DONALD TRUMP continues his assault on environmentalism. On March 28th he signed an executive order instructing America’s Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) to withdraw and replace Barack Obama’s flagship energy policy, the Clean Power Plan. Among other measures, the "Energy Independence" order requests the reversal of a moratorium on coal leasing on federal lands and dispenses with rules to curb methane emissions from oil and gas sites. Courtrooms and lawyers surely await.

The Clean Power Plan was unveiled in August 2015. It directed states to work out how to cut emissions from power plants to avoid 870m tonnes of carbon dioxide by 2030 (as measured against levels of emissions from 2005). The policy was supposed to have the equivalent effect of taking 80m cars off the road. It was also meant to underpin international climate pledges made by America. But legal challenges from 27 states saw the Clean Power Plan put on hold by the Supreme Court a little over a year ago.

Because it has never been implemented, the Clean Power Plan’s demise hurts less than green groups suggest. Mr Trump’s action could prove largely symbolic. Around 30 states already require power companies and utilities to increase their use of renewable energy over the next decade. And states with economic heft, such as California, are already climate champions. The Golden State has passed legislation decreeing that by 2030 its greenhouse gas emissions need to fall by 40% as measured against 1990 levels. Even in Republican strongholds, like Texas, Congressional subsidies have helped wind projects to thrive.

On the stump Mr Trump promised to bring jobs back in the coal industry (he has since sought to cut economic programmes in Appalachia). But reversing the moratorium on coal leasing is unlikely to further that goal. Although the move potentially proffers a huge subsidy, the low price of gas means King Coal will not regain his crown. And as for jobs, efficiency, rather than regulation, lies behind the losses. America produces 50% more coal than it did in 1940, but employs just one-eighth of the miners according to the Bureau of Labour Statistics.

Of the other measures, taking aim at rules to limit methane emissions from oil and gas sites is particularly concerning climate-wise. The predominant constituent of natural gas, methane releases about half as much carbon dioxide when burned as coal and far less sulphur, soot and other pollutants. This has helped drive down American emissions in recent years thanks to the shale boom. Carbon dioxide stays in the atmosphere for more than 500 years; methane just for 12. But the latter is many times more potent during that time. And perhaps as much as 2.5% of the stuff flowing through American supply chains escapes. Companies have an interest in stemming such leaks. This is fortunate given that if budget proposals pass Congress, the EPA will have far less cash with which to detect major spews of the stuff, such as that which occurred last year in Los Angeles.

The squashing of the EPA pleases conservatives who believe the agency has overreached itself in recent years. They will also delight in the wide-ranging effects of the new executive action. But Mr Trump stopped short of authorising two truly crushing policies: instructing the EPA to reconsider its “endangerment finding” of 2009—which made the body legally responsible for regulating carbon dioxide emissions—and withdrawing from the Paris agreement on climate change, which aims to limit global warming to “well below” 2C above pre-industrial temperatures. That, however, will provide little comfort to the scientists, officials and diplomats whose efforts now have been undone with a stroke of Mr Trump’s pen.