Rather, my point is that this is something many Democrats arguably should say with regularity — specifically, that President Trump is actually somewhat tenuously positioned for reelection, given how tenuous his initial victory was. He pulled an electoral college rabbit from his hat by winning an incredibly tight margin in a handful of states, amid a perfect storm of circumstances, while losing the national popular vote by 3 million.

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So it’s good that Biden pointed out the fluke-like nature of Trump’s electoral college victory and his massive popular-vote loss as two sides of the same coin. Other Democrats might do this more often.

Trump tends to react in a rage when he senses he’s losing control. He has repeatedly erupted in fury over spikes in border crossings, at one point ordering underlings to break laws to get the border under control, and we know Trump sees those border numbers as metrics that indicate his presidency is failing. When Trump thinks he’s losing, he does crazy things. And crazy things make swing voters uncomfortable.

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For another thing, Trump actually is deeply unpopular, and so are his policies. Trump just slapped yet another round of tariffs on China, because whatever he thinks of as a good trade deal is eluding him. He’s in a jam: He needs a deal for reelection purposes — trade is one of his signature issues — but the longer the trade war drags on, the harder it is politically for him to accept a bad deal, because the results won’t be worth the pain it caused his own constituencies.

As it is, Trump’s trade policies are unpopular, and that isn’t likely to improve anytime soon. And Trump is still stuck at 42 percent in the national polling averages.

As political scientist Jonathan Bernstein points out, both the depth and the durability of Trump’s unpopularity are important; the latter suggests it will be hard to get his numbers up substantially, and the former suggests that a lot of people who don’t approve of his performance will have to vote for him to win.

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Pointing out Trump’s unpopularity more often might also help allay the horrible tendency of pundits to treat Trump as if he possesses magical political powers in just about all situations. Every time Trump does something unhinged — whether it’s threaten to shut down the southern border entirely or tell U.S.-born nonwhite lawmakers to go back to where they came from — a throng of pundits stampedes forth to tell us how politically brilliant it is. Injecting Trump’s unpopularity into the discussion might mitigate that a bit.

I’m not remotely saying it will be easy to beat Trump. It will not be. Trump has a reasonable shot at winning reelection, if only because of the advantages of incumbency and the economy. But he’s not in a strong position, either, and Democrats should point that out more often.

After all, Trump and his propagandists obviously view the creation of the cult-like illusion that he is winning everywhere as central to his political mystique. Trump regularly blames the media for fabricating polls that accurately depict his weak standing. He even pretended large protests greeting him abroad never happened.

Puncturing that mystique rattles Trump. And he hates it.