Prakash Singh, a former IPS officer who also headed the Border Security Force, dealt with naxalism in its early stages. He continues to research the movement. In a conversation with Sugandha Indulkar, he shares his idea of urban naxalism:

What is urban naxalism?

Urban naxalism, in simplest terms, implies naxalism as practised in urban areas by different shades of intellectuals – lawyers, journalists, writers, doctors, professors or people belonging to any other profession. Even at a very early stage, in the late 1960s, naxalite ideology had attracted quite a few university students of Delhi. These students’ romantic association with naxalite ideology evaporated in due course. Presently, we have urban naxals in different towns and cities of the country committed to naxalite ideology. These naxals use the latest communication technologies to spread their ideas among the literati.

Why does naxalism spread – is it because of the ideology or something else?

Naxal ideology is to bring about a ‘New Democratic Revolution’, launch protracted People’s War, establish base areas, organise People’s Army, and undertake militant mass movements. However this naxal ideology, with its Marxist-Leninist jargon, is beyond the comprehension of the rank and file. They are attracted to naxals who promise to uphold their interests against the prevailing injustices of the establishment – harassment by petty government functionaries, extortion by policemen, and callousness of officers in addressing their grievances.

As per your research, how long do you think the naxal movement will last in India?

Government is very optimistic that they would be able to solve the naxal problem within the next few years. It is a fact that naxal violence has shown a sharp decline during the last few years. It is also a fact that the geographical spread of naxal influence has considerably shrunk due to the systematic pressure built by the security forces. There is also leadership crisis within CPI (Maoist) because the leaders are ageing and their replacements are not forthcoming.

However, looking at the history of the movement during the last 50 years, we find that twice before in the past, government had come to a similar conclusion – once after Charu Mazumdar’s death in 1972 when the movement got fragmented, and again after Kondapally Seetharamaiah was arrested and sustained operations by the security forces had led to largescale arrests and surrenders of naxals in the 90s. Basic causes responsible for the growth and spread of naxalism were not addressed – issues relating to poverty, unemployment, corruption, tribals’ rights – and therefore the movement resurrected, significantly, with greater vehemence every time. It would therefore be premature to write the obituary of the movement until the socio-economic causes are addressed.

It is believed urban naxalites undertake detailed planning and strategising of many naxal activities, and also raise funds for the cause.

Yes, it is a fact that naxals plan their strategy in great detail. A study of the documents prepared by them bears ample testimony to that. Fundraising is an essential part of their activities. They need finances to run their various programmes including purchase of weapons, ammunition and explosives.

We need to counter this by a superior strategy – a strategy which would ensure good governance, address farmers’ grievances, and protect tribals’ forest rights. Fundraising could be curbed if we have effective area domination by the security forces and are able to ensure security to all those contractors, businessmen and corporate houses who operate in the interior areas, and from whom naxals extract levies on different pretexts.

What are the top three steps that law enforcement agencies have to take to eradicate naxalism?

Three steps could be building the capabilities of state police forces so that they can take on the challenge posed by the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army with minimal assistance from the Central Armed Police Forces, improving ground level intelligence and ensuring better inter-state and Centre-state coordination, and winning the hearts and minds of people in the affected areas through a package of welfare measures.

Is naxalism a sign of a failed government?

That would be too strong a statement, but naxalism is indeed a sign of poor governance.

Or is it driven by political goons, or terrorists?

That would be an oversimplification. It is true that political goons, extortionists and lumpen elements have infiltrated into the naxal movement. However, overall, it is driven by a core group of dedicated people who have no faith in the kind of democracy that we have. It is a matter of regret that while the government has decided to go after the urban naxals, there are other sharks in urban areas who generally remain untouched. These would include, particularly, the rapacious politicians sucking the lifeblood of the country, the corrupt bureaucrats who have amassed fortunes, and the unscrupulous policemen who have nexus with the criminals. They are as much a threat to the democratic structure of the country as are the urban naxals.