The film “Lincoln,” made by Jewish Supremacist Hollywood mogul Steven Spielberg, is winning praise left, right and centre from his fellow tribesmen in the media—most probably because it completely ignores the famous American president’s true views on race and negroes.

The film portrays Lincoln, in line with the now well-established myth, as a benefactor and liberator of the slave population. In reality, however, Lincoln was firmly opposed to the presence of blacks in America and spent many hours agitating to have them all shipped back to Africa.

Lincoln, like Jefferson and many others, never believed in racial equality. On the contrary, Lincoln was firmly committed to racial separation and the complete repatriation of all blacks back to Africa.

His support for segregation and opposition to racial mixing is illustrated by the fact that he was one of the public supporters of a law in his home state of Illinois which made marriage between blacks and whites a criminal offence (Lincoln and the Negro, Benjamin Quarles, Oxford University Press, New York, 1962, pages 36–37).

Lincoln made his views known on the repatriation of blacks as early as 1862. During a meeting with a black group called the “Deputation of Free Negroes” who had come to plead for full emancipation, Lincoln told the Africans that their best option was to return to Africa and start a free black colony there. Speaking to the group, he said:

You and I are different races. We have between us a broader difference than exists between almost any other races. Whether it be right or wrong, I need not discuss; but this physical difference is a great disadvantage to us both, as I think. Your race suffer very greatly, many of them by living amongst us, while ours suffer from your presence. In a word, we suffer on each side. If this is admitted, it affords a reason at least why we should be separated. “Your race are suffering, in my judgment, the greatest wrong inflicted on any people. But even when you cease to be slaves, you are yet far removed from being placed on equality with the White race. On this broad continent, not a single man of your race is made the equal of a single man of ours. Go where you are treated the best, and the ban is still upon you. I cannot alter it if I would. I need not recount to you the effects upon White men, growing out of the institution of slavery. See our present condition—the country engaged in war!—our White men cutting one another’s throats, none knowing how far it will extend; and then consider what we know to be the truth. But for your race among us there would be no war, although many men engaged on either side do not care for you one way or the other. It is better for us both, therefore, to be separated (The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, edited by Roy P. Baler, Rutgers University Press, 1953, Vol. V, pages 371–375).

When Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation, he again called for black “colonisation” (the creation of a separate black state removed from America) during his speech after the signing ceremony:

I have urged the colonization of the Negroes, and shall continue. My Emancipation Proclamation was linked with this plan. There is no room for two distinct races of white men in America, much less for two distinct races of whites and blacks. I can conceive of no greater calamity than the assimilation of the Negro into our social and political life as our equal. Within twenty years we can peacefully colonize the Negro and give him our language, literature, religion, and system of government under conditions in which he can rise to the full measure of manhood. This he can never do here. We can never attain the ideal union our fathers dreamed, with millions of an alien, inferior race among us, whose assimilation is neither possible nor desirable (ibid.).

Sadly for America, Lincoln was assassinated by a Confederate sympathiser before he could bring his plans to fruition.