It's becoming clear that the most important part of President Trump's coronavirus response is protecting President Trump.

After a number of hints, it would not be surprising to see Trump fire Anthony Fauci for the doctor's direct style and growing popularity.

Trump has also used the crisis to avoid oversight and the biggest test of his response will be how he deals with the November election.

Michael Gordon is a longtime Democratic strategist, a former spokesperson for the Justice Department, and the principal for the strategic-communications firm Group Gordon.

This is an opinion column. The thoughts expressed are those of the author.

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Donald Trump is unable to put the country first. He can't help himself. He — and we — can't be saved.

Trump brings multiple deficiencies to the job that prevent him from having the self-reflection that makes good leadership.

He only prioritizes himself and in the process fools enough people into thinking he cares about the whole country. His supporters won't admit it because to do so would mean admitting their mistake of trusting him in the first place.

For nine more months, Americans must worry not only about the crisis at hand but also how the president will leverage it for personal gain.

Getting away with anything

I would not be surprised to see Trump fire Dr. Anthony Fauci at the point he can get away with it. With his respect for both facts and science, Dr. Fauci has taken the mantle of American hero. Because he is everything that Trump is not, Fauci has rankled the insecure President and his inner circle.

Trump dispatched Don McGahn and Jeff Sessions at a moment of quiet, and as soon as there is a lull in the deluge of coronavirus news, he will try to do the same with Fauci.

You need look no farther than the impeachment trial and Fox News — not necessarily in that order — to know that Trump would indeed get away with it.

It's no longer a question of whether but what self-interested action he may take next. Nothing should come as a surprise.

Let's remember that this crisis has been dramatically exacerbated by our profound lack of testing from day one through today. Trump has been disinterested in testing because it shows the stark reality of the problem and reflects badly on him. Make no mistake: he's more interested in his political capital than understanding the strength and breadth of this virus, even now.

Opportunism amid crisis

Seeing that he can't just spin the coronavirus away, Trump has shifted focus to how he can use the chaos to his advantage.

In March, President Trump and his DOJ began quietly pushing for the ability to detain people indefinitely without trial during a national crisis. This sweeping power would, among other things, allow the DOJ to arrest someone without notifying a judge. It also would allow for hearings via videoconference without a detainee's consent, eliminating the right to a public trial.

After signing the $2 trillion coronavirus package, Trump has done everything in his power to take more control over the carefully-negotiated, bipartisan bill. Just hours after the televised ceremony, Trump released a statement in which he suggested that he can decide what information can be shared with Congress. Trump also fired Glenn Fine, the inspector general for the Defense Department, who was picked as the lead watchdog overseeing the coronavirus bailout fund.

Trump won't stop here. As with any autocracy, no one should be surprised if he takes more drastic actions like freezing private assets or changing the armed forces. The crisis has given him the perfect cover to do what he wants in the name of "public health."

The ultimate test on Trumpism

The biggest test, of course, will come election day. Given the past three years, it is not hyperbole to wonder whether democracy will have a shot on the ballot this fall.

If the virus returns or has not abated, Trump may seek ways to alter the election to his benefit.

We have already seen a number of states postpone their primaries in the name of public health. Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine ignored a court order and canceled his state's primary, despite being an otherwise responsible Republican of late. While these decisions rightfully put American lives over politics, they introduce a precedent our president can abuse in the general.

Wisconsin has been the most dramatic example of partisan election fighting at the expense of the electorate. Democratic Gov. Tony Evers attempted to postpone his state's primary through an executive order before being overruled by Republican lawmakers in the Wisconsin Supreme Court.

Wisconsinites were forced to don masks and line up for hours to vote at a severely reduced number of polling sites. State Republicans were more concerned with voter purging and dilution efforts than the health of the people.

Trump's Republican allies are already pushing against mail-in ballots, a much safer way for people to vote during a public health crisis. And there are a number of other tricks Trump can — and likely will — pull.

He can help bring Republican voter suppression to unprecedented heights in key swing states or he can stand by while Russia exploits fears of the virus to meddle in the election.

The Supreme Court has a history of backing Trump's controversial moves more often than not. If any or all of these issues end at the Court's door, we can bet that the right-wing majority — cemented by Trump's picks — will side with the GOP's minority rule of our country.

We have seen with the president, congressional Republicans, and the courts that the Republicans will do anything to hold onto power, despite or because of their minority rule.

After more than three years of tests for our democracy, the real one is upon us in November. There is limit with Donald Trump. We're just getting started.

Michael Gordon has a long history in Democratic politics and communications strategy. He worked in the Clinton White House and as a spokesperson for the Clinton Justice Department. He also has served on multiple national, state, and local campaigns.