Almost 100 days after the swearing-in of Justin Trudeau’s cabinet there are almost as many dots to connect between the Liberal campaign promises and their actual execution as on election night . . . and much contrary speculation as to what that suggests about the character of the rookie government.

For some, the Liberals suffer from chronic indecision. Others are convinced the time the government is taking before committing to a clear course on so many fronts — including the budget — reflects a steely resolve to set a revolution in motion.

If only by the measure of the calendar, the policy pace Trudeau has so far set is slower than that of Stephen Harper. So far, marketing has taken precedence over delivery.

On the 100th day after his election victory, the Conservative prime minister presented the country with a budget.

By the time finance minister Jim Flaherty delivered it, Harper had already introduced a major piece of legislation, dealing with government accountability.

He had sought the approval of the opposition parties for his first Supreme Court justice nominee, publicly anointed Quebec premier Jean Charest as his closest provincial ally, and declared his firm intention to hold Senate elections as quickly as possible.

But, as it turned out, those who set their watch on how the Harper government would evolve based on those early days did so at their own peril.

It did not take long for Conservative budgets to morph from the straightforward document presented in 2006 to opaque omnibus bills or for the government to treat accountability as an unnecessary evil.

Quebec soured on the federal Conservatives long before Ontario and the Senate turned into a poisoned patronage well.

In hindsight, the turns that Harper missed as he hit the ground running probably mattered more than the markers he set down.

After 100 days, the Conservatives had already driven past the point where a more proactive approach to climate change might have helped advance their energy ambitions.

Far from speeding things up, Harper’s unilateral approach to Senate reform led straight to a constitutional wall. His decision to pick and choose which premier he liked to do business with delayed the winning of a coveted majority.

All of which is to say that it is risky to read too much in the early moves of a rookie government.

Keeping this disclaimer in mind, there are some fundamental differences — beyond the style and the personality of the prime minister — that do distinguish this young government from its predecessors. Here are two that I believe will matter over time. One pertains to form, the other to substance.

Harper rarely saw a process that he did not find inconvenient and he proved ready to short-circuit as many as he could to arrive at a chosen destination. But that often led to reforms that lacked the kind of sturdy institutional and popular foundations that would have ensured they outlive his tenure.

Trudeau’s team seems to have the equally firm but reverse belief that getting the process right will lead to the right outcome. On that basis, it has been putting in place processes to arrive at more processes, or adding new ones to existing ones.

Think of the pipeline file, the search for the proper terms of reference for the promised inquiry into missing and murdered indigenous women, or the quest for a new formula to appoint and work with future senators. Trudeau’s chosen Clerk of the Privy Council has even been tasked with coming up with a process to select his successor.

Time will tell whether this will lead the Liberal government to confuse movement with progress or yield the solid results it is hoping for.

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And then there is the prime minister’s commitment to change the grim reality of Canada’s aboriginal people.

Other prime ministers have talked a good game on aboriginal issues with results falling far short of their rhetoric. But none has raised expectations to the level that Trudeau has or made this mission as central to the success of his government.

This may be the front on which it is easiest to draw a parallel between father and son: between Pierre Trudeau’s determination to make French-speaking Canadians more equal partners in the federation in the 1960s and ’70s and the current prime minister’s desire to move mountains so as to finally level the playing field for Canada’s indigenous community.

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