Even for someone who’s shunned the public eye and spoken solely through indictments for the past year and a half, Robert Mueller has been uncharacteristically quiet in recent weeks. This is, of course, by design—Justice Department guidelines stipulate that prosecutors should avoid taking any major steps close to elections. And unlike former F.B.I. director James Comey, those who’ve worked with Mueller expected him to hew closely to D.O.J. protocol. “The one thing I am confident of is that he is going to make sure that he doesn’t do anything on the timing front that would interfere with the midterm elections,” Glenn Kirschner, a former homicide prosecutor who reported to Mueller in the 1990s, told me last month. “It wouldn’t surprise me if the indictment went completely radio silent between now and the midterms.”

Though it was preordained, Mueller’s silence has nevertheless raised expectations as to what he might deliver once ballots are cast. Citing two U.S. officials, Bloomberg reported early Wednesday that he is expected to issue reports on two critical aspects of the D.O.J. investigation into Russian interference shortly after midterm elections. Specifically, Mueller is expected to release his findings on whether Donald Trump obstructed justice, and if there was collusion between the Trump campaign and the Russian government, according to one official that spoke with the outlet. (Trump and his campaign have denied any wrongdoing.)

This timeline raises several questions about the future of the Russia investigation. For one thing, it’s unclear whether such a report would mark the end of the inquiry. Per Bloomberg, Mueller is under pressure from Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein to wrap up his investigation as “expeditiously as possible.” But if a blue wave sweeps Democrats to a majority in the House, the political calculus for Rosenstein could change. The No. 2 Justice Department official, who took over the Russia probe after Attorney General Jeff Sessions recused himself last year, has come under frequent attacks from Trump and the president’s allies in the House. But such pressure would likely dissipate if Democrats won back the chamber.

Of course, how long Rosenstein will remain in control of the probe is also an open question. For weeks, reports have circulated that Trump is likely to fire Sessions after the midterms—rumors the president has made little effort to tamp down. Republican senators—who were once largely united in their defense of their former colleague from Alabama—have seemingly resigned themselves to the attorney general’s ouster. If Trump appoints someone to replace Sessions who manages to survive a Senate confirmation, that person could then take over from Rosenstein.

Rosenstein’s fate, too, is unknown. After The New York Times reported last month that Rosenstein suggested officials secretly record Trump and discussed a plan to invoke the 25th Amendment to remove the president from office, the deputy attorney general reportedly offered to resign from his post. Trump later said he would prefer if Rosenstein remained in his post, and the two have since appeared to mend ties. But speculation remains that Trump may fire Rosenstein after the midterms as well.

What is clear is that one of the most consequential chapters in the Mueller investigation will follow the midterm elections. Between now and November 6, Kirschner told me, the special counsel could issue “satellite indictments” for fringe players in the Russia saga, such as former Trump adviser and longtime Republican operative Roger Stone, but any bombshells will have to wait. By then, Trump could have very little to lose. With midterms in the rearview mirror, the stakes for both the president and the Republican Party could change dramatically. Trump, his businesses, and his administration are all but guaranteed to face heightened scrutiny if Democrats win back the House, but the G.O.P. is predicted to hold on to its majority in the Senate, meaning impeachment will likely remain a liberal pipe dream. Trump, meanwhile, will have newfound latitude to curtail the Russia investigation—without the fear of repercussions at the ballot box.