Republican donors want nothing to do with Donald Trump.

On Wednesday morning, the presumptive GOP nominee, who has largely self-financed his presidential bid so far, announced that he would be soliciting checks from small contributors and would soon make a decision about whether to accept big contributions from the ranks of Republican megadonors.


But in interviews with more than a dozen major GOP funders, not one on Wednesday would commit to donating to Trump. Some raised the possibility that they would focus solely on giving to House or Senate candidates.

Others went further in expressing their discontent: Representatives of Charles and David Koch, the billionaire industrialists who helped to bankroll the rise of the tea party, warned the brothers could sit out the presidential campaign entirely — or even back Hillary Clinton.

With so many of the GOP’s funders closing their checkbooks, battles over money are breaking out behind closed doors. And as concern grows that Republicans will suffer a shortfall that could stymie candidates up and down the ballot, some foresee looming cash fights pitting Trump against congressional Republicans who are anxious to preserve their hard-won majorities.

“There will definitely be high competition for resources,” said Curt Anderson, a former Republican National Committee political director and veteran party strategist. “There’s going to be a push-and-pull. You have a nominee that isn’t universally liked, so there’s going to be a lot of jockeying.”

To say big donors are turned off by Trump might be an understatement. On the day that the GOP crowned a de facto nominee, some of the party’s most prolific benefactors talked openly about backing the expected standard-bearer for the rival party.

Brad Freeman, a Los Angeles investment banker who donated over $1 million to a pro-Jeb Bush super PAC and who has given hundreds of thousands of dollars to congressional Republicans over the years, said he planned to donate to “one of the presidential candidates,” though he declined to say which party he’d support.

“Don’t have to decide before maybe October!” he added.

Perhaps the biggest surprise, though, might be the Kochs. Last month, Charles Koch told ABC News that it’s “possible” Clinton would make a better president than Trump. On Wednesday, a spokesman for the brothers declined to rule out the possibility of backing the former secretary of state, though he implicitly criticized both her campaign and Trump’s.

Mark Holden, the general counsel and senior vice president at Koch Industries, said Koch-funded political groups would consider supporting a general election candidate who is “able to garner support from the public with a positive message in support of the issues we care about, and did not engage in personal attacks and mudslinging.”





“That hasn’t happened yet and there is no indication that this will happen given the current tone and tenor of the various campaigns,” he added.

(On Thursday, a spokesman for the Koch-funded political arm Freedom Partners sought to clarify their position, indicating it was unlikely the Kochs would support Clinton. Her “big-government” policies, the spokesman said, were out-of-step with their goals.)

Even before Trump’s Indiana win, party officials had expressed concern about the state of the GOP’s finances — much of it surrounding the Republican National Committee, which ended March with just $16 million on hand and nearly $2 million in outstanding debt. Taken together, the bank account is a fraction of where the committee had been at similar points in 2008 and 2012.

The shortfall has raised alarms among congressional candidates in key battleground states, who traditionally rely on the committee to fund an aggressive field program. The RNC recently acknowledged that it would be directing field staffers to those states later than it initially hoped to.

Behind the scenes, tensions have grown. The RNC recently abruptly canceled a meeting with Pennsylvania Republicans to discuss planned field efforts, leading some party officials to express private frustration, according to three sources familiar with the situation. (An RNC spokeswoman said there had been a scheduling conflict, but the meeting had been rescheduled.) Adding to the strain, last month the RNC told The New York Times that it would establish a Senate Fund to boost candidates in tough races. Yet before announcing the program, it didn’t give a heads up to the National Republican Senatorial Committee, leaving staffers there fuming.

“First anyone here heard of it was in The New York Times,” an NRSC official said.

The RNC declined to directly address the back-and-forth with the Senate committee but said in a statement that “beyond ensuring we win back the White House we are committed to maintaining majorities in the House and Senate.”

With Trump clinching the nomination, the presumptive nominee and the RNC can establish a joint fundraising program that would allow the businessman to simultaneously raise money for himself and the committee. The RNC has attributed its cash shortfall to the protracted nature of the primary, making it impossible for the committee to reach such an agreement until now.

But, even as Trump embraces the mantle of GOP standard-bearer, questions persist about his ability to raise funds. The real estate mogul has shunned fundraising and lacks the donor network most party nominees typically have. He has railed against lobbyists and rainmakers and has bragged that, unlike other candidates seeking the presidency, he can’t be influenced by megadonors.

Yet as he turns to the general election, Trump will be relying on GOP contributors. The businessman said on Wednesday that, after spending more than $40 million out of his own pocket on the primary, he would only partly self-fund the fall campaign.

Many of the GOP’s biggest financiers, though, won’t commit to helping Trump bankroll what’s expected to be a challenging general election campaign.

“Will be watching it all carefully,” said Lawrence Bathgate, a prominent New Jersey attorney and former RNC finance chairman. “Very unusual cycle.”

“My wife would like me to give it up all together,” said Anthony Gioia, a major GOP contributor and former ambassador, adding that he was evaluating his options.

A spokesman for Las Vegas casino mogul Sheldon Adelson declined to comment on his plans. So, too, did representatives of New York City hedge fund billionaire Paul Singer. A spokesman for the Ricketts family, major GOP givers and owners of the Chicago Cubs, said no decision had been made on whether they’ll invest in the presidential race.

Others say they’re turning their attention to critical down-ballot contests, where candidates could find themselves at risk if Trump tanks. Randy Kendrick, the wife of Arizona Diamondbacks owner Ken Kendrick and a player in the Koch fundraising network, said she would be focused on funding congressional races. So, too, did Frayda Levy, a board member of the anti-tax Club for Growth and the Koch-funded Americans for Prosperity.

“If and how to participate in the presidential remains to be seen,” she added.

Said George Seay, a Dallas investor who was a major fundraiser for Marco Rubio: “I have gotten involved in some Senate races, but I’m pretty much sidelined politically for now.”

In some corners of the GOP fundraising world, the mood on Wednesday was downright morose. During an interview, one of Washington’s most influential lobbyists joked that he was considering opening up the window of his high-rise office building and jumping.

Others, though, were more sanguine. Trump, they reasoned, might not be so bad after all.

“I think we'll go through an initial phase of holding back,” said former Minnesota Rep. Vin Weber, a prominent Washington lobbyist. “If Trump looks good, he'll convert all sorts of donors.”

