1 INTRODUCTION

In recent years, there has been a major resurgence in the prevalence of urban community gardens (Alaimo, Packnett, Miles, & Kruger, 2008; McCormack, Laska, Larson, & Story, 2010; Preer, Sekhon, Stephens, & Collins, 1980). Urban gardening has increased even more rapidly worldwide over the last 20 years (Mitchell et al., 2014). Motivations for gardening can vary greatly but often include a desire for lower cost, and higher quality fruits and vegetables (Sterrett, Chaney, Gifford, & Mielke, 1996). The need for access to healthy food sources through community gardens is greater in areas classified as food deserts. A food desert is defined by the USDA as an urban community or neighborhood that is distant from access to affordable foods for a full healthy diet (USDA, 2009). Food deserts are most often located in regions with lower socioeconomic status and are comprised of underserved and underrepresented communities (Ferdinand & Mahata, 2017; Smith, 2016). Members of these communities have limited resources and access to transportation, making urban gardening one of the main options available for access to healthy food and vegetables. There are a number of different theories about the development and increase in food deserts in urban communities in the United States, including rapid shifts in inner‐city demographics beginning in the 1970s, large‐chain supermarkets making smaller inner‐city stores non‐viable, and inaccurate perceptions about possible financial gain, land access, and safety (Nyden, Lukehart, Maly, & Peterman, 1998; Walker, Keane, & Burke, 2010).

All of these theories likely influence part of the process, as affluent households have left the inner cities to establish higher income neighborhoods large‐chain stores moved into the outskirts of these areas (Guy, Clarke, & Eyre, 2004; Wienk, 1979). The combination of lowered median income in the inner cities and competition with large‐chain stores that can offer wider options at lower prices drives smaller, independently owned stores out of business. Combining these factors with the lack of personal vehicles and problematic transportation in the United States makes access to these chain supermarkets on the outskirts of city neighborhoods difficult (Curtis & McClellan, 1995). Studies have shown that with decreased median income, access to healthy food options and supermarkets decreases, and this difference becomes even more dramatic when racial and ethnic makeup of the neighborhood is taken into account (Chung & Myers, 1999; Morland, Wing, Roux, & Poole, 2002; Powell, Slater, Mirtcheva, Bao, & Chaloupka, 2007). Given the increasing difficulty and cost associated with obtaining healthy food options, people are increasingly moving toward the idea of community gardening as a means to fill this need.

While there are many benefits to urban gardening, there are also associated risks (Preer, Akintoye, & Martin, 1984). Urban gardens are often established at sites known as brownfields. Brownfields are defined by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) as property whose use is complicated by the presence or potential presence of a hazardous substance or contaminant (EPA, 2017). EPA estimates show that there are more than 450,000 brownfields in the United States, many in urban areas. These sites are attractive for conversion to community gardens as they are often the only unutilized land in the area (De Sousa, 2003; Defoe, Hettiarachchi, Benedict, & Martin, 2014). However, the presence of toxic heavy metal and metalloid contaminants, such as arsenic, lead, and cadmium, at these sites complicates their use for growing food products (Hough et al., 2004; Mielke et al., 1983).

Heavy metal and arsenic contamination can come from diverse sources depending on location and historic land use (Alloway, 2013; Harrison, Laxen, & Wilson, 1981). Agricultural land often has increased levels of arsenic, lead, and cadmium due to application of fertilizers and now outlawed pesticides. In urban areas, major sources of lead contamination include lead‐based paints, automotive emissions, and local industries such as smelters and manufacturing (Clarke, Jenerette, & Bain, 2015; Thornton, 2009). In addition, soil contamination can be increased due to contaminated water running through urban areas from other regions.

Heavy metals and arsenic can enter the human body through defined avenues, including inhalation of contaminated dust, direct ingestion of contaminated soil on the surface of foods, and ingestion of food plants containing heavy metals or arsenic due to contamination of the growth site. In areas with no contamination of drinking water, it has been proposed that ingestion is the highest risk of arsenic exposure with vegetables having been reported to make up the largest percentage of exposure, followed by fruit and fruit juices, and rice (Chain EPoCitF, 2009; Xue, Zartarian, Wang, Liu, & Georgopoulos, 2010). Long‐term exposure to arsenic, lead, and cadmium can result in a wide range of detrimental health effects including hypertension, diminished lung function, increased risk of liver disease, diverse cancers, and developmental defects after exposure in children and pregnant women (Alissa & Ferns, 2011; Cave et al., 2010; Ghatak et al., 2011; Heck et al., 2009; Huang et al., 2013; Hyder et al., 2013; Ohta, Ichikawa, & Seki, 2002; Satarug, Garrett, Sens, & Sens, 2011; Sherief et al., 2015). Due to these severe health risks, the development of urban community gardens should be undertaken with careful planning in order to minimize dangers associated with heavy metal and arsenic contamination. In addition, initial testing of heavy metal contamination in the soil, as well as ongoing monitoring of plant tissue contamination, would be ideal.

There are over 810 vacant lots in southeastern San Diego and surrounding areas, including City Heights, Golden Hill, and Mid‐City Eastern (Figure 1). Many of these sites are located within food deserts and could be potential sites for urban gardens. In this study, one specific brownfield site in southeastern San Diego, the Ocean View Growing Grounds (OVGG), has been developed as an urban community garden and greenspace. From 1953 until at least 1964, the property was developed as a nursery; however from 1980 until 2012, the site was vacant but was used as additional parking/storage for the automotive repair facility immediately adjacent to the west of the site, which may have introduced a variety of contaminants into the soil. This site has been developed through a collaboration between the community and the Global Action Resource Center (ARC) to provide access to healthy fruits and vegetables, as well as a location for community events learning. The UC San Diego Superfund Research Program, in partnership with the Community Engagement and Research Translation Cores, has developed an edible plant tissue testing program to monitor and analyze the heavy metal and arsenic uptake in food plants being grown at the Ocean View Growing Grounds. This information can be used to better inform and design the growth conditions at the site.