Last year, when Congress passed the Every Student Succeeds Act, a new version of the nation’s federal K-12 education law, it returned a significant amount of authority to the states. The Obama administration had sought to retain some control as it hammered out how the law would be implemented by issuing regulations telling states, for instance, that federal money allocated to the education of poor students had to supplement and not replace local dollars. The regulations angered both Republicans and teachers’ unions on the left. The Obama administration has seen the Education Department as a critical watchdog when it comes to making sure students’ civil rights are protected. But Republicans and unions have balked at what they see as a department that has far overstepped its authority. The chance that a Trump administration backs the regulations the current Education Secretary John King and his team are developing now seems shaky.

But there are other elements of U.S. education policy that are likely to remain relatively entrenched. Perhaps Trump’s most oft-quoted education promise on the campaign trail was a pledge to “repeal” Common Core. That’s not actually possible, though, because Common Core is not a federal policy but a set of standards states have adopted for what students at each grade level should be able to do, and the federal government doesn’t dictate those. More than 40 states have adopted the standards, and the idea that they will suddenly abandon them is not realistic.

One area where the Trump administration could make changes, and where officials might use the muscle of the Education Department, is in expanding the use of vouchers that would let students use federal money to attend the schools of their choice, be they charters, private or parochial schools, magnet programs, or traditional public schools. Trump has proposed $20 billion to move that idea forward. Whether it becomes a reality is obviously unclear, but with Republicans controlling both the House and the Senate, there’s a good chance some sort of federally backed voucher program could move forward. (More than a dozen states have some sort of voucher program currently, but many of the programs are targeted specifically at certain students, such as those from low-income families or those with special needs.)

“You’re going to see Trump making a push for parental choice,” Gerard Robinson, a resident fellow at the conservative American Enterprise Institute who served as Florida education commissioner, said during a phone interview. (Robinson made clear that he was speaking solely as a fellow at AEI, but numerous reports have suggested that he is one of the people Trump has tapped to head up his education transition team.)

Trump’s choice of education secretary (a position that Robinson is rumored to be in the running for) will offer more clues as to what his administration plans to prioritize. It may be someone from outside the education-policy world entirely, perhaps someone who sits on a university board but comes from the corporate world. Vice President-elect Mike Pence has more of a track record on education than Trump (who has none), and the president could also turn to him for guidance. Pence wants schools to be locally controlled with minimal federal involvement. He’s backed charter schools and vouchers, but also cracked down on low-performing charters during his tenure as governor of Indiana. Pence also successfully urged state Republicans to create a publicly funded preschool program aimed at low-income children, but he was reluctant to apply for a federal grant to fund the program, so it’s unclear that Pence would push for a preschool expansion at the federal level.