouched for her credibility and also stated that she would not act as informer to the police. In spite of their involvement in illegal activities, it was far easier to collect data from this group than establish contact and collect information from the samnyasis.

As the subject of inquiry was sensitive, access to primary data was time consuming. The detailed case histories undertaken depended on the contact person’s relationship with the interviewee, especially the extent of trust and the process of establishing a rapport. The study on the growth of organised crime undertaken in Mumbai (Charles et. al. 2002) by the researcher gave scope for strengthening links with individuals involved in criminal activities and collecting data for the present research.

Rapport building with drug users was made easy by the close interaction with the drug using population, especially in Mumbai as the researcher had worked in the area with street level drug users. In the case of drug users from Himachal Pradesh, it was the presence of contact persons that facilitated the process.

Interacting with these groups who in many ways live away from the set path of society left the researcher with a richer understanding of the varying shades of human life. It also highlighted the process through which individuals get moulded into different careers. In the case of samnyasis, however it was an individual choice made at a very young age and the secluded lifestyle that led them to live life on a plane totally different from that of their worldly brethren.

IV. Methods of Interviewing

Interview guides were developed for collecting information from different categories of individuals by first selecting a few individuals from the group to be studied who were then interviewed in depth, and in a free floating manner. Through the process the broad issues to be focussed upon by the interview guide were evolved. The interview guide was used to collect information on samnyasis, drug users in Himachal Pradesh and Mumbai, and those involved in the drug trade in Mumbai and Himachal Pradesh.

The data were crosschecked through interaction with different informants and observation. During informal discussions with samnyasis in a group, some of the information collected was rechecked. This approach was also used in case of data collected from drug users, but never used for the group involved in drug dealing, as interviews were conducted in isolation.

The detailed indepth interviews focussed on the following issues:

Religious use of mind-altering substances among samnyasis, with specific focus on initiation, graduation, mastery and the moving out of drug use.

Interaction between religious personalities and laypersons with regard to drug use.

The role of the drug setting on drug use by samnyasis.

The role of beliefs, myths and guide on consumption of drugs by samnyasis.

Impact of the punitive approach to drug abuse management on drug use by samnyasis.

Cultural use of mind altering substances.

The role of psychological expectation, social interaction and beliefs on cultural use of drugs.

Impact of the punitive approach to drug abuse management on the use of traditional drugs.

Initiation into criminal activities and drug trade.

Impact of criminalisation on drug users and drug dealers.

IV.1. Observation

Quasi- participant observation was used to collect data on samnyasis, drug use and drug dealers.

Besides this additional data were collected from leaflets, newspaper articles and documentaries. Photographs were also used to document the activities of the samnyasis.

V. Limitation

The choice of the groups restricted the data collection process, in the case of religious community limited to samnyasis from certain sects. The present data is still relevant as there is at present limited information on drug use by samnyasis in the Indian context, though there are many studies that focus on samnyasis, their way of life, their perception, their understanding and use of psychic powers. These studies focus on drug use in passing. This absence of adequate information is also seen in the case of drug trade.

The study is limited by the restriction of the data collection to drug use and drug trade in Mumbai city and some parts of Himachal Pradesh.

VI. Relevance

The relevance of this study is that it highlights important issues to be considered in the national drug policy and it identifies issues for further research. It brings forth a need to evaluate the existing drug abuse management programmes and the need to consider the role of culture in drug use/abuse management as part of the harm minimisation programme.

VII. Selection of Informants

To study the religious use of psychoactive substances 19 samnyasis were interviewed and photographs taken. For understanding drug use outside the religious group data was collected from 10 traditional drug users and to present the impact of criminalisation on hard drug users 22 users were interviewed. In addition to this data was collected from 27 traditional practitioners of medicine. For presenting various aspects of drug trade 15 informants were interviewed.

VIII. Data Analysis and Presentation

The data were analysed based on topics such as initiation into drug use, graduation, mastery and the impact of criminalisation of drug use. Data of drug users were also categorised into sections such as the process of marginalisation, the impact of criminalisation and involvement in criminal activities. The role of ritualisation as a means of controlling drug use in different settings was also focused upon.

In the case of data on medicinal use the focus was to present the use of psychoactive plant products in medicinal preparations and to see whether medicinal properties of psychoactive plants is utilised to deal with common ailments.

Data from hard drug users and those involved in criminal activities were used to present the impact of criminalisation on the social context of drug use, and on indulgence in criminal activities among drug users. In addition, data were used to understand the street level drug peddlers and their related activities. It involved collation of data in terms of changes in social constructs such as drug, drug use, drug user, drug dealer and drug addiction.

IX. Conclusion

Given the hidden nature of the issue under study elaboration is made on the preference for qualitative research inquiry especially when the behaviour under investigation is criminal. Against the details on approach selected the process of rapport building with isolated group of samnyasis, drug user and traders is presented. Details of the research sites selected for the groups investigated are presented along with methods of interviewing. The section further presents the limitation and relevance of the study along with the analysis of the data collected

Chapter – 3

Role of Psychoactive Substances in Religion and Asceticism

Introduction

To present the religious aspect in culturally embedded drug use patterns this chapter focuses on the use of psychoactive substances among saivite samnyasis along with transference of their knowledge on use management to the general public. The elaboration here on the religious form of drug consumption and the related social constructs is based on data collected through observation and informant interviews conducted in Junaghad district of Gujarat and Kullu and Kangra districts of Himachal Pradesh. For providing a background to religious use of psychoactive substances and on the life of saivite samnyasis data from the scriptures are used along with other studies. The aspects covered under these sections include norms adhered to during preparation of the drug, at the time of consumption and on the pattern of use. To present the link between religious use within saivite samnyasi community and outside the religious group, data on social interaction between the saivite samnyasis and general public is provided. All these aspects of drug consumption contribute towards creating a normative pattern of use, which forms a base for use management within the religious community.

I. Saivite Samnyasis and Asceticism

Mount Girnar is an important pilgrimage place for Saivite Samnyasis and devotees for celebrating Mahashivaratri. The area considered to be sacred begins at the Girnar gate, lying at the base of Mount Girnar. The importance of Mount Girnar is brought forth in hymns that praise its relevance.

Girnar



On the summit of Girnar Hills

Are the footprints of Lord Dattatreya.

Nearby stands the temple of Ambaji.

Ambaji is Mother of Anusuya.

A sincere devotee

Can meet Him here even now.

The Sound of His sandals is heard.

He gives Darshan

To the faithful and the devoted.



O Lord Dattatreya,

Trimurti Avatara,

Child of Anusuya and Atri.

Prostrations unto Thee.

Thou art the Adi Guru

Of Sannyasins.



Girnar is in Kathiawar.On the summit of Girnar HillsAre the footprints of Lord Dattatreya.Nearby stands the temple of Ambaji.Ambaji is Mother of Anusuya.A sincere devoteeCan meet Him here even now.The Sound of His sandals is heard.He gives DarshanTo the faithful and the devoted.O Lord Dattatreya,Trimurti Avatara,Child of Anusuya and Atri.Prostrations unto Thee.Thou art the Adi GuruOf Sannyasins.

( Sivananda 1957)

At the foot of Mount Girnar is the famous Bhavanath Mandir, an important religious site, there are numerous saivite samnyasis from varied sects who come to pay homage to Lord Siva. This place is also significant because it is where the foot print of Dattatreya (an ascetic) is considered embedded in the rock. Dattatreya is the tutelary deity of Naga samnyasis along with Bhairava.

Saivite Samnyasis are distinguished by their ochre coloured robes, the place is filled with various shades of this attire, the uniformity broken by some samnyasis wearing black or white attire. Though after the festival the number of samnyasis reduces drastically, there are to be found samnyasis with black attire, who look different in their appearance especially as they carry a human skull along with them. Besides the attire of the samnyasis, it is the ornaments that adorn their neck, ears, hands and waist that indicate their sectarian affiliation, as does the specific sect name suffixed to their samnyasi name. In the case of those who have gone beyond these differences and become a Paramahamsa it is difficult to place their sectarian membership.

The temporary sheds found on the lanes of Mount Girnar have pictures of Lord Siva and Datttatreya kept in great reverence. The homage paid to them by the Saivite Samnyasis and devotees is an indication of respect given to ascetic life in Hindu tradition. The form of the Lord Siva worshipped here is that of an ascetic, though he is generally worshipped in the form of Linga.

Lord Siva has been represented in many forms. In one he is represented as living in the human form in the Himalayas with Parvati, at times in the act of destroying demons, with a serpent around his neck and a necklace made of skulls. He is also shown as riding a white bull, with a trident in his hands, wearing a tiger’s skin or elephants’ skin. He has three eyes the significant third eye is in the middle on his forehead. The third eye is used to distinguish truth from illusion and to destroy lust that reduced man into samsara (worldly person) (Wilklins 2000; Ghurye 1953)

He is also known as Mahadev, in the form of an austere ascetic, living in the forest with matted hair and teaching his disciples the virtues of penance (tapas), mortification of body, suppression of human passions and abstract meditation. Lord Siva covers himself with ash, thus rejecting symbolically the material world, he also carries Kamandalu (water pot), a bowl made of human skull to drink and a chillum (pipe). It is believed that such living leads to the loftiest spiritual knowledge and ultimately union with the Great Spirit of the Universe. Some of the other names for Lord Siva are Digambara (‘He who is clothed with space or is naked), Bhuteswara [Lord of Bhuts (ghosts or golbins)] (Wilklins 2000; Ghurye 1953).

The behaviour patterns of ascetics are associated more with certain specific incarnations of Lord Siva, the tutelary deity of the Pasupat sect. The Indus valley civilisation cultivated yoga and meditative techniques along with its cult of Lord Siva as Pasupati (divine herdsman) and Yogi. There is the representation of the Udhra-medhara god on one of the seal-amulets discovered at Mohen-jo-daro, a centre of the Indus Valley civilisation. On a seal is seen a prototype Siva, as a three-faced person seated in an attitude of Yoga, and with urdha-medhra clearly exhibited (Ghurye 1953; Pandey 1987).

It is to follow the footsteps of Lord Siva, that Saivite Samnyasis who come to mount Girnar wear only a stitched or unstitched piece of ochre coloured garment. They also wear horizontal tilak (marks) on their forehead to show their sectarian affiliation. These tilaks of with ash are also known as vibuthi power. Some of them wear a spot on the centre to represent the third eye of Lord Siva. These specifications have been also mentioned by Ghurye (1953), who noted the use of necklaces made by Rudraksha, tulsi beads or crystals and the pattern of carrying Kamandellu by some sect.

Images of saivite samnyasis enjoying the chillum while interacting with other samnyasis or bhagats (devotees) in their sheds, and when alone, fill the lanes and corners of Mount Girnar. This is a far cry from the criminalisation perspective that considers drug use to be a criminal act capable of evoking a punishment of six months behind bars.

Confronted by this contrast it is difficult not to recollect the passages from scriptures that dwell on the pleasures of Soma.

“This Soma is a god; he cures

The sharpest ills that man endures

He heals the sick, the sad he cheers,

He nerves the weak dispels the fears; …

We’ve quaffed the Soma bright

And are immortal grown

We’ve entered into light,

And all the gods have known.

( From The Rig Veda as cited in Wilkins, 2000, pg 70-71)

The description of soma as recorded in the Vedas, the Rigveda, the Samaveda and the Yajuraveda show the position given to it within the religion. Soma, according to the Vedic hymns, is the God who ‘represents and animates the juice of the soma plant. In some of the hymns, he is exalted as the Creator, the Father of Gods. In the verses and songs in praise of soma, there is no distinction made between the actual juice and the God who is supposed to dwell in it. All the Gods drink it; and soma, the God in the juice, is said to clothe the naked and heal the sick (Wilkins 2000; Kishore (a) 1998 and Kishore (b) 1998). The Vedas described soma as the drink of the Gods, and there has been frequent reference to Lord Indira’s fondness for it. One such instance from the Samaveda is given below:

“Indira, O mighty Lord, may we continue praising, Thy fame, fame of one like Thee. O Hero, may we realise Thee in our meditation. O Indira, at daybreak accept our oblation of Soma mixed with roasted corn-flour, with cake, curds, and eulogies. Indira, Thou overcomest all the demons and evil forces, with Thy all conquering might. Thine are all these pleasures of the Soma juice, Lord Indira. Enjoy them and be pleased, Lord of royal wealth. For Thee, Lord of Light, Soma Juice is pressed, and sacred grass-seat is spread. Indira be gracious to Thy worshippers” (Kishore (b) 1998:35).

Another Lord known for his fondness for Soma is Lord Siva, and he is also known as Somnath or the guardian of the sacred herb, soma. In the Hindu Epics and Puranas’, Lord Siva plays an important part, and several books have been written in his praise. Lord Siva is not mentioned as a God in the Vedas, he is declared to be Rudra of the Vedas (Singh, 1990). In Yajuraveda, Rudra is addressed, “Salutation be to him, the blue throated the thousand eyed, the beautiful to look on, and also to his ministers, to them be our homage (Kishore (c) 1998: 83).

II. Locale

The area covering the base of Mount Girnar has many religious sites, and one of them is Damodhar Kund. It is situated beyond the Girnar Gate, it is here that the cremated remains of the deceased are immersed by relatives and a puja is performed. Ahead of Damodar Kund is the Bhavanath mandir, which holds a significant place in the religious rites on Mahashivratri especially for the samnyasis and their devotees. Near to Bhavanath mandir, is the Murgi Kund, where samnyasis take a dip at midnight on Mahashivratri. The next day, devotees drench themselves in the water that is flushed out of the kund, which they consider to be blessed.

Ahead of the Bhavanth Mandir is a cross road, marked by a huge tree at the junction of the diversion. Samnyasis of different sects sit on either side of the lane under temporary sheds or below trees. These rectangular temporary structures are made of bamboo and cloth covering an area of around 10ft by 7ft. The structures utilise the walls on either side of the lanes to support their roof. The walls, a part of the akhadas or monastic centres on the side of these lanes.

The area within the temporary shed is kept clean and neat, the flooring is plastered with a mixture of mud and water. The portion outside the shed is kept clean by sprinkling water to settle the dust. Inside the shed, close to the wall, the flooring is raised to make a small platform, which forms the seat for the samnyasis and his favourite chelas (disciples). The devotees and other visitors sit at a lower level. Even when they sit in a circle to smoke chillum, the power structure between samnyasis, disciples and devotees is maintained.

The visible symbol in these temporary sheds is the dhunni or fireplace. There is no fixed size for the dhunni, which is a circular heap with a hollow portion in the middle. This heap is called Brahma Kunda, and the entire dhunni is made of mud. Mud from burrows inhabited by snakes is used to make the dhunni, and among certain sects, such as aghoris, the ash from the cremation ground is also used and such dhunni is considered siddh. The other items used in the preparation of the dhunni are cow dung, cow’s urine and water.

Dhunni is considered sacred and worshipped daily, and flowers are placed outside the Brahma Kund and prayers are said after water is sprinkled on the flowers. A person can touch the dhunni only after having a bath. Waste materials such as matchsticks cannot be thrown inside the dhunni. Some of the samnyasis picked the money given by people with pincers and at times threw it inside the dhunni. Depending on the type of dhunni, it is either kept lit throughout the year in the same place or a part of the dhunni is carried by the samnyasis from one place to another.

At the Akhada when everyone leaves one person stays behind to ensure that it is kept lit. When the dhunni, is maintained in this manner for years (over 12 years) the dhunni itself is considered to be siddh (enlightened) and have miraculous powers, it is used for medicinal purposes.

At the Juna or Purana Akhada samnyasis from different sects come together during Mahashivratri. The power structures between samnyasis are maintained. One can glean this from the sitting arrangement; some of them sit on raised platforms and others on lower levels. From the gate of the Akhada the lane leads to a big structure where a picture of Lord Shankar is placed in a prominent position. On one side of the Akhada is the dhunni. It is considered to be very old and it is enclosed by walls on all three sides. After the dhunni on one side is a small mandir for Guru Dattatreya Bhagwan.

Next to it is a raised platform, which is a gu