Parliament Buildings Stormont

The party’s forebears saw George Plunkett abstain from his ‘Roscommon North’ Westminster seat following his 1907 election win. On that issue they have shown continuity for over a century despite the changing landscape.

Its seven current MPs continue to refuse to take their seats, although Fermanagh and South Tyrone MP Michelle Gildernew has previously said, “never say never.”

The reason for this could perhaps be summed up thusly, the party are unable to take its seats due to its opposition to the current state and events of the legislature. Which brings us to the current Stormont impasse. Why not simply refuse to take its seats; opposition by abstention, an ever-present trope of the party.

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The Stormont assembly chamber

By abstaining from Stormont and removing itself from the equation, an Executive can be formed and direct rule is avoided. All achieved without Sinn Féin having to cave on its demands.

D’Hondt would see the Deputy First Minister position offered elsewhere, far from ideal for Sinn Féin, but it’s either that or Tory (and Brexit) led direct rule. Either Gerry Adams sticks to his guns and absolute power shifts to James Brokenshire and Theresa May, or he takes a third way – Assembly abstention.

With an Executive and Assembly then in place; with the full chamber and committees to legislate and scrutinise; to govern; whatever passes for normality in these parts could resume.

Sinn Féin insists Arlene Foster step aside during the RHI inquiry; it also insists on an Irish Language Act, an Equal Marriage Act, (and the list continues to grow). Few, if any, can believe that the DUP will accept any of this. The impasse shows no sign of abating, to the detriment of our health system; our roads and schools, our farmers, our charities, and our arts organisations.

Kirs Nixon who sometimes under the name Belfast Barman

The demands of Sinn Féin are not held by itself alone. Many other parties support the same or similar causes – the only way they will ever come to pass is through legislation, this can happen only one way, with the Assembly sitting.

If Michelle O’Neill and her colleagues abstain, the other parties could actually try to table legislation; roll the dice and see what happens. Instead, Sinn Féin and the DUP are walking us hand-in-hand to direct rule by Theresa May’s Strong and Stable™ government, indeed one which is propped up by Foster’s eight MPs.

Sinn Féin are of course unlikely to abstain from the Assembly, even if it turns devolution’s lights back on and keeps the Conservatives out of our affairs. Many believe that Gerry Adams considers direct rule the best outcome, leading to a United Ireland in the long term, but at what cost to its voters in the short to medium term?

However, If Gerry Adams et al cannot join an NI Assembly without an Irish Language Act, as they can’t accept a Westminster with the current oath of office, then it could save this place from the ignominy of a Tory takeover by reverting to abstentionist form.

The Stormont assembly chamber

Sinn Féin claims to represent the best interests of the nationalist community here; how are those best interests served by the death of devolution and passing its corpse to Theresa May. If direct rule is preferable to Sinn Féin than Assembly abstention, perhaps they would be kind enough to tell us which Tory policies they are most looking forward to allowing to be introduced here.

• Kris Nixon works in technology and sometimes writes as Belfast Barman