Now that the impeachment farce is finished, and the president is acquitted, the Democratic Party has nothing left but futile gestures to mask its fatal political miscalculation.

All that’s left is a broken Nancy Pelosi shredding her remaining dignity by ripping up the president’s State of the Union speech.

All that’s left is poor Joe Biden limping from a catastrophic fourth-place finish in Iowa to another looming rout in New Hampshire, as the ascendant socialist wing of the party goes rogue.

Biden has collapsed as the moderate hope of the Democrats and all that’s left is the unelectability of ­78-year-old Vermont socialist Bernie Sanders and 38-year-old gay left-wing Indiana ex-mayor Pete Buttigieg.

Only a mutual loathing of Donald Trump preserved a façade of unity and purpose for Democrats during impeachment.

But all that did was deliver the president record high approval ratings and unite Republicans around him, reborn as street brawlers.

Even Republicans skeptical of Trump’s tweets and combative tone now see clearly what he’s been up against.

“People are starting to understand now that the swamp has names,” says Jeff Kaufmann, chairman of the Iowa Republican Party, a late convert to Trump’s cause.

“People are starting to intuitively understand how deep and how vicious that swamp is,” he said. “They see what he has to do in order to combat the swamp and go around the media.

“When you analyze this and you see the forces that are against him, you can’t go in, shake hands, sit down, have a cocktail and then talk out a deal. That’s not how you deal with Bernie Sanders or Jim Comey.

“You have to elbow hard, raise hell and be prepared to have a ­verbal fight.

“And it’s about time. We’re not going to take to the streets like Bernie’s rather naive young people, but I tell you what, we’re not going to take any more s–t.”

Iowa is a swing state that backed Barack Obama but swung to Trump in 2016 by 10 percentage points.

“We slowly, intellectually, methodically analyzed the situation and said this is the person we need to drain the swamp, this is the person that’s followed through on his promises and this is the populist that our farmers and small businesspeople need,” the chairman said.

The president won the hearts of farmers by abolishing inheritance taxes, says Kaufmann, a seventh-generation Iowa farmer.

“In a real, fundamental way, he preserved the family farm . . . I don’t even know if he ever talked to a farmer before he ran for president but he just tapped right into that rural, populist notch . . . He knows how to read hearts and he has read the heart of rural populists in this state.”

While “tariff man” Trump waged trade war, farmers held tough until he delivered deals with Mexico, ­Canada, Japan — and stage one of a China deal.

“An Iowa farmer is inherently independent and skeptical — they extended their necks for the president for well over a year and then they saw him deliver,” Kaufmann said. “There is no political rhetoric, no spin, nothing that can solidify support as much as that.

“Now that he’s delivered, there’s no penetrating that bond.”

Kaufmann senses the same mood across the Midwest, having talked to counterparts in South Dakota, ­Arkansas and Minnesota.

“It’s about delivering on promises,” he said. “In 2016, Iowa was skeptical and he has turned it into trust. We analyzed the results of this president and decided results matter over a potential offensive tone.”

Even so, “I’m a little taken aback by how unified this party has become over impeachment. They’re not even blinking.”

Little noticed on caucus night, Trump scored the highest turnout in history for any president of any party in the runaway that was the Republican contest in Iowa, slaying a couple of never-Trumpers with 97 percent of votes cast. It was the trial run of the president’s 2020 ground game, an asset he lacked in 2016.

What have the Democrats to offer in place of Trump’s optimistic message of the “great American comeback”?

With Biden sinking and impeachment over, the party establishment has to face up to an existential nightmare of a house divided.

Sanders’ socialist ally, charismatic Bronx/Queens Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, summed up the division when she said, “In any other country, Joe Biden and I would not be in the same party.”

Without Biden, it’s hard to see how Democrats stop a takeover by Sanders and unelectable radical socialists, and avoid a debilitating civil war at the July nominating convention in Milwaukee. Michael Bloomberg’s billions won’t be enough.

The debacle of their failed caucus phone app, designed by Clintonistas, was the perfect metaphor for this creaky, crooked Democratic machine in its death throes.

They could have regrouped after their 2016 defeat, humbly acknowledged error and worked out how to win again another day.

Instead, they wasted their energy denying they lost the election and creating pre-alibis for why they’ll lose the next.

Bloomy can’t buy victory

Michael Bloomberg wants to capitalize on the Democratic implosion in Iowa by doubling his already eye-watering advertising budget. Bloomberg has laid out $300 million and reportedly is willing to spend upwards of $1 billion to buy the presidency.

But, as President Trump’s 2016 campaign manager, Corey Lewandowski, says, if money were all that mattered, “Hillary Clinton would have won in 2016” because she outspent Trump by 4 to 1.

Money didn’t do much for no-name rich guy Tom Steyer, either. He has spent more than $150 million, which bought him every billboard near the Des Moines airport, but left him down among the weeds with less than 1 percent of the vote in the Iowa caucuses, at latest count.

Sounding crime alarm

Thank goodness for police union boss Patrick Lynch.

Without his Cassandra-like warnings that the city’s latest 17 percent increase in crime is a “public safety emergency,” Mayor Bill de Blasio would get away with pretending all is peachy.

New Yorkers are like frogs in boiling water as de Blasio merrily turns up the heat.