There’s a major election coming up this Sunday in Hungary; one that, strangely, no one seems to be talking about. This Parliamentary election will determine which party shapes the course of Hungarian development for the next four years. Incumbent Viktor Orban, head of conservative party Fidesz, will fight to retain his Prime Minister post amidst challenges from the extreme right-wing Jobbik Party and the Socialist Party MSZP.

Two days before the election, it’s natural to assume high-tension, high-energy conditions exist throughout the country, but this doesn’t seem to be the case. In fact, it’s been eerily quiet. While it is possible to squeeze the occasional apprehensive remark from a Hungarian, it is surprisingly difficult; in spite of my best attempts I received virtually no information about the election until late this week. The more I learn, the more shocking this silence becomes- shocking, yet oddly revealing.

Let’s begin with a bit of background from the past decade. If you think the American political landscape is tumultuous, you’ve got another think coming. From 2002-2010, Hungary was run by MSZP, the Socialist Party. A decade after the regime change from Soviet Communism to Democracy, the challenges remained massive and the resources few. The Party turned to International Loans to fund infrastructure development and raise living standards. The loans were attained through means of secrecy and deception, and in 2006 an incriminating video was leaked from a private MSZP function, in which the faults of the Party were admitted firsthand by the Prime Minister himself.

I’ve heard conflicting opinions about the nature of this video, so I tracked down the transcript and read it for myself. It is bad. It’s Mitt Romney on steroids bad. “We have screwed up. Not a little but a lot. No country in Europe has screwed up as much as we have. It can be explained. We have obviously lied throughout the past 18 to 24 months. It was perfectly clear that what we were saying was not true (BBC)…” A blatant, hour long admission of guilt and incompetence, this was the final blow for MSZP, and the crippling effects of the 2008 financial crisis sealed the coffin.

And so began the reign of the Fidesz Party in 2010 (interestingly, the party name means Young Democrats, but, sensing a vacuum in the political pool, the party changed ideologies early on). Here’s where things really get interesting. Following the MSZP meltdown, Fidesz locked up a 75% majority in Parliament, rendering their power virtually limitless. Under these conditions, Fidesz, under leader Viktor Orban, went to work: redrafting the Constitution, implementing new limitations on press and personal speech, and restructuring voting policy to better suit party interests.

One of the firsts acts introduced under the new leadership was a repressive press and media law enacted in December 2010:

“The act, comprising 230 articles, establishes in the country a new body for media control, the National Media and Communications Authority, for monitoring the contents of all media, including the internet… If [The Authority] regards that the published information is not balanced, it has the right to impose a heavy fine to the media in question or even suspend its activity… The Authority, as well as several other institutions, is led by Fidesz, the leading political party (Ekholm, K. and Svard-Ylilehto, T. The New Press and Media Act in Hungary, 2012).”

Since the implementation of the law, there have been multiple controversies regarding de-funding and restriction of anti-party media outlets. Following this measure were constitutional amendments which “overturn earlier constitutional court rulings and limit the court’s right to challenge laws passed by parliament in the future (BBC).” Finally, major electoral reforms were passed, including redistricting and new methods of counting votes- reforms which, many argue, benefit the Fidesz interests and little else. Such is the situation of modern-day Hungary, two days before the election. So why isn’t anyone talking?

The silence, while profound, is not universal. I had a conversation with one highly-informed college student willing to share his political views. He dismissed MSZP as absolutely worthless and referred to Fidesz as “a Regime.” He offered a great deal of insight into Hungary’s political and social circumstances, and finally I asked him the question. “Will you vote Sunday?” He scoffed. “No.” In his opinion, no capable opposition exists. His disgust for the current leadership is overwhelmed by such crushing hopelessness that he will not participate in the democratic process. This individual, along with masses of citizens throughout Hungary, believes that change is unattainable, the system is broken, and the vote is useless.

Here I’d like to draw our attention to the United States, where I’ve taken part in multiple election initiatives. My first grassroots political involvement came in 2008, when Barack was telling us that we could. I saw a flyer for $125 guaranteed to Democratic volunteers and my name was on the paper before you could say “America!” I spent election-day knocking on doors and rallying voters, a very well-organized affair run by passionate individuals. That night, I partied with the LaCrosse Democrats. The next night, I bought two Bob Dylan tickets and a bottle of whiskey. Thanks, politics.

My next experience was much more involved and enlightening. It came in 2012, when Barack was telling us… I guess I’m not entirely sure what he was telling us in ‘12. As a member of Student Government, the opportunity arose to actively participate in Democracy at the ground level. The Stevens Point campus vote initiative, spearheaded by student Senator David Boardman, was a formidable force indeed, including months of voter-registration, voting-day poll transportation, and a Live Senatorial Debate held in the Campus Theater. For months, I worked side-by-side with students and elders alike: registering voters, providing information on laws and poll locations, and recruiting new voters. All said and done, we registered the highest number of students per-capita of any university in Wisconsin, educated countless others and assured they made it to the polls. I would be lying if I said I wasn’t proud of this effort and impressed with the dedication of everyone involved.

This, I realized, is American Democracy. America, contrary to popular belief, is still run by the people: passionate college students, active retirees and informed voters. To say you’re not voting in the US is to face scorn and contempt, usually accompanied by the sentiment, “Then you have no right to complain.” Elections are shaped by guys like Boardman organizing causes and guys like me working the tables.

Of course , if you walked around Szeged, you’d certainly be aware of the impending election. There’s the occasional Military Terror-Machine rumbling by, blasting horrify

ing loudspeaker propaganda to the masses. There are the posters and billboards, many now tattered and defaced, hanging like haunting memories of a regrettable past. The thing is… the election is Sunday. Where’s the flesh and blood? Where’s the phone-dialing fanatic? The idealistic college student? The belief in a brighter future? I don’t know, but from my experience, it does not exist in Szeged.

Let me clarify the most important point here. This is not a bash on the Hungarian college demographic or Hungarians as a Nation. It is a societal reflection. The inflated expectations of the Post-Communist era led to severe economic disappointments throughout the privatization process. Petty politics dominated the following decades and the 2006 media disaster dealt the knockout blow. The faith is gone; the jig is up. All that remains, in the eyes of the people, is meaningless rhetoric. Therein lies the primary difference between American determination and Hungarian disgust. In America, we still believe; if not in the politicians themselves, then in the collective power of the vote and the morality of the system. In Hungary this belief has long since dried up, undermined repeatedly through political blunders, blatant dishonesty and powerhouse politics. So what does democracy sound like in a nation where the people don’t believe; a nation where the Boardmans don’t organize and the old ladies don’t dial? It’s… quiet.

Final Note: These are my opinions, based on what I’ve seen and conversations I’ve taken part in. Any refutations or expansion on these reflections is more than welcome.

References:

BBC News. BBC, 19 Sept. 2006. Web. 05 Apr. 2014. <http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/5359546.stm>.

Ekholm, Kati, and Tarja Ylilehto. “The New Press and Media Acts in Hungary.” Ifla.org. IFLA, 5 Oct. 2012. Web. <http%3A%2F%2Fwww.ifla.org%2Fpublications%2Fthe-new-press-and-media-act-in-hungary>.

“Hungary Defies Critics over Change to Constitution.” BBC News. N.p., n.d. Web. 05 Apr. 2014. <http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-21740743>.