MUNICH (Own report) - In the run-up to the Munich Security Conference, prominent German foreign policy specialists are calling for "German Leadership" in the EU's foreign and military policy activities. It is "the responsibility of the powerful, ... to insure Europe's ability to act," wrote the former German Minster of Defense, Volker Rühe recently in a newspaper column: "Germany must lead." As the Security Conference's Director, Wolfgang Ischinger, explained, Germany "must massively bring to bear its foreign policy in Europe." Since the beginning of the crisis, "Germany's clout" has grown in the EU, and "so have the world's expectations on German leadership." The prerequisites for a German-European global policy seem favorable, since the German government laid the groundwork for integrating France into its foreign policy, last week. As both countries' foreign ministers announced, in the future, they will coordinate closely with one another and even take joint trips abroad. In this cooperation, Berlin is operating from a position of strength vis à vis Paris - seriously weakened by the crisis - and can presume that it will largely pursue its interests in the framework of this alleged cooperation.

German Leadership

In the immediate prelude to this year's annual Munich Security Conference, prominent German foreign and military policy specialists are calling for Germany to take a more offensive role in global policymaking. "As a result of the crisis in Europe, Germany's clout has grown," and "so have the world's expectations on German leadership," declared, for example, the Director of the Munich Security Conference, Wolfgang Ischinger, a former State Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a former ambassador to the USA. That is "not only pleasant" because German foreign policy often sought to retire to the second row, "behind the protective shields of the USA and others." Now, however, the German government must see to it "that the European Union achieves credibility as an actor in foreign and security policy and sets clear objectives." He expects Foreign Minister Steinmeier and Defense Minister von der Leyen to "massively bring to bear German foreign policy in Europe." In addition, it is necessary "to breathe life into the principle of integration in the military field," it is unacceptable that "each country nurtures its own national army."[1] Ischinger is referring here to the demand for closer military cooperation within the EU.

The Responsibility of the Powerful

Last week, former Defense Minister Volker Rühe also used unambiguous words. According to Rühe, Germany has "retreated into security policy passivity, inconsistent with its role as the most populated European country and a leading global economic power." This is "undignified." Therefore the new German government must begin "to earnestly assume its responsibility." This is not impossible: "Germany has sufficient resources and a capable, best trained military." As a first step, "French troops in Mali could be relieved for a period of one year, within the framework of an EU mission in the struggle against and protection from Islamist forces," Rühe demands. Berlin's plans are "still insufficient." In any case, "a closer cooperation - even structural - must be found" to consolidate the military capacities of the EU countries. Not only "a European defense, organized around a division of labor" is needed, but also a consolidated "European arms market."[2] After all, it is the responsibility of the powerful to lead by setting a good example and to insure Europe's capacity to act," writes Rühe in a column published in a leading German daily. The column concludes with the demand: "Germany must lead."

"We Stand at the Ready"

Most recently, German President Joachim Gauck has announced that he would also like to address the Security Conference on the question of "Germany's Role in the World." In his National Holiday speech last fall, Gauck had alleged that at home and abroad "voices" demanding that "Germany play a stronger role in Europe and the world" are becoming more numerous. That also goes for military activities.[3] In the ensuing weeks and months, a growing number of demands for a "re-evaluation of German foreign policy" were emanating from the foreign policy establishment. (german-foreign-policy.com reported.[4]) The current government's coalition contract now also affirms, "we want to actively help shape the international order." "We stand at the ready, when our country is called upon to contribute to resolving crises and conflicts."[5] Gauck, who will become the first German president to address the Security Conference, claims that "he has gotten the impression, in the course of nearly all of his foreign visits and talks with international guests ... that there are great expectations on Germany," not exclusively, but also for "potential military contributions in resolving conflicts." This is the subject he would like to handle in his speech in Munich at the end of the week: "This question, I am certain, will be a preoccupation for us over the next few years."[6]

Resistance

Last week, the German government achieved a primary prerequisite for a new German-European offensive in global policy. It laid the foundation for the integration of France into German foreign policy. Over the past few years, Paris has repeatedly attempted to break the EU foreign policy's orientation on Berlin's interests, to have "Europe's" resources also be used for French projects, including the Mediterranean Union, but also for its wars, for example the bombing of Libya. The German government had blocked many of these projects.[7] To break the German EU blockade, Paris entered into an ambitious military alliance with London in late 2010, thereby creating a new margin of maneuver - for example for the war on Libya. At the time, German foreign policy specialists were warning that the British-French cooperation should not be underestimated, and that this is a sort of new Entente Cordiale, threatening the imposition of German interests. (german-foreign-policy.com reported.[8]) In fact, in early 2013, Berlin underwent a correction of course and tentatively supported the French military mission in Mali - of course, with the objective not only of impeding the British-French alliance, but also of using German participation in some of the operations, to strengthen its influence in the previously rather hermetic West African Francophonie. This has now proven successful. (german-foreign-policy.com reported.[9])

From a Position of Strength

Last week, the German Foreign Ministry announced that the German-French foreign policy cooperation should be stabilized in the future. This had been preceded by the French president's announcement that France would completely orient its economic and financial policies on the German austerity model for the EU. The German "Agenda 2010" is seen as exemplary.[10] Officially, Berlin is making concessions to Paris in foreign and military policies and is prepared to closely coordinate EU global activities with France, in the future. January 21, the foreign ministers of both countries agreed in Paris that, from now on, they would reach preliminary agreements before the more important EU meetings and plan "joint trips to regions" that "are of particular interest to both countries and the European Union."[11] Actually, Berlin will be able to use its current position of predominating strength, to have Paris serve its purposes, or - as in Mali - to gain a foothold in France's African backyard. The former will be the case with the joint trip to Georgia and Moldova by Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier and his French counterpart, Laurent Fabius. The latter concerns the African Francophone countries, where the foreign ministers will make their next joint trips. Berlin also wants to reactivate the German-French Brigade, which Paris had threatened to dissolve.[12] With this offensive, the constellation offers Berlin the opportunity for orienting the EU's entire foreign and military policy totally on German interests.

Other reports and background on German-European global policy can be found here: A New Era of Imperialism, Europe's Chancellor, Sleeping Demons, The Re-Evaluation of German Foreign Policy, Domination over Europe and The Agenda 2020.

[1] "Partner abzuhören ist dämlich". www.stuttgarter-zeitung.de 23.01.2014.

[2] Volker Rühe: Deutschland muss führen. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung 21.01.2014.

[3] "Die Freiheit in der Freiheit gestalten". www.bundespraesident.de 03.10.2013. See Schlafende Dämonen.

[4] See Die Neuvermessung der deutschen Weltpolitik, Die Dominanz über Europa and Bereit zur globalen Ordnungspolitik.

[5] Deutschlands Zukunft gestalten. Koalitionsvertrag zwischen CDU, CSU und SPD. 18. Legislaturperiode. See Von der Isolation bedroht.

[6] "Wir sollten Vertrauen zu uns selbst haben". Ein Gespräch mit Bundespräsident Joachim Gauck. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung 24.01.2014.

[7] See Hegemonic Rivalry, Kein Gegenpol and Vorposten.

[8] See The New Entente Cordiale.

[9] See Deutschland 001.

[10] See Le Modèle Gerhard Schröder.

[11] Gemeinsame Erklärung von Bundesaußenminister Frank-Walter Steinmeier und Außenminister Laurent Fabius zur deutsch-französischen Zusammenarbeit. 21.04.2014.

[12] See The Disengagement of France.