DA aT0.E2 032 Vb 31 188000i+73i468b THE BOOK OF THE OLD EDINBURGH CLUB FOR THE YEAR 1913 Issued to Members December 19 14 V. (s> THE BOOK OF THE OLD EDINBURGH CLUB SIXTH VOLUME EDINBURGH PRINTED BY T. AND A. CONSTABLE FOR THE MEMBERS OF THE CLUB THE LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF GUELPH * Arts Division * CONTENTS PAGE DAVID'S TOWER AT EDINBURGH CASTLE By W. T. Oldrieve 1 With illusirafions. THE INCORPORATED TRADE OF THE SKINNERS OF EDINBURGH, WITH EXTRACTS FROM THEIR MINUTES, 1549-1603 By William Angus 11 THE OLD TOLBOOTH : EXTRACTS FROM THE ORIGINAL RECORDS By John A. Fairley 107 INDEX 159 APPENDIX- SIXTH annual report, list of members, etc. PLATES EDINBURGH CASTLE FROM THE SOUTH-EAST, SHOWING THE HALF-MOON BATTERY WHICH MASKS THE REMAINS OF DAVID'S TOWER. Fig. 1, . Between pages 10 and 11 KEY PLAN OF CASTLE ROCK, SHOWING THE POSITION OF DAVID'S TOWER. Fig. 2, . . . . „ DAVID'S TOWER AS ORIGINALLY BUILT. Fig. 3, . . „ DAVID'S TOWER, WITH ADDITION MADE 1544-1573. Fig. 4, „ ANCIENT CHAMBER FORMERLY USED AS AN ARMY CANTEEN COAL-CELLAR. Fig. 5, . . . . „ EXTERNAL FACE OF DAVID'S TOWER WHERE FIRST EXPOSED. Fig. 6, THE ORIGINAL ENTRANCE DOORWAY TO TOWER. Fig. 7, „ ANCIENT WALLS OF DAVID'S TOWER STILL STANDING BENEATH HALF-MOON BATTERY. Fig. 8, . . „ RECESS ON WEST SIDE OF ENTRANCE HALL. Fig. 9, . „ VIEW OF INNER SIDE OF MAIN ENTRANCE TO TOWER, SHOWING LATER ADDITION TO THICKNESS OF WALL. Fig. 10, b X PLATES VIEW OF DOORWAY FROM ENTRANCE HALL TO IN- TERIOR OF TOWER, SHOWING LATER ADDITION TO THICKNESS OF WALL. Fig. 11, . . Between pages \0 and U VIEW OF SOUTH SIDE OF ENTRANCE HALL, SHOWING LATER DOORWAY AND SUNK PIT. Fig. 12, . . „ VAULTED GUN-PLATFORM. Fig. 13 GENERAL VIEW OF HALF-MOON BATTERY, SHOWING THE RECENTLY EXPOSED ANCIENT LOOP-HOLE. Fig. 14, „ NEAR VIEW OF RECENTLY EXPOSED ANCIENT LOOP- HOLE COMMANDING THE HIGH STREET. Fig. 15, . VIEW FROM INTERIOR OF LOOP-HOLE 'LOOKING STRETEWARD.' Fig. 16, Edinburgh castle as shown in the view pre- pared FROM A sketch MADE BEFORE THE SIEGE OF 1573. Fig. 17, PROBABLE POSITION OF THE 'CONSTABLES' TOWER,' WITH STEPS INDICATING THE ORIGINAL ' WAY INTO THE CASTLE.' Fig. IS, VIEW SHOWING THE REPAIR TO THE HALF-MOON BATTERY WALL AS PROBABLY CARRIED OUT IN 1638. Fig. 19, . . . . . . . „ VIEW SHOWING N.W. END OF HALF-MOON BATTERY WALL, WITH THE SECTION REPAIRED AFTER COLLAPSE IN 1638, AND THE OLDER MASONRY ADJOINING. Fig. 20, „ PLATES xi EDINBURGH CASTLE: CONJECTURAL RESTORATION OF DAVID'S TOWER, ETC., AS EXISTING BEFORE THE SIEGE OF 1573. Fig. 21, . . . Between pages 10 and 11 VIEW OF THE OLDER PART OF THE PALACE BUILDING AT THE JUNCTION WITH THE HALF-MOON BATTERY. Fig. 22, . . . . . . . . „ DESIGN BY THE LATE DAVID BRYCE, R.S.A., FOR PRO- POSED 'ALBERT KEEP,' EDINBURGH CASTLE. Figs. 23 AND 24, ....... „ DAVID'S TOWER AT EDINBURGH CASTLE SMALL wonder that ' Davie's Tower ' was lost sight of for so long, for who would have thought that a con- siderable part of it has all the time been standing beneath the familiar Half-Moon Battery shown in Fig. 1 ! As a matter of fact, its massive waUs, some 8 feet in thick- ness, still rise 40 feet in height above its rocky base at the south-east corner, being barely covered by the paving above. Although well known by students of Scottish history to have once existed as an important building, it is extra- ordinary that even the position of the Tower could not be located. The great interest shown in the rediscovery of David's Tower is accounted for in several ways. To begin with, the mystery of its disappearance without record of what remained gave the very human interest of curiosity, especially when meeting a reference to the once famous royal keep. Then it had played so conspicuous a part in the strenuous conflicts of earher times in the cause of Scottish independence, at last falling at that most tragic and picturesque of all periods of Scottish history, the downfall of Queen Mary of Scots. To the architect and archaeologist also it was of great interest to see the nature and the detail of a building of such im- portance in the history of Edinburgh and of Scotland. It is not intended to attempt in this paper either a com- plete history of David's Tower or to give a detailed accoxmt of the work of excavation and research in 1912-13. The former I am not quahfied to give, and the latter I have A 2 DAVID'S TOWER AT EDINBURGH CASTLE already given in a paper read before the Society of Anti- quaries of Scotland on the 9th February 1914. My purpose here is to give a summary which, I hope, will enable those interested in the subject to understand the illustrations: these will more pleasantly make clear to the members of the Old Edinburgh Club what remains of David's Tower. I will then offer a few observations as to the identity of what has been found with the descriptions of the Tower written while it was standing entire, and wiU explain a sketch showing a conjectural restoration. Little is really known of the earlier buildings of Edinburgh Castle, the Chapel of St. Margaret alone remaining of what was doubtless a considerable group of buildings suited to the purpose of a royal estabhshment. In 1314 Ranulph, Earl of Moray, acting in accordance with Robert Bruce' s pohcy, demohshed aU the buildings upon the Castle rock, except the Chapel, so that there should be no shelter in the event of the Enghsh again securing possession. Edward in., however, in 1335 ordered the fortifications to be rebuilt, and after the return of David n., in 1341, from his sojourn in France, the question of the erection of a strong keep was considered, and the building of the great Tower was commenced in 1367, the work occupying over ten years to complete. The site of the Tower is shown in black upon the key plan. Fig. 2, and the plan of the lower floor, probably as originally built, in Fig. 3. The plan shown as Fig. 4 indicates the addi- tion at the south-east corner made some time before the siege of 1573. What led to the recent discovery of David's Tower was a visit to the Castle, early in 1912, of three members of the Royal Commission on the Ancient Monuments of Scotland — Professor G. Baldwin Brown, Dr. Thos. Ross, and myself. We then made a detailed inspection of the lower parts at the north-east corner of the Palace building, knowing that there were indications there of much earUer masonry than that of DAVID'S TOWER AT EDINBURGH CASTLE 3 the Palace building itself. Fig. 5 shows the interior of a chamber, at that time used as a coal-cellar connected with the military canteen. The narrow window-sht or shot-hole, though now considerably below the level of the Half-Moon Battery paving, had obviously been above ground originally, and it was suggested that this clue might, if followed, lead to important results. Accordingly it was decided to trace the outside of the wall, which was found to be 7 feet 6 inches in thickness, by excavating downwards from the pavement of the HaK-Moon Battery. The work of excavation commenced on the 12th August 1912 : interest was soon quickened by the appearance of shattered masonry upon the outer face of the wall, apparently the result of bombardment by cannon, and this supposition was confirmed by the finding of two soHd iron cannon balls and fragments of burst shell in the debris at a slightly lower level. The outside of the window-slit or shot-hole referred to was reached at a depth of 5 feet. Fig. 6 shows the wall as exposed, but with the new coping set on the top at the level of the pavement of the HaK-Moon Battery, so that a raihng might be fixed round the pit for the protection of the pubhc. On reaching a depth of 15 feet the top of the stone vault- ing was found, and soon the vault beneath was entered. Loose earth almost filled the vault, but this was cleared away, and at a depth of 32 feet the doorway and well-worn steps of the original entrance to the Tower were revealed. The door- way, as shown in Fig. 7, is in a well-constructed stone wall 8 feet 3 inches thick, and has a pointed segmental head, formed by two sloping Hntels meeting at the apex. Doubtless a massive door here once protected the Tower, the door jambs having the deep square holes on the north side to allow bars of oak about 5 inches square to shde out of the way when the door was open. The size of the outer vault first reached is 22 feet 6 inches 4 DAVID'S TOWER AT EDINBURGH CASTLE long and 12 feet 6 inches wide, the height being about 16 feet to the crown of the vaulting, which is semicircular. From this vault we gained access by the windows on the south side to the space between the outer face of the south waU of the Tower and the back of the Half-Moon Batterj'^ waU. This space was found to be roughly vaulted over, so as to form a foundation for the paving above. Stalactites depended and stalagmites rose to attest the long neglect. On clearing out soil and rubbish the original rock-surface was reached, as shown on the south elevation in Fig. 8. We had now little doubt that the ancient masonry made bare was indeed a part of the external face of the south wall of David's Tower. Our chief interest now lay in the clearing out of the entrance to the Tower (Fig. 7). So far we had been working round the outside of the south end of the original Tower, and we were naturally led on with keen interest to try to trace the interior. After clearing out the soil in the doorway to the thickness of the 8 feet waU, the ground above, upon which the paving of the canteen cellar rested, commenced to fall in, and soon it was discovered that what had been the canteen coal-ceUar was immediately above the entrance haU of the Tower. The entrance haU is the best preserved and the most inter- esting part of what has been found. Immediately opposite the original doorway, which was on the eastern side near the re-entering angle, is a well-formed arched recess (Fig. 9) with window-opening or shot-hole to the west, a small lantern-rest being recessed on the north side. I have no doubt, after careful examination of the stonework, that originally there was a window on the south side, as shown in plan, Fig. 3, but that for defensive purposes it was found necessary to add the chamber at the south-east corner, as shown in Fig. 4, providing the entrance at a higher level, reached only by a ladder from the outside. The wall was also thickened on the east and north sides of the hall. This can be seen from Figs. 10 and 11 by the finish of the door-heads. A sunk pit about 4 feet deep on DAVID'S TOWER AT EDINBURGH CASTLE 5 the inner side of the later outer door was probably formed as a trap into which unwary strangers attacking the fortress would be liable to stumble just as they were engaged with the defenders of the keep. This is shown by Fig. 12. I am informed that a similar pit exists at Inchtrivie Castle, near Stanley.^ At the north end of the entrance hall a doorway was found at the top of a flight of three steps (Fig. 11), the doorway having been built up with rubble masonry. On removing this rubble infilling, communication was obtained with the southmost of three water-tanks — long disused, but stiU hold- ing water about three feet in depth. Although the south-eastern parts of the Tower, as already described, had been found to remain to a very considerable height, it was not so on the north and west sides. Indeed it was with great difficulty that the foundations could be traced with certainty. Evidently the north wall had been carefully levelled down so as to form part of the floor of one of the water-tanks. The lower steps at the north-west angle of the Tower were quite clearly traceable. The junction of the original battery with the north-eastern angle of the Tower was found, and this formed a most useful piece of evidence when comparing what now remains with the sixteenth-century descriptions. Fig. 4 shows in plan the position of the vaulted gun-platform, with tapered loop-hole pointing doAvn the High Street, and with the recess on the north side for the gunner to step into after firing. Figs. 13, 14, 15, and 16 illustrate the loop-hole. Even the fastenings for the iron rings by the side of the loop-hole were seen, by which the gunners would haul back into position the gun-carriage after 1 Mr. A. Hutchison, F.S.A. Scot., has described this pit in an article in the Dundee Advertiser of 1st April 1909, thus : — 'There is a mysterious pit about 6 feet square and 10 feet deep in one of the recesses in the keep, and as the walls of the pit are formed internally of dressed masonry, perfectly smooth and without projections, it does not seem to have been floored over or covered in any way, so that to an unwary visitor it might have served as a veritable death-trap.' 6 DAVID'S TOWER AT EDINBURGH CASTLE firing. The original external face of the loop-hole has now been permanently exposed by constructing an arched recess in the Half-Moon Battery wall, as shown in Fig. 15. Some interesting relics of bygone activities were found : — cannon-baUs, twenty-seven in all, chiefly solid iron, but some explosive, and a few of stone ; fragments of burst shell ; a few coins ; fragments of glass wine-flagons, one with earl's coronet above the letter L (probably Earl Lennox), and one with ducal coronet above the winged heart (probably Duke of Queensberry) ; a soldier's iron helmet, probably seventeenth century ; a small ivory toilet bottle, with stopper ; fragments of moulded stones from other buildings; and fragments of pottery. All these have been described and illustrated in the paper referred to as having been read before the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. The ancient well, which necessarily formed so important a part in connection with a mediaeval keep, was cleared out and examined. It lies about sixteen yards to the north of the Tower, and was completely choked up with debris when that side of the Tower feU under the cannonading of 1573. The construction of the upper part of the well is extremely interesting, as indicating that when Regent Morton formed the Half -Moon Battery he covered with cross barrel stone vault- ing the original roughly formed square rock-cut well, and upon this constructed the upper portion — about 24 feet — in circular form as it can now be seen. It can clearly be seen from a section of the well, as taken from actual measurements, that the pavement at this part as we now know it has been raised about 24 feet above the surface of the rock which formed the top of the weU originally. In order to identify the ancient remains which were found, it was of course necessary to examine what could be foiuid in the way of plans, views, or descriptions of David's Tower before its destruction. The earliest known view of Edinburgh Castle is found in a bird's-eye view of the town, evidently DAVID'S TOWER AT EDINBURGH CASTLE 7 prepared in connection with the Earl of Hertford's expedition in 1544. This view is very imperfect, but it is useful as indi- cating that the form of the Tower was at that date L-shaped in plan, as shown in Fig. 3. A more valuable view was prepared shortly after the siege of 1573. This view was published in the first edition of Hohnshed's Chronicles, 1577. It is stated in the Bannatyne Miscellany (vol. ii. p. 68) that there can be little doubt that it was engraved from a sketch made on the spot, probably by Rowland Johnson, who is said to have been then engaged in ' making a platte ' of the city. In this view the Tower is shown as being square in plan (Fig. 17). In the volume of the Bannatyne Miscellany just referred to, there is printed, from a manuscript in the British Museum, a description of the Castle and city entitled ' A Survey taken of the Castle and towne of Edinbrogh in Scotland by us Row- land Johnson and John Fleminge servantes to the Q. Mat's, by the Comandement of S"^ William Drury, Knighte, Governor of Berwicke, and Mr. Henry Killigrave, Her Ma"^^ Embassador as folowethe ' (27 Jan. 1572-3). The following portion relates to the Castle, the spelling being modernised : — First, we find the Castle standing upon a natural main rock, on great heights, like 600 feet long and 400 feet broad. On the fore part eastward, next the town stands like 80 feet of the haU,^ and next unto the same stands ' Davyes Towre,' and from it a curtain with 6 cannons, and such like pieces in loops of stone, looking in the street-ward : and behind the same stands another tier of ordnance like 16 foot climb above the other ; and at the north end stands the Constables' Tower, and in the bottom of the same is the way into the Castle with 40 steps. Also we find upon the said east side a 'spurre' like a bulwark, standing before the foot of the rock that the said curtain stands on, which ' spurre ' encloseth that side, flanked out on both sides ; (and) on the south side is the gate where they enter into the Castle, which ' In Macgibbon and Ross's Castellated and Domestic Architecture of Scotland, vol. i. p. 451, this word is given as ' waule,' which is more intelligible. 8 DAVID'S TOWER AT EDINBURGH CASTLE ' spurre ' is like 20 feet high, ' vamjrred ' with turf and baskets, set up and furnished with ordnance. The lowest part on this side of this curtain waU is 24 feet high, and the rock under the foot of the waU, where it is lowest, is 30 feet. ' Davyes Towre ' is above 60 feet high, the Constables' Tower is like 50 feet. The ' 80 foote of waule ' may be that part of the lower curtain, shown on old plans of the Castle, which was straight and which ran parallel to the southern face of David's Tower. The curtain with six cannons ' looking in the street-ward,' is evidently identified by the massive wall going northward from the Tower, and the other ' tier of ordnance like 16 foot climb above the other ' appears to be the further battery northward beyond the smaU tower on the wall. This seems quite clear from what follows : ' and at the north end stands the Constables' Tower, and in the bottom of the same is the way into the Castle with 40 steps.' These steps were, I think, in the position of the steps now existing near the Argyle Tower (Fig. 18). It will be seen also that the doorway and the two small windows upon the lower floor, looking south, shown in the 1573 view, agree with what we have found, while the small fragment of waU which was found abutting upon the Tower seems to mark the western termination of the wall of defence which was built so hurriedly after Flodden in 1513, or it may be of the earlier city wall of 1450. Archaeologists have long been puzzled by the projection upon the north-east face of the Half-Moon Battery waU, shown in Figs. 19 and 20. It was conjectured by some that this break in the regularity of the great wall might indicate the position of an important ancient building. Now, how- ever, that David's Tower has been located, another explana- tion must be sought, and I think a satisfactory one is foimd in Grant's Memorials.^ It is there stated that ' on the 19th Nov. (1638), the birthday of Charles i., a great portion of a * Mtmorialt of the Cattle of Edinburgh, 2nd ei, p. 105. DAVID'S TOWER AT EDINBURGH CASTLE 9 Curtain WaU, which was old and ruinous, feU down and roUed in masses over the rock.' Dr. Hay Fleming has also called my attention to the following in Sir Thomas Hope's Diary:— '20 Nov. 1639 Weddinsday. This day a part of the Castel wall, quhilk is toward the entrie on the South, fell in the nycht, with sik a noise that all within took it for a myne or surprise of the Castell of Edinburgh.' The latter reference is interesting, but as it gives the position of the fallen wall as ' toward the entrie on the South,' it can hardly apply to that part of the wall on the north-east. The former reference does, however, appear to apply, as the term ' Curtain Wall ' was used in describing this part of the ramparts. The rebuilding of a section of the fallen wall with an outward ' batter ' for greater strength, is just what might be expected. Moreover, it was found on inspection of the junction of the ' battered ' face of the masonry with the older part of the waU, that the stones were ' bonded ' at the junction. A conjectural restoration of David's Tower, with the Palace adjoining, is given in Fig. 21. This view shows, I think, something Uke the appearance of the Castle from the east before the siege of 1573. It appears to me that the height of the original corbelled parapet of the Palace, which is seen in Fig. 22 as now existing, was probably fixed by the height of a similar corbelled parapet of David's Tower. An interesting proposal was made by the late Mr. David Bryce, R.S.A., for the erection of a kind of conjectural restora- tion of David's Tower, as a memorial to the Prince Consort. It was not, of course, intended to be based on the character of the original Tower, since no one at that time had the least idea of either its position or size, but it doubtless occurred to David Bryce that some central feature of bold outline is much needed to complete, from the artistic standpoint, the view of the Castle. Through the courtesy of Mr. John Bryce, of Messrs. David and John Bryce, architects, I am able to give, in Figs. 23 and 24, his eminent uncle's design for ' The Albert B 10 DAVID'S TOWER AT EDINBURGH CASTLE Keep.' Probably most people nowadays will think that the Tower, as shown by these views, while it certainly would have provided a most imposing ' Memorial,' would not have added to the quiet dignity of the Castle group. The more one studies the remains of our earher Scottish castles and towers, such as that under review, bearing in mind the suitability of material and the simphcity of design, the stronger is the conviction that the old builders were men with a truly artistic recognition of the subtle relationship which should exist between the design of a building and its surroundings. There is a pleasing sense of satisfaction in contemplating the simplicity of purpose as expressed by these masses of unadorned masonry standing so firm upon their rugged base of solid rock. It should be stated in conclusion that the expense of the work of exploration and preservation of these interesting remains was borne by H.M. Office of Works as Custodians, on behalf of the Government, of our National Ancient Monuments and Historic Buildings. W. T. Oldrievb. iS-;;»»'-^V" fc/-... ^ ^\>^THE CASTLE -»•-■•■- .,_ '-^ ■ V' / ■.:•:.. : ^ \ ^ ^^N-.y -^ -^- « / { (Fig. 2) KKY PLAJ<^ OP CA.STLE ROCK, SHO^VIK^Ci THE POSITIOIV OF DAVID'S TOWER PLAN OF LOWER FLOOR (Fig. 3) UAVID'S TO^VKR as 0RICJINAX,I,Y BTJII.T PLAN OF LOWER FLOOR (Fig. i) BAVID'.S tower, -with addition made 1S44-1573 (FlO. 6) BXTERNAXj face OB* DAVID'S TOVi^BR WHERE FXRST EXFOSED (Fia. 7) THE ORIQIIf AX. BNTRANOB BOORWAX TO TOWER (Fig. 9) RxscEss on west sice of entrance haio. <FlO. 10) VIEW OF" INNER SrDE OF ttlAIN BNTKAJJOB TO TOWER, SHOWING LATER ADDITION TO THICKNESS OF WAXJ- (FlO. 11) VIEVr OB" DOOR'WA.Y FROM BNTR-AjyOB HAT.T. TO INTERIOR OF TOWER, SHOWING LATER ▲SDiTioN TO tb:iob:n:eiss of waxXi (Fia. 12) VIEW OF SOTJTH SIDE! OF ENTRANCE HAXX., SHO'WING LATER DOORWAY ANT) SUNK PIT I § W J i° 2 ft ? S i & (Fig. 15) NEAR VIEW OF RBCT:NTr,Y EXPOSED ANCIENT LOOP-HOLE COMMANDING THE HIGH STREET ir^ (Fig. 17) Edinburgh castle as shown in the vib'w prepakbd b'rom a sketch 1vtat>e before the sieqe ob" 1573 (Fig. 18) probable position of the ' oonstabxjBS' to^wer,' ■with: steps indicating the ORIGINAXi '■WAY INTO THE CASTLE' (Fig. 19) VIEW showing the repair to the HATiF-MOON BATTERY WALI. AS I»ROBABI.y CARRIED OUT IN 1638 (FlO. 20) VTB'W SHOWING N.TV. ENU OF HAX,F-MOON BATTERY ■WAXX^, WITH THE SBCrTION REPAIRED AFTER OOrXLAfSE IN 1638, AND THE OXiDER MASONR'S' AIXTOINXNa y (Pig. 22) VIEW OF THB OrjJBR PART OF THE I»AI,ACE BUII-DINa AT THE JtrNOTION WITH THE HAI-F-MOON BATTERY (Fia. 23) General View from North-East (Pig. 24) Near View of proposed ' Albert Keep ' ZtBlSIGl'M' BY THE r.A'rE DAVID BRYOE, R.S.A., FOR PROPOSED 'ALBERT KEEP,' BDINBTTRGH OASTLB THE INCORPORATED TRADE OF THE SKINNERS OF EDINBURGH, WITH EXTRACTS FROM THEIR MINUTES, 1549-1603 THE art of dressing and tanning the skins of animals is one of the most ancient of the manual arts. Nothing definite is known regarding its origin and early history, but the investigations of archaeologists show that the savage of the Stone Age possessed tools for dressing the skins of animals slain in the chase, and that pieces of leather are frequently associated with the remains of later periods. In Scotland, owing to its isolated situation and the lack of inter- course with other countries, the progress of the art must have been much slower than on the Continent, and though the Romans did much to civilise the inhabitants and to improve the methods of the primitive craftsmen,^ soon after their withdrawal the country relapsed into a state of semi- barbarism. The early foreign trade was chiefly conducted through aliens, who imported manufactured goods and ex- ported large quantities of wool, hides, and skins. There was little or no attempt to manufacture these raw products and to exchange them for the produce of other countries. Industry was stiU at the stage distinguished by economic historians as the family system, when work was carried on by members of the household solely to meet the wants of that ' The recent excavations on the site of the Soman Camp at Newstead have brought to light some beautiful pieces of stamped leather work, which have been assigned to the second century. — Proceedinc/s of the Society of Antiquaries, xlviL pp. 400-5. It 12 THE INCORPORATED TRADE OF household, and no attempt was made to satisfy outside demands. It was not till the twelfth century that foreign influence was again brought to bear on the development of the art, when the opening up of communication with the Continent and the influx of strangers, particularly Flemings, who brought with them a knowledge of the crafts practised in their own countries, did much to increase the knowledge of the native workmen, while the patronage of the monasteries helped to foster the infant industry.^ It is impossible to determine when the transition from the family system to the artisan {or guild) system ^ of industry took place in Scotland, but as early as the thirteenth century we find two distinct classes engaged in the manufacture of leather — the souters or shoemakers, and the skinners or glovers. The former confined themselves to the tanning of hides and the making of the leather into boots and shoes, while the latter made gloves, purses, and other articles from the lighter and smaller skins which they dressed. At that time the hne of separation between the merchants and the craftsmen was very faint, and many of the craftsmen were undoubtedly members of the merchant-guild of their burgh. It is clear, however, that certain classes were not admissible, and the Leges Burgorum expressly excluded litsters, fleshers, and souters, unless they forswore the practice of their craft with their own hands, and conducted it entirely through servants.^ Not only did the merchant-guilds exclude certain crafts, > A charter by King Malcolm iv. to the Abbey of Scone in 1164 granted, among other privileges, the right to have a smith, skinner, and souter of their own {Liber Ecdesit de Scon, No. 5). This is the earliest reference to the skinner handicraft in the public records. 2 This system was ' marked by the presence of a body of men, each of whom was occupied more or less completely in one particular manufacture.' — Ashley's Economic History, i. 76. 3 § 94 {Acts of Parliament, i. 351). In a charter by King Alexander ii. to the town of Aberdeen in 1222, the burgesses were granted permission to have their merchant- guild, from which fullers and weavers were to be excluded {Ibid., i, 87). THE SKINNERS OF EDINBURGH 13 they also claimed the right to supervise them ; ^ and the Statuta Glide (framed in the year 1249, for regulating the Guild of Merchants of Berwick, but soon afterwards adopted in the Scottish Burghs) placed certain restrictions on the Skinners in the exercise of their craft. The ordinance, which is char- acteristic of the trade restrictions of the period, is as follows : — * Also, we ordain that no skinner, nor glover, nor any other burgess make wool of any skins from the feast of Whitsunday tiU the feast of St. Michael, but he shall sell the skins as they are and as he best may. And if any skinner or glover be con- victed of breaking this ordinance, he shall be deprived of his craft for a year and a day. And if any burgess break the ordinance and thereof be convicted, for each offence he shall give a cask of wine to the Gild.' ^ In addition to the super- vision of the merchant-guild, the crafts also came under the jurisdiction of the Great Chamberlain, who exercised a certain amoimt of control over the burghs. It was his practice to make a yearly circuit of the burghs, in which he held a court for reviewing all matters pertaining to their government, especially the observance of laws relating to industry and trade ; and in a precept issued during the latter half of the reign of King Robert i., for the holding of an eyre, the delinquencies of the magistrates, officials, and craftsmen of the burghs are set forth in rather forcible terms. The shortcomings of the Skinners, in the language of Sir John Skene's quaint translation of the original precept, were that ' thai mak gluvis and vther graith or ther lethir be kindely wrocht and maid. Item, that thai hunger ther lethir in defaut of graith, that js to say alum eggis and othir thingis. Item, that thai deir the kingis mercate and the cuntre of eggis ' It is supposed that originally the merchant-guild was practically co-extensive with and equivalent to the burghal community, and acted as the governing body of the burgh (Marwick's Edinburgh Guilds and Crafts, pp. 28 and 29). Even after it became a more exclusive organisation it retained a considerable amount of control over the craftsmen. * § 40 {Adt of Parliament, i. 437). 14 THE INCORPORATED TRADE OF bying. Item, that thai file the kingis watter. Item, that thai sow and wirkis with fals graith. Item, that thai mak thame maisteris and can nocht the craft.' ^ They were no worse, however, than their neighbours, and if anything not so bad as the souters who made ' schone butis and vther graitht of the lethir or jt be barkit,' and sewed ' witht fals and rottin threid, throu the whilk the schone ar tynt or thai be haK worn,' 2 or the millers who apparently used two measures, ' ane to tak with and ane vthir to deliver with.' ^ It is evident that in process of time the Scottish merchant- guilds, following the example set on the Continent and in England, confined their membership exclusively to merchants and rigidly excluded craftsmen. The position of the crafts- men, excluded from the merchant-guild and ground between the upper and nether miUstones of state and burghal control, was thus far from satisfactory, and each craft would be com- pelled to organise in order to remedy its grievances. Natur- ally, the merchant-guild suggested itself as a model for the new organisation ; ^ and though started on purely voluntary lines, and viewed with jealousy and suspicion by the state and magistrates, the craft guilds gradually grew in wealth and influence tiU they became a powerful force in burghal fife, little inferior to the merchant-guild itself. Many causes con- tributed to build up and consolidate the different craft organ- isations. The restrictions placed on them by the state and the burghs were not their only grievances, and in many cases their worst foes were those of their own household. The trade morality of the fourteenth century, as has already been re- marked, was at a very low ebb indeed. The most elementary forms of fraud were openly practised, and in self-defence the more honest members of the crafts were compelled to adopt 1 Iter Camerarii, § xxiiL {Ads of Parliament, i. 700). 2 Ibid., § xxiL 2 Ibid., § xi. * A large number of the rules set forth in the Seals of Cause granted to the Edinburgh crafts have their counterpart in the Statuta Gilde, THE SKINNERS OF EDINBURGH 15 measures for ensuring a higher standard of morahty. The evil was mainly caused by men setting up booths with insuffi- cient capital and with very Httle training in the work of the craft, so that some system of supervision and inspection be- came necessary ; and there can be little doubt that the newly formed associations had to take up the task, and that the deacons of craft exercised a certain amount of control long before they were expressly authorised by parhament to do so.^ While the improvement of their economic position was the chief influence at work, it is clear that the religious factor played a most important part. There was no more character- istic feature of mediaeval life than the universal desire to make provision for the offering of masses and prayers for the souls of the dead. The craftsmen followed the fashion of the time ; and the same sentiment, which moved the Scottish kings and their wealthy nobles to endow abbeys and collegiate churches, led the craftsmen, in their own humble way, to found altars of their own, where masses might be said and prayers offered for the souls of their departed brethren. But in order to do this the members of each craft had to act in unison. An altar had to be built, a priest supported, and vestments and other things necessary for his ministrations suppUed, all of which involved an expenditure of money which could only be raised by the joint efforts of the members, and emphasised the necessity for some system of organisation to ensure that each member did his duty and that no one escaped contributing. Again, it was felt to be unfair that craftsmen who refused to contribute to the support of the altar should have the same privileges as those who did. This naturally led, on the one hand, to the practice of the craft being con- fined solely to members of the craft society, and, on the other, to the unfreeman, who had neither ' stob nor stake ' in the * Some progress was undoubtedly made, but Dunbar's poem, The Devil's Inquest, in which he satirised the Edinburgh merchants and craftsmen, shows that the standard in Edinburgh was by no means high at the beginning of the sixteenth century. 16 THE INCORPORATED TRADE OF burgh, being excluded from entering with goods to sell, except on market days and fair days, and then only on paying toll to the craft with whose members he was competing.^ The important part the religious element played in the origin and development of the Edinburgh crafts is further emphasised by the fact that it is as a religious fraternity that we j&rst come across the Edinburgh craft of Skinners.^ Further, when the Edinburgh crafts applied to the Town Council for their Seal of Cause, their chief concern seems to have been to obtain power to raise money for support of the craft altars, and mere disciplinary regulations occupied a secondary place. It may be pointed out, however, that they were not actuated by religious motives to the same extent as may at first sight appear. Though the magistrates and council desired to encourage the religious efforts of the crafts as redounding to the spiritual credit of the burgh, they were not by any means so keen to delegate their powers of supervision over the crafts- men to the craft societies. It was clearly, therefore, politic on the part of the crafts to mask their material motives by emphasising the religious aspect of their activities ; so that in assigning the two elements their relative places they were merely adopting an ingenious device to smuggle in by a back door what would have been refused admittance at the front. Second only in importance to the religious factor was the love of pageantry and display which entered so largely into the life of the mediaeval craftsmen. Each craft, either by itself or in conjunction with another, was responsible for the production of a play on Corpus Christi day, and for taking its place in the annual processions with due dignity. This also involved the expenditure of considerable sums of money, and it was natural that the men who had to bear the burden shoiild demand special privileges against those who refused to 1 In Edinburgh the toll was 'ane penny of all stuf .... brocht fra land wart, Canongait, or vther placis to be sauld within this burgh.' — Uxtraets from the Recordt of the Burgh of Edinburgh, ii. 65. » q{ ^ 30. THE SKINNERS OF EDINBURGH 17 contribute. All this tended to consolidate the various craft societies and to foster that spirit of monopoly and exclusive dealing which latterly characterised them. Early in the fifteenth century the crafts commenced to engage the attention of parliament, and a series of measures were passed restricting and restraining their powers and privileges in many ways. It is evident from its vacUlating policy that parliament was considerably alarmed at their growing power, but as it was too late in the day to attempt suppression, it very wisely endeavoured to control their activities. The duties of the deacons were strictly defined, and the powers of supervision vested in the Town Council emphasised. So far as Edinburgh was concerned the law was a dead letter, and by the end of the century most of the crafts had obtained from the Council their Seals of Cause. The Bakers were, apparently, the first to obtain that coveted privilege.^ About eighteen years later they were followed by first the Hatmakers and then the Skinners, who, on 2nd December 1474, presented a bill of complaint to the Town Council. It set forth ' certane thingis that was vsit amangis the craftismen, quharthrou the tone had a sclander and lak, the craft sustenit gret scaith and hurt and the commounis dissauit, and als that diuine seruice and sufferage of Sant Cristoforis alter is mynist, and reparatioun of the said alter nocht beildit nor helpit efter the avis statutis and ordinance of the tone and of the said craft vsit of befor ; and als anentis the dissobeying of thair dekin in the cumming and gaddering before hym and the craft quhen thai ar warnit, for the comon- ning and avising for the gude of the hale craft, and for stanch- ing of deformaris and bachillaris of the werk baith in kirkis and in tone and for the ref ormatioun to be had of thir thingis and diuers wtheris concerning and rying (referying) to the hale craft.' ^ The Council considered their complaint to be 1 Bur^hlRecords, i. 14. '^ Ibid., i. 28. 18 THE INCORPORATED TRADE OF well founded, and granted certain powers for remedying their grievances. Evidently these were insufficient, for, on 22nd August 1533, the craft again appeared before the Town Council, but this time the Furriers ^ are associated with them, ' sen we ar twa craftis and vnite oure self in cherite togiddir to the vphalding of Goddis seruice and for the honour of this gude toune and proffit of aU oure Souerane Lordis hegis.' Their demand was for confirmation of certain ' statutis, articuhs, and rewhs . . . quhairthrow gude rewle and giding may be had amangis ws of the sadis craftis, baith maisteris and seruandis, and oure successouris thairof in aU tymes tocum, becaus it is said be commoun autorite that multitude but rewlis makes confusioun.' ^ The Council were again in a compliant mood, and so they obtained their second Seal of Cause, which confirmed the powers asked for in their joint supplication. The Skinners had now obtained what they, like the other crafts, had been striving for aU along (i.e. power to regulate the affairs of their own craft), but it was a bitter pill for the Town Council to swallow, despite its religious coating. It was their first victory in the long fight with the Council for emanci- pation, and materially strengthened their position in the com- munity. They were no longer a mere voluntary association with no power, beyond the boycott, to enforce disciphnary measures on recalcitrant craftsmen ; on the contrary, they, along with the other crafts, performed a most important part in the government of the burgh. Naturally, the Council • The Furriers were no doubt an oflfshoot from the Skinners. At first the mediaeval skinner would be master of the various branches of his art, and would not specialise in any particular one. But when the increase in trade warranted his devoting his whole time to a branch in which he had shown some skill, specialisation set in ; and there are indications in the Minute Book that each member confined himself more or less to a particular section of the art — one group dressing the skins, another making gloves, and another points, etc. This was the normal course of development in all the crafts, and it was not uncommon for a particular section, like the Furriers, to hive off and form a separate craft organisation. - Burgh Becords, ii. 62. THE SKINNERS OF EDINBURGH 19 were reluctant to surrender any of their powers and privileges, but they were shrewd enough to see that if the crafts were compelled to resort to force, severer terms would be exacted. No doubt they also found it a difficult task to govern a large and disciphned body of men like the craftsmen against their will, and saw that the only way to restore order and good government was to grant the crafts power to regulate their own affairs, and to maintain discipline amongst their members. It must be kept in mind, however, that the craft had by no means fuU power of self-government, and that the Council had still control over them in many ways. The Council also, instead of granting general powers, as was the case in Aber- deen,^ were careful to specify exactly what the limits of their concession were, and even stipulated in certain cases that the culprit should be brought before themselves.^ Any fresh regulations should, therefore, have been confirmed by them, and in the Seal of Cause granted to the Wrights and Masons ^ they expressly stipulated that this should be done. We find, however, that the Edinburgh Skinners framed fresh regulations as occasion arose, and, though unconfirmed by the Council, they never had any difficulty in enforcing them. Any mem- ber attempting to evade them and defying the executive would be summarily ejected from the craft, and the position of the unfree craftsman was at that time too precarious to be lightly sought. The Decreet Arbitral of 1583 provided that any proposals for promoting the welfare of a craft were to be submitted to the magistrates, who, if they found them reasonable, would confirm them.* In terms of this arrange- ment the craft, on 23rd November 1586, approached the Council for the third time, and obtained their sanction to a • Bain's Merchant and Craft Guilds, p. 98. ^ The usual practice was for the deacon to punish an offender for his first two offences and for the third offence to bring him before the provost and bailies. ^ Burgh Records, i. 32. * Ibid., iv. 271. 20 THE INCORPORATED TRADE OF number of new rules. ^ The approval of the Crown to a Seal of Cause was not considered indispensable, but nevertheless a few of the Edinburgh crafts took the precaution to obtain it.^ There is no trace of any confirmation by the Crown of the first three Seals of Cause granted to the Skinners, but the fourth, which is dated 26th November 1630, was expressly confirmed ; ^ and considering the increase in status and authority which such approval conferred, surprise may be expressed that it was not sought sooner. Until the middle of the sixteenth century the material for writing a history of the Edinburgh craft of Skinners is very scanty indeed. There is no record of their proceedings extant prior to 1549, and, in this respect, they contrast unfavourably with their neighbours the Hammermen, whose first Minute Book commences m 1494.* The Minute Book, from which the extracts now printed have been taken, is the property of Harold B. Cox, Esquire, of Gorgie, who has kindly placed it at the disposal of the Club for publication. It is a demy quarto volume of eighty-three leaves, covering the period from 5th March 1549-50 to 1st September 1603, and is bound with a thin piece of leather, probably the work of a member of the craft. Prior to 1591 they do not seem to have employed a permanent clerk, but contented themselves with the temporary services of one when something rather lengthy had to be en- grossed.^ The worthy deacons were thus frequently compelled to take up the quill in addition to their other onerous duties. It cannot be said that the result was always satisfactory, for ' MS. Council Register, viii. 58. This Seal of Cause has not been printed in the Extracts from the Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh published by the Burgh Record Society. The rules confirmed are printed by Maitland in his History of Edinburgh (pp. 297-8). « Beg. Magni Sigilli, iii. 606, 1309 ; vi. Ill, 557. 3 Ibid., viii. 1760 ; Acts of Parliament, v. 134. * Smith's Hammermen of Edinburgh. 5 In 1573-4 five shillings was paid ' for the vrytyng of sertene acis in the buikis." Before the Reformation the services of their chaplain would be available when clerical assistance was needed. THE SiaNNERS OF EDINBURGH 21 while some wrote a fair hand, the handwriting of others shows that they were probably more expert with the tools of the craft than with the quill. The craft was, however, steadily growing in wealth, and as the clerical work was also increasing, they sometime about 1591 appointed Stephen Bannatyne, notary pubhc, their official clerk, at a yearly fee of £2, which was increased to £4 in 1598. It is stated on the first page of the Minute Book that ' thair is contenit in this buke aU the comptis, actis, statutis, and maisteris maid be the dekin and maisteris for thair tymes, pertenand to the haiU fraternite and craft of Sanct Christopheir, the fift day of Marche the zeir of god ane thousand five hundreth and xlix zeris, Jhone Loch beand dekin for the tyme ' ; and this is immediately followed by the names of the deacon and thirty-eight freemen. The book is mainly a register of the admission of masters and apprentices ; and though a list of them would undoubtedly be of great value for genealogical purposes, it has not been thought neces- sary to transcribe them, as most of the names from 1583 onwards are entered in the Register of Apprentices kept by the city, which has been published by the Scottish Record Society, under the editorship of Mr. F. J. Grant. The period covered by the Minute Book (i.e. the latter half of the sixteenth century) was a most important one in the history of the craft. It saw the breach with the pre- Ref ormation Church and the culmination of the struggle of the Edinburgh craftsmen with their old enemies the Town Council. Curiously enough, though both events loom large in the history of the time, very httle notice is taken of them in the Minute Book. The Skinners were much more interested in their own domestic affairs, some of which caused them con- siderable anxiety, and in the words of the Minute Book, ' was and sould be the caus of the decay of the craft withtout haistie remedye war fundyn thairto.' New economic forces were beginning to appear, and constant readjustment to meet altered conditions became necessary ; and though the 22 THE INCORPORATED TRADE OF organisation of industry was still controlled by the crafts, with the appearance of new handicrafts and the development of foreign trade, in process of time the control to a large extent passed out of their hands. Their character, however, changed slowly, and during the sixteenth century there was no violent break with their past tradition. A brief sketch, therefore, of the powers, duties, and system of internal organisation of the Edinburgh Skinners during the latter half of the cen- tury will give the reader an idea of the functions of the early crafts, and their place in the economy of the Scottish burghs. We shall describe, in the first place, their relation to the community of which they formed part. The idea of free competition was quite foreign to the mediaeval mind, so that the Skinners had a virtual monopoly of the trade in their handiwork within the bounds of the burgh. Competition was not wholly prohibited, and on market days and statutory fairs non-burgesses were allowed to enter and expose their goods for sale on paying the petty customs due to the burgh and the toll which the craft was entitled to exact from them.^ Even this limited competition was distasteful to the craft. The place where each class of goods could be exposed for sale on market days was carefully defined, and the portion of the south side of the High Street ' foment ' the crames of the chapmen, which were set ' fra the Belhouse doun to the Trone,' was reserved for the Skinners.^ The proximity of the unfree- men naturally led to disturbances, and on 24th January 1524-5, the Town Council ordained ' all the maisteris of the skynneris that ar f remen within this toun till haue thair standis and place vpoun the mercat, other at the nether end quhair thai stand ^ In the third Seal of Cause there is a clause ordaining that ' na skinner wark be sauld withtin this burgh ypone the hie streitis nor vther publict places vtwitht buithis except vpone the Monondayis market vpone paine of escheat of same to the good townis vse' {MS. Council Register, viii. 58). It was confirmed by the Town Council on 18th April 1599 {Ibid., x. 232). 2 Burgh Records, i. 35. THE SKINNERS OF EDINBURGH 23 now or at the over end, as thai pleis, and that thair be ane passage betuixt thame and the vnfremen of the brede of ane stand, that nane of the vnfremen molest nor truible the fre- men nor seruandis in na tymes tocum, bot til hald and bruik thair places and standis lymmit to thame bot any impedi- ment.' ^ Competition was by no means confined to the unfree- men, and there were occasionally bitter complaints by a craft regarding the infringement of its monopoly by other crafts. It was not always easy to define precisely what class of work belonged exclusively to each body, and there was necessarily a good deal of overlapping, which led to endless disputes. Thus, on 7th September 1593, the Town Council upheld the contention of the Furriers who complained regarding the infringement of their rights by the Tailors and Skinners. The complaint alleged that the former took upon themselves ' to fur cloikis and gownis witht aU sort of furrings it beand ane proper poynt of the furrour craft and onelie belanging vnto thame,' and that the latter would not desist from the ' dichting of lamb skynnis and schorelings pertening to the furrour craft.' ^ Again, all the crafts were at enmity with the merchant-guild, which had the exclusive right to deal in merchandise, both wholesale and retail.^ The merchants, however, found it impossible to enforce their exclusive privileges, and the Skinners claimed the right to deal in skins long before the monopoly of the merchants was broken down by a charter granted by Queen Mary on 16th April 1556, which expressly authorised the Scottish craftsmen to navigate and deal in merchandise both within and without the kingdom.* The craftsmen were still ineligible for member- ' Burgh Records, i. 220. ^ MS. Council Register, vol. ix. 215. ^ An Act of Parliament of 1466 ordained that ' na man of craft vse merchandise be himself his factouris or seruandis bot gif he lefe and renunce his craft but colour or dis- simulacioune ' {Acts of Parliament, ii. 86); and on 4th December 1500 the Edinburgh Skinners were charged by the provost to obey it {Burgh Records, i. 87). * Reg. Magni Sigilli, iv. 1504. The preamble to the charter states that this right had formerly been granted to them by the Queen's predecessors, but there ia no trace of 24 THE INCORPORATED TRADE OF ship of the Guild, and in Edinburgh, on 6th March 1576-7, a tailor, surgeon, and skinner were refused admittance unless they renounced their craft and bore burden with the mer- chants.^ Seven years later this disabiUty was put an end to, so far as Edinburgh was concerned, by the Decreet Arbitral of 1583, after referred to, which allowed the craftsmen to be admitted to the Guild as well as the merchants.^ It was the aim of the authorities during the sixteenth century to utihse the craft organisations as a police machinery, and to make them not only responsible for the good conduct of their members, but also for the quahty of their wares. The deacon was enjoined to examine the output of each crafts- man, in order to see that he did not turn out inferior work, and for this purpose it was customary to make a roimd of inspection each Saturday. He had also to inspect all goods exposed for sale on market days and fair days, whether by freemen or unfreemen, and to confiscate any that did not come up to the customary standard. But perhaps his most im- portant duty, from the craft's point of view, was the fixing of the price at which their wares were to be sold. It was a fundamental principle of the economics of the period that prices could not be settled by the haggling of the market, and the value of each article had to be determined before it was exposed for sale. By an Act of 1st March 1427, the warden or deacon, with the advice of other discreet men nominated by the Council, was to ' examyn ande pryse the mater ande the werkmanschip of ilk craft and sett it to a certane price ' ; ^ and it was the duty of the magistrates to see that he did it in an impartial manner. Despite the elaborate precautions any such grant in the records. A charter in similar terms was granted on 1st March 1564-5 {Ibid., iv. 1583), and on 22nd July 1581 {Ibid., v. 233). > Burgh Records, iv. 57. ^ j^{(/_^ iy. 271. ^ Acts of Parliament, ii. 15. By an Act of 30th September 1426, the duty devolved on the alderman and council of the town, who evidently were unable to carry it out {Ibid., il 13). THE SKINNERS OF EDINBURGH 25 taken to protect the consumer, he had to pay exorbitant prices for inferior goods ; and in 1535 Parhament ordained the King to appoint a Commission, who were to take steps to cause the Edinburgh craftsmen ' to mak gude and sufficient stuff and sell the samin of ane competent price, and to tak competently for thair werkmanschip and laubouris gif thai wirk ane uther mannys stuff and mater.' ^ No improvement seems to have resulted from their labours, and in 1551 Parlia- ment was compelled to interfere again, as prices were doubled and trebled ' and the fault thairof is alway in the prouest and bailhes of euerie burgh that ouerseis the saidis dekinnis (and) craftismen and correctis thame not conforme to the act of parliament.' ^ The public retaliated by patronising the unfree traders, who were encouraged to visit the burgh on days other than those to which they were re- stricted. The Council, who were by no means on friendly terms with the crafts, were inclined to overlook these delin- quencies, till they were compelled to put the law in force. Thus, on 10th June 1558, the Skinners complained of the ' gret skayth thai incur thro vnfremen that cumis furth of Sanct Johnstoun [Perth] and otheris partis, that daylie vsis to vent and sell thair pursis, gluffis, panttis, and otheris maid wark pertening to the said craft, nocht onlie in fuill grossis bot alssua in smallis, daylie and oppinlie vpon the Quenis streit of this burgh, quhilk thai audit nocht to do bot on Monunday and the tyme of proclamit fairis, vsurpand thairthrow als gret priuelegis as thai that ar fremen, quhairby (ar) put to sic preiudice that thai ar nocht abill to taxt, stent, (walk, and waird) without remeid be put thairto.' ^ The greatest offenders, however, were the craftsmen of the Canongate, Potterrow, and West Port, who, in a complaint by the Websters and Walkers in 1584, are described as greatly increased in number and substance, ' leving in all securitie frie from ony burding ' Ads of Parliament, ii. 351. * Ibid., ii. 487. ^ Burgh Records, iii. 24. 26 THE INCORPORATED TRADE OF and subiectioun of lawis, quha fynding sic immunitie as na frie burges can half ar gadderit from all pairts, reteiring thame- selffis furth of the jurisdictioun of frie burghs at thair verray durris, eitting thair breid furth of thair mowthis, and now lies begun to tak prenteissis, cheise deykins and quarter maisteris, mak contributiouns and swa erect ane monopole amangs thameselffis, doing all things and mair than to ony frieman is lesum and tolerabill to do ... to the greitt hurt and pre- iudice of the said friemen, quha ar alluterUe decayet in thair number and depauperat in substance and na mair habill to beir burdein within the toun bot will be constraynet to with- draw thame selfis, and with tyme to adioyne to the said vnfriemen.' ^ On the other hand, in virtue of their monopoly, the crafts had to bear burdens and perform duties which the unfreemen escaped, and in the opinion of many members the balance was by no means in their favour. They had to pay their proportion of all extents levied by the Town Council, which included not only sums raised for civic purposes, but also the proportion payable by the burgh of imperial taxes ; to watch and ward along with their fellow burgesses, and to furnish their quota of men to the army in time of war. Prior to the Decreet Arbitral of 1583, the extents were payable in the proportion of four-fifths by the merchants and one-fifth by the craftsmen.^ The Town Council fixed the proportions in which this one-fifth was to be paid by each craft, whose office-bearers again had to collect the amount from the individual members. The task of fixing the amount payable by the different crafts was one of some delicacy, and a good deal of jealousy and ill-feeling seems to have been generated. Naturally each wanted to pay as little as possible, and no doubt they all thought they were paying more than their just proportion, but on 14th September 1574 they agreed to the following scale : ^ — 1 Burgh Records, iv. 374. 2 jj^^ j^ 272. ^ Jbid., It. 24. THE SKINNERS OF EDINBURGH 27 ' Of euery hundreth pundis.' 'Ofauld.' 'Of new.' Skinners and Furriers, .... Tailors, ....... Baxters, Hammermen, without alteration. Flashers, ....... Cordiners, without alteration, . Goldsmiths, Websters, Walkers, and Bonnetmakers, without alteration, .... Barbers, without alteration, Wrights and Masons, .... £18 14 5 4 17 12 6 13 5 6 13 2 4 6 13 4 4 11 3 2 13 4 3 1 3 7 2 9 £20 1 6 18 1 6 13 3 13 5 6 9 6 13 4 6 2 13 4 3 1 3 8 3 4 It will be seen that the Skinners and Furriers, although by no means the largest craft numerically, head the list, paying sUghtly more than one-fifth of the total sum raised. By the Decreet Arbitral the former custom of levying the extents in the proportion of four-fifths from the merchants and one-fifth from the craftsmen was abolished, and it was agreed ' that as thai watche and waird togidder, swa in all extents, emprunts, contributiouns, and the lyke subsideis to be imposit vpoun the burgh, merchants and craftismen to beir the burding and chairge thairof indifferentlie owerheid, according to their habilitie and substance, throw the haill quarteris of the toun, without diuisioun of the roUis in mer- chants and craftismen in ony tyme cuming.' ^ There were to be sixteen extenters (eight merchants and eight craftsmen), who were to be elected by the Town Council ; and it was ordained that no merchant or craftsmen (with the exception ' Formerly there were numerous disputes between the Skinners and the Town Council as to whether certain members of the craft should not be stented with the merchants instead of with them. It was of course clearly to the advantage of a burgess that he should be stented as a craftsman instead of a merchant, but the Council naturally kept a vigilant eye on any doubtful case. [Cf. Obligation by Thomas Eos p. 70 infra ; Burgh Records, iv. 143.] 28 THE INCORPORATED TRADE OF of the provost and bailies) who occupied the freedom of the burgh should be exempted from payment.^ Watching and warding were not the least onerous of their many duties at a time when violent robberies were of frequent occurrence, and fights between the armed retainers of nobles at feud with one another were not uncommon on the streets of Edinburgh. The town officers were too few m number to suppress them, and it was the duty of each craftsman, like other citizens, to appear fully armed to assist the magistrates in keeping the peace when called upon to do so. The city watch was an indispensable body for the maintenance of good order, and each burgess had to take his turn on the night and day watches at the ports of the burgh, or else to furnish a substitute in his place. But when the community settled down to a more peaceful and industrious life, the duty was frequently neglected, as it interfered with the successful conduct of business, and the Council had constantly to issue regulations on the subject and to take steps from time to time to ensure that the citizens were provided with the necessary weapons.^ No doubt the craftsmen, on account of their numbers, were able to render invaluable aid to the magistrates on more than one occasion when outlanders disturbed the peace of the burgh. It is estimated that, with their families, j ourney men, apprentices, and servants, they comprised two-thirds of the population of the burgli,^ and by sheer force of numbers they were able on occasion to terrorise the Town Council and force from it concessions which it was reluctant to grant.* It seems to ' Burgh Records, iv. 272. 2 On 24th December 1567, it was enacted that each newly made bargess should have jack, spear, sword, buckler, and steel bonnet (Burgh Records, iii. 244) ; and on 6th November 1588, it was provided that no one should be received as burgess unless he appeared fully armed before the Council and made faith that the armour was his own {Ibid., iv. 532). ^ Bain's Merchant and Craft Guilds, p. viii. * Diurnal of Occurrents (Bannatyne Club), pp. 65 and 66 ; Burgh Records, iii. 89-95. THE SKINNERS OF EDINBURGH 29 have been the custom when a craftsman was summoned before the Council that he should be accompanied by the several Trade Incorporations in order to assist him in his defence. This often led to serious disturbances, and on 6th December 1560 the Council forbade them to assemble for such purposes under pain of losing their freedom.^ On no occasion did their numbers serve them better than in their struggle for a larger share in the government of the city. The crisis took place on 2nd October 1582, when the craftsmen, infuriated by the high-handed action of the municipal authorities, broke open the council-house door and even threatened to destroy the records. 2 The Privy Council were compelled to interfere in the dispute, which was ultimately submitted to the King and twenty-four arbiters, and their Decreet Arbitral, dated 22nd April 1583, better known as the ' Set of the City,' patched up a tardy peace between the two bodies.^ As has been already mentioned, each craft had to provide its quota of soldiers to the army in time of war. In June 1558, for the defence of the town against the threatened English invasion, the merchants agreed to furnish 736 and the craftsmen 717 men, the Skinners contributing 63 men towards the latter number — 42 masters and 21 servants.* All men between sixteen and sixty years of age were liable to serve, and each soldier had to provide himself with food for the number of days the expedition was expected to last, and to be armed according to his rank and state.^ As the latter condition was apt to be very widely interpreted, the magis- trates, in terms of various Acts of Parliament, convened wapinschaws from time to time in order to ensure that the citizens were fully armed, and to exercise them in the use of ■ Burgh Records, iii. 95. The Decreet Arbitral contained a clause forbidding these gatherings. « Ibid., iv. 250-256. ^ Ibid., iv. 265-275. * Ibid., iii. 23-25. " Ads of Parliament, i. 752, ii. 45 and 132. Forty days' service was the most the King could demand at one time {Ibid., i. 494). As a rule the summons was for a much shorter period — from fifteen to twenty days. 30 THE INCORPORATED TRADE OF their weapons. They were generally held on the Borough- muir or in the Greyfriars yard, from two to four times a year, but in times of peace they were apt to be neglected.^ Occa- sionally the burgh was exempted from ' raid and hosting ' on payment of a sum of money, and as the frequent summonses to the army caused a good deal of dislocation to trade, exemp- tion was eagerly sought after. ^ • The operations of the crafts did not end with the safe- guarding of their trading privileges, and the discharge of civic and imperial burdens, and, as will afterwards be seen, the Incorporation of Skinners performed amongst other duties those of a modern friendly and burial society.^ But in the early history of the craft one of its most important functions was to provide for the upkeep of the craft altar, and to make provision for the carrying out of those religious rites and observances which bulked so largely in mediaeval life. It is in this connection, as has been already remarked, that we find the craft first mentioned in our public records. On 12th January 1450-51, they requested the common clerk, notary, and scribe of the burgh to register and engross in the common book of the Guild an instrument containing certain statutes, which they had agreed upon, for the maintenance of the altar of St. Christopher * lately founded by them in the parish church of St. Giles. The instrument narrates that seventeen members of the craft appeared in presence of the notary and bound 1 The accounts of the Skinners disclose a good many payments for these musters, and also for watchmen at the guard-house. ^ In the accounts of the craft for the year 1569-70 there is a payment of ^16 for ' oure pairt of ane stent quhilk vas gifi&n to fee men of veir to the raid of Pebellis ' ; and in 1577-78 there is an entry of ,£2, 7s. for the balance of the stent for the raid of Harlaw Wood. ^ The crafts also advanced money to members out of their funds, so that they were to a certain extent the bankers of the period. The accounts now printed disclose several such loans. * There is nothing definite known regarding the life and death of St. Christopher. He was invoked as patron by other crafts besides the Skinners. His feast is kept on 25th July. THE SKINNERS OF EDINBURGH 31 themselves to lend a helping hand, during their lives and according to their means, towards (1) the service and support of a chaplain to celebrate at the altar, and (2) the repair of its ornaments. Further, each one receiving an apprentice was to pay five shillings toAvards the repairs, and no apprentice was to be admitted to the freedom of the craft unless he bound himself to undertake the above obligations. ^ The obligation to lend a helping hand according to one's means was one which would be very widely interpreted, and was no doubt found too vague for practical purposes. It was subsequently replaced by a rule that each member should contribute a penny per week,^ and authority was obtained in the first Seal of Cause to poind for it.^ The second Seal of Cause provided that ' ane skynneris son, burges within this burgh,' should pay ten shillings Scots, and ' ane vthir mannis son ' £5 Scots towards the repair of the altar and the upkeep of divine service thereat ; and that each master should pay his weekly penny and ' sustene the preistis meit thairof as it cumis about.' * The obligation to ' sustene the preistis meit ' is found in most of the Seals of Cause obtained by the Edinburgh crafts, and was the usual method adopted in pre-Reformation times for satisfying the material wants of the chaplain of the craft altar. Each member had to take his turn in attending to this duty, and if he failed to do so he had to compensate the chaplain for the loss of his meals. ^ The obligation was not always strictly attended to, and in Aberdeen, more than one priest was compelled to petition the Town Council for redress.® While * Burgh Records, i. 9-11. 2 It was collected on the second day of the week, and so was known as the ' Monundais penny.' — Burgh Records, i. 29. 3 Burgh Records, i. 29. * Ibid., ii. 62. * The money equivalent of the meals seems to have been 8d. per day (Burgh Records, I 199 ; ii. 79). With the Walkers, Shearers, and Bonnetniakers, any two of the poorer members could combine to furnish the meals (Ibid., i. 199). The Aberdeen Cordiners devolved the duty on ' sevin of the best and worthaist of the said craftismene, ilkane ane day in the oulk.' — Bain's Merchant and Craft Guilds, p. 65. ■ •* Ibid., pp. 65 and 66. 32 THE INCORPORATED TRADE OF the successive chaplains of St. Christopher's altar do not seem to have been under the necessity of complaining to the Council, it is probable there was a certain amount of laxness, since it was found necessary to ask for powers to enforce observance of the duty. Owing to the absence of detailed accounts of the craft expenditure for the pre-Reformation period, it is impossible to say what the chaplain's emoluments were, but latterly, in addition to a small yearly fee of £4 or £5, there would be special offerings on St. Christopher's Day and other important festivals. With the approach of the Reformation the rites and cere- monies of the Roman Catholic Church gradually ceased to play the important part they once did in the lives of the crafts- men, and the change from priest to presbyter met with no opposition from them. The burden of maintaining the craft altars was gradually becoming irksome, and when the images and altars of St. Giles were destroyed on 14th June 1559, the craftsmen do not seem to have offered any opposition to the mob. The Skinners, judging from the absence of any refer- ence to the subject in their Minute Book, were not in any way depressed by the loss of their altar, and, accepting the situa- tion calmly, disposed of what remained of it for the sum of £5. Nothing, however, indicates their changed sentiments more clearly than the rouping of their ' kyrk geir.' Many of the articles, from their long association with the service of the altar, must have had a certain sentimental value in the eyes of the former brethren, but a new generation had arisen who were not above turning them into hard cash, and so they were sold for the sum of £65.^ The successful purchaser was John Loch,2 a former deacon and a prominent man in the craft ; ' The jewels, gold and silver work, and vestments of St. Giles, other than what per- tained to the craft altars, were disposed of by the Council. — Burgh Records, iii. 70 ; Burgh Accounts, ii. 91-2, 117-18. 2 Loch died at Danskin in the month of September 1579. The inventory of his estate makes no mention of the 'kyrk geir' purchased by him {Edinburgh Testaments, 9th March 1579-80). THE SKINNERS OF EDINBURGH 33 but whether he had still a hankering after the old faith, and was desirous of preserving the articles from secular use, or whether he saw a chance of making a profit out of the deal, it is impossible to say. In any case, the money was not unwelcome to the craft, and, after discharging their share of the expense of building the Tolbooth and some other liabilities, there was still a balance of £3, 17s. lOd. left. Many of the English crafts were possessed of funds which had been ear-marked by pious donors for religious purposes, and at the Reformation these endowments were diverted into secular channels. In Scotland the crafts depended mainly on the weekly contributions, the entry fees of members and apprentices, and the fines,^ for funds to defray the expense of maintaining their craft altars, very few of which were endowed to any extent. ^ The crafts were not allowed to retain their endowments after the Reformation or to convert them to their own use ; and in most of the burghs they were made over in 1566 to the Town Council, who were directed to utilise them for the support of the ministry of the Reformed Church, and for such secular purposes as the founding and maintaining of hospitals for the poor and infirm.^ Although the Edinburgh craftsmen had broken with the old faith, they showed no great enthusiasm to give financial support to the new ; but it is unnecessary to enter here into fuU details of the steps taken by them to contribute towards the support of the ministers of the Reformed Church. On 24th June 1562, certain of the deacons, in answer to the query of the Council as to ' quhat euerye craft wald g3rf in the yeir for sustenyng of the ministeris within > Before the Reformation the fines were payable in wax, which was made into candles for the altar and torches for the processions. 2 On 1st February 1527-8, the Council put the Skinners and Furriers in possession of an annualrent of forty shillings furth of property in the town {Burgh Records, i. 232). They were called upon, on 25th December 1579, to prove their title to an annualrent, probably the one above referred to {Ibid., iv. 137). ^ Reg. Secreti Sigilli, xxxvi. 71-75. E 34 THE INCORPORATED TRADE OF this toun,' replied that they would gladly contribute one-fifth of whatever sum the Council thought necessary, after the order of former taxes. ^ The other deacons had, however, received no instructions from their brethren, and so the matter was postponed, and no defuiite contribution seems to have been made till 1569. In the meantime the Council were hard pressed to raise the necessary money for the ministers' stipends, and in 1563 and 1564 collectors had to be appointed to solicit subscriptions for that purpose from the faithful. ^ On 1st November 1570 the crafts agreed to contribute the following sums towards the support of the ministry : ^— Skinners, . £20 Wrights and Masons, 10 Tailors, 16 Goldsmiths, 6 13 4 Barbers, 3 John Wilson, smith, 13 6 8 Baxters, 13 6 8 Cordiners, . 8 Fleshers, 10 Websters, . 1 Bonnetmakers, 1 Furriers, 1 _ m ■ (blank) It will be noticed that the Skinners again head the list, contributing about one-fifth of the total sum raised. The Town Council records show that the crafts agreed to contri- bute also in 1574 and 1577,* and, as the only payments that occur in the Skinners' accounts for support of the ministry are in the years 1568-9, 1570-1, 1573-4, 1574-5, and 1577-8, it seems reasonable to infer that they did not contribute annually as a craft, the more so as the crafts agreed to the > Burgh Records, iii. 136. 2 Ibid., ill. 161, 178, 191. 3 Ibid., iii. 278. * Ibid., iv. 10 and 56. In the year 1573-4 they contributed ^16, 16s, towards the * mending of the kyrk.' THE SKINNERS OF EDINBURGH 35 last contribution ' onlie at the requeist of my lord prouest for this instant yeir.' ^ An account of one of our Scottish crafts would be incom- plete without some mention of the pageants and processions which were such an interesting and picturesque feature of town life in mediaeval times. The chief procession in Edinburgh, like other towns, was held on Corpus Christi Day, when the craitsmen, arrayed in their best attire,^ walked ' tua and ii togidr socialie ' under their respective banners, on which the craft arms were emblazoned,^ while in the rear of the pro- cession came the host accompanied by the usual crowd of ecclesiastics. Each craft endeavoured to outdo its neighbour in the splendour of its display, and as there was keen competi- tion for the chief places in the procession, the Council had often to adjudicate on their respective claims to the places of honour. Our Burgh Records do not mention in detail the order observed in Edinburgh, but in 1533 the magistrates of Aberdeen ordained the following order to be kept in the processions of Corpus Christi and Candlemas days, ' conforme to the auld louable consuetud and ryit of this burgh and of ^ Burgh Records, iv. 56. Although the Council could not compel the craftsmen to contribute towards the support of the ministry as often and as liberally as it would have liked, it could at least compel them to attend church. All booths had to be closed and no work done on Sundays and Fast Days, and there was a similar restriction during the hours of service on week-days (Burgh Records, iii. 85 ; iv. 304, 388, 449). Attendance was required at all diets of worship, and no one could leave before the end of the last prayer ; and in order that there might be no inducement to stay away, it was ordained that no meat or drink should be sold in open taverns or hostelries from the last 'jow' of the bell to the end of the sermon (Ibid., iii. 85). In 1568 a deacon of the Hammermen, who professed no religion and frequented neither preachings nor prayers, was deposed (Ibid., iii- 248). There is no indication in the Minute Book that the craft had special sittings in St. Giles. * Each craftsman had a badge denoting his craft pinned to his breast. * Burgh Records, i. 122. The arms of the Edinburgh Skinners as depicted on a shield in the Magdalen Chapel are Per cheveron gules and argent, 3 stags trippant proper (Anderson's Coats Armorial of Scottish Trade Incorjwrations, p. 4). Maitland, on the other hand, in his History of Edinburgh (p. 297), depicts them as Tierced in pale and parted per fess, gules and argent counterchanged. A goat salient contourn^ proper in the first, third, and fifth quarters. 36 THE INCORPORATED TRADE OF the noble burgh of Edinburgh, of the quhilk ryit and con- suetud the said provest hes gottin the copy in writ; . . . that is to say, in the first, the fleschars, and nixt thame the harbours, nixt thame the skjmnars and furriours togydder, nixt thame the cordonars, nixt thame the tailzours, nixt thame the wobstris, valcars, and htstars togidder,^ nixt thame the baxtris, nixt thame the wrichtis, masonis, sclaters, and coupers togidder, and last, and nixt the sacrament, passis all the smithis and hammyrmen.' ^ It is difficult to say upon what principle the magistrates acted in assigning them their respective posts, as the place of honour next the sacrament was given to the Hammermen, who were neither the wealthiest, the largest, nor yet perhaps the oldest craft in Edinburgh. It was customary at these festivals to produce certain miracle plays, each craft, either by itself or in conjunction with another, being responsible for the production of one of the series generally presented. Some weU-known biblical story, or a prominent event in the life of a saint, was usually chosen for presentation, and the accounts of the Edinburgh Incorporation of Hammermen for the year 1505 show that they were at the expense of presenting Herod and his two daughters.^ Unfortunately there is no information on record regarding the dramatic efforts of the Skinners, but as the repertory of plays in the Middle Ages was not very extensive, 1 In Edinburgh the Shearers and Bonnetmakers were associated with the Walkers. The Litsters do not seem to have been incorporated before 1600, but they were after- wards associated with the Bonnetmakers. There was a long-standing dispute between the Websters on the one part, and the Walkers, Shearers, and Bonnetmakers on the other part, as to their respectire places in the processions, and by a Decreet Arbitral pronounced on 21st June 1530, the latter were given a place between the Fleshers and Barbers, while the Websters were to occupy their old position between the Tailors and Baxters {Burgh Records, ii. 31). The decision does not seem to have given satisfac- tion, and by a further Decreet Arbitral, of 19th May 1531, the old order was restored {Ibid., ii. 48). ^ Aberdeen Burgh Records, p. 449. There is an entry in somewhat similar terms under date 22nd May 1531, but the above extract represents more correctly the order likely to have been observed in Edinburgh {Ibid., p. 450). ^ Smith's Hammermen of Edinburgh, p. 33. THE SKINNERS OF EDINBURGH 37 no doubt they were content with presenting one of the stock pieces of the period. As an example of what was attempted during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, it may be men- tioned that in 1442 the magistrates of Aberdeen ordained the Skinners of that city to find for the Candlemas procession ' two bischopes, four angeles, and alsmony honeste squiares as thai may ; ' ^ and in 1531, for the processions of Corpus Christi and Candlemas days, ' Sanct Stewin and his Tormen- touris.' ^ Very little is known regarding the nature of these miracle plays, but Dr. Joseph Robertson was of opinion that they were not ' of any higher order than dumbshows, hardly approaching to the merit of pantomime.' ' Archdeacon Roger, a sixteenth-century ecclesiastic, in his mteresting account of the Whitsun plays at Chester, says that they were acted on a ' high scafolde with 2 rowmes, a higher and a lower, upon 4 wheeles ; in the lower they apparelled them- selves, and in the higher rowme they played, beinge all open on the tope, that aU behoulders might heare and see them.' * These scaffolds or portable stages were wheeled from street to street of the town, so that aU the citizens might see the spectacle. A similar practice was perhaps followed in Scot- land, and, according to an ordinance of the Town Council of Aberdeen, two persons from each craft were to ' pass with the pageant that thai furnyss to keip thair geir,' ^ or in other words to look after such simple theatrical property as was used in the performance.® The Church at first encouraged ' Aberdeen Burgh Records, p. 9. * Ibid., p. 451. 3 The Book of Bon Accord, p. 237. * Bain's Merchant and Craft Guilds, p. 53. * Aberdeen Burgh Records, p. 433. ® In 1554 the Town Council were at the expense of fitting up a field at Greenside as a playfield for the public performance of plays, etc., and on 12th October of that year they ordained the Treasurer to pay to Walter Bynnyng £b for the making of the 'play graith and paynting of the handsenye and the playaris facis.' Bynnyng also received the following 'play geir' in custody, viz., 'viii play hattis, ane kingis crowne, ane myter, ane fulis hude, ane septour, ane pair angell wyngis, twa angell hair, ane chaplet of tryvmphe.' — Burgh Records, ii. 195-9. 38 THE INCORPORATED TRADE OF these performances as a means of inculcating their dogmas on an ignorant and unlettered people, but in course of time they degenerated into a mere caricature of sacred subjects, and finally had to be suppressed. Though the early pageants were chiefly of a reUgious char- acter, those of a more secular nature were not awanting, and the Edinburgh populace, under the leadership of the Abbot of Narent as Master of the Revels, held high holiday on May Day.^ The interest of the craftsmen in the purely religious festivals declined as the Church lost its hold on their affections, and this hohday latterly seems to have occupied the same place in their estimation that Corpus Christi Day formerly did. About the beginning of the sixteenth century the name of the Master of the Revels was changed — the title Abbot of Narent being dropped for Robin Hood and Little John ; ^ and no doubt some of the mythical exploits of these heroes formed a prominent feature of the day's programme. The proceedings were not viewed with any more favour by the Government than the burlesque of sacred subjects was, and in 1555 an Act was passed forbidding the choosing of Robin Hood, Little John, Abbot of Unreason, or Queens of May.^ The prohibition did not have much effect in Edinburgh, for in 1561 the magistrates tried ineffectually to suppress a ' con- vocatioun and assemblie efter the auld wikit maner of Robene Hude ' ; * and even as late as 1588 the town-drummer was ' This holiday was not always held on the first day of May. It was generally held on a Sunday, and in 1561 it was not observed till Sunday, 11th May. — Burgh Recordt, iii. 118. ^ Burgh Records, i. 66. The change of title may he accounted for by the popularity of Robin Hood at that time. His exploits, as celebrated in the popular ballads, were known throughout the length and breadth of the land (Fordun's Scotichronicon, ii. 104 ; Major's History of Greater Britain (Scottish History Society), p. 156). He was to the artisan and peasant the embodiment of their highest idea of chivalry— a robber and an outlaw, yet the friend of the poor and oppressed, and the avenger of their wrongs on greedy clerics and rapacious landlords. 3 Acts of Parliament, ii. 500. * Burgh Records, iii. 107, 112. THE SKINNERS OF EDINBURGH 39 ordered to be imprisoned for ' passing on the Sondayes at his awin hand to the May playis in Kirklistoun.' ^ Of the many activities of the crafts during the latter half of the sixteenth century, perhaps none deserves greater praise than the care they took of their sick and indigent brethren, and the accounts of the Skinners show that they upheld in a worthy manner the best traditions of the time. After the Reformation the condition of the poor and infirm of the city became the subject of anxious consideration by the Town Council and deacons of craft. Whether they were compelled to deal with the matter owing to the break-up of the church hospitals and almshouses, or whether it was a newly kindled zeal to deal with a state of matters which had always existed, is a matter which has been keenly debated. There can be httle doubt, however, that the church hospitals and almshouses had long before the Reformation ceased to fulfil the purpose for which they were founded, and that they were mainly filled by the clergy and their dependants. Almsgiving had always been encouraged by the Church, but neither it nor the secular authorities made any attempt to organise the distribution in a systematic way. The result was that the professional beggar abounded throughout the land,^ and the wealthier burghs, where charity was most abundant, were their happy hunting-ground.^ It was, therefore, a great step in advance when the local authorities took up the question of poor relief and attempted to deal with it more systematically. Various proposals for relief of the prevalent want and distress in the city were considered, and on 2nd January 1564-5 the crafts agreed to ' sustene the hale pure of all occupatiounis within this burgh, sic as craftismen, craftis- 1 Burgh Records, iv. 520. * ' Shameless beggars who were ready to wander from place to place in search of alms had an easy life : the honest hard-working poor, who were visited by misfortune and unable or afraid to leave their homes, would often find no relief at hand,' — Ashley's Economic History, i. (pt. ii.) p. 339. ' Burgh Records, iii. 50. 40 THE INCORPORATED TRADE OF menis wyffis, seruandis and wedois, vpoun thair awin proper chargeis fra this day furth, sua that the gude toun nor nane resortand thairto salbe trubUt with thair purys.' * The matter was again before the Town Council on 4th June 1583, when, in order to implement the terms of the Decreet Arbitral, it was enacted that the weekly pennies, which before the Reformation had been collected by each craft for the upkeep of its altar, should be employed for sustaining the poor. All the unlaws, upsets, and entry silver were to be used for the same purpose, and the whole amount collected was to be put into a common purse and administered for the poor of the town generally. 2 Like many other admirable proposals of the Town Council, it was largely a counsel of perfection and soon fell through, leaving the crafts to bear the burden of their own poor.^ A perusal of the Skinners' accounts wiU show that their payments for this purpose were on quite a liberal scale. Occasionally the money was given for a specified purpose, such as to buy ' sarkis and hos,' ' to the help of Mr claithtis,' and ' for support to his claythtis ' ; and on one occasion the sum of five shillings was ' warid ' upon one unfortunate member ' quhen he wes in the Tolboutht.' The recipients were not always members of the craft or their dependants, as there are several payments to strangers, probably skinners from other towns, and also for the poor of the city who had no craft connection. The case of Sara Lacock is not without its amusing side, and testifies to the goodwill and generosity of the deacon and his council as well as to her persistency and * Burgh Mecords, iii. 193. Thia resolution was arrived at after the efforts of the Council ' to move the harttis of the . . . inhabitanttis to gif of thair aboundance efter thair awin plesour to the help of the pure ' had failed ; and foUowing on a letter addressed by the Queen to the Council commanding them to tax each inhabitant according to his means for relief of the poor and support of the kirk {Ibid., iil 192). 2 Ibid., iv. 272, 278. ' Within a year the Council modified the scheme to the extent that the bailies and collectors were to be allowed one-third of the unlaws collected in order to compensate them for their trouble in the matter {Ibid., iv. 327). In 1588 it had to take fresh steps to deal with the whole problem {Ibid., iv. 526), THE SKINNERS OE EDINBURGH 41 persuasive powers. On 18th August 1599 she received £4 ' vpon condition scho sould neuer burding the craft heirefter,' but noways discouraged by this stipulation, she managed to extract a further sum of £2, 13s. 4d. towards the end of the following year. In the last account there is a payment of 13s. 4d. to her in February 1603, upon the same condition as the first, and in May following £2 on condition ' scho sould nevir seik agane ' ; and no doubt a perusal of the subsequent accounts would show her pursuing her triumphant career, the deacons always protesting that each payment was the last, but unable to resist her appeal the next time she appeared before them. Not only did the Skinners alleviate the poverty of their poorer brethren while in life, they also saw that no one who had a claim on them was buried in a manner unworthy of the craft. ^ There was no custom more reverently observed by the craftsmen of the period than that each should turn out to the funeral of a deceased brother, and in many crafts any one absent without a reasonable excuse was fined. In addition to the use of the craft mortcloth, upon which a large sum was usually expended, 2 the craft when necessary defrayed the expense of the funeral. The account for the year 1562-3 contains a payment of 12 shillings for the ' erdine of Deme Gybsone,' while in 1571-2 10 shiUings was expended on the burial and winding-sheet of a deceased member, and in 1602 16 shilhngs to ' by ane winden sheit to Bigart.' The internal organisation of the Scottish crafts followed Continental rather than Enghsh lines. It has already been pointed out that the influx of foreigners helped to foster and develop the commerce and industries of Scotland. Early in the twelfth century a large number of Flemings settled in the ' Cf. Statuta Glide, 14 {Ads of Parliament, i. 433) ; Fragmenta Golleda, 2 (Ibid., i. 719) ; Seal of Cause to Wrights and Masons {Burgh Records, i. 32). ^ The account for the year 1598-9 shows that ;£56, 14s. 4d. was expended upon the mortcloth — no doubt in the purchase of a new one. 42 THE INCORPORATED TRADE OF country on the invitation of King David i. ; ^ and as there was a considerable Scottish trade with the Netherlands for some centuries afterwards, there was always a good sprinkling of Flemings in the country, especially in the east coast towns from Berwick to Inverness. Even as late as 1587 ParUament, in order to improve the manufacture of cloth, entered into an agreement with three Flemish craftsmen for the inbringing of thirty websters and walkers, who were to practise their craft in Edinburgh and other towns. ^ At least two foreigners (Dutchmen) were admitted by the Skinners during the period covered by their Minute Book, but it is evident their presence was by no means welcome to some of the members. There can be no doubt that the foreigners had considerable influence in moulding the organisation of the crafts to which they were attached. One striking example is the obligation to produce a ' masterstick ' or ' essay ' before admission to the craft, a practice which was common to both the Continent and Scot- land, but of which there is no trace in England. Again, in the Seal of Cause granted on 15th October 1475 to the Wrights and Masons, it was provided that they should have their place in all general processions ' lyk as thai haf in the towne of Bruges or siclyk gud townes ' ; ^ while an Act of Parliament of 1593 concerning the jurisdiction of the Dean of Guild ordained that his judgments should have full strength and effect, ' according to the lovable forme of jugement vsit in aU the guid townis of France and Flanderis quhair burses ar erected and constitute, and speciaUie in Paris, Rowen, Burdeaulx, Rochell.' 4 At the commencement of the craft system the internal * A charter granted by Earl David, brother of William the Lyon (circa 1171-99), is addressed to ' omnibus probis hominibus tocius terre sue clericis et laicis, Francis et Anglis, Flamingis et Scotis' {Aberdeen and Banff Collections, Spalding Club, i. p. 54G). In a charter of David ii., granted in the year 1357, certain lands were conveyed 'una cum lege Flerainga, que dicitur Fleming lauch.' — Reg. Magni Sigilli, i. ap. i. 128. * Acts of Parliament, iii. 507-9. ^ Burgh Records, i. 32, * Acts of Parliament, iv. 30. THE SKINNERS OF EDINBURGH 43 organisation of the Skinners would be more or less of a simple and tentative character. It was a purely voluntary society, which a craftsman was under no obligation to join ; and, provided his wares came up to the customary standard and he sold them at the current price, it had no control over him. It has already been pointed out how the Skinners obtained control of their industry, and during the sixteenth century more elaborate machinery became necessary to safeguard their privileges and to discharge the many duties imposed on them by the Town Council. The system now to be described continued with very little alteration down to the beginning of last century. Admittance could only be obtained after serving an apprenticeship, and a perusal of the acts and statutes now printed shows that the question of apprenticeship was the Aaron's rod which swallowed up all others. Apprenticeship was not at one time an indispensable preliminary to being admitted to the freedom of a craft, an attestation of sufficient skiU by the craft officials being all that was deemed necessary. Such a system was no check on the entry of insufficiently trained craftsmen, and led to abuses which necessitated the adoption of more stringent regulations, and in the case of the Skinners there seems Httle reason to doubt that by the begin- ning of the fifteenth century apprenticeship was the universal rule. At first its duration would depend largely on the goodwill of the master, but by the middle of the following century a period of five years was insisted on.^ In order to enforce the rule, it was ordained that no master should receive an apprentice until they both appeared before the deacon and quartermasters, in order that the apprentice's name might be entered in the Register ; ^ but there seems to have ' In one case the period was seven years. ' In terms of the Decreet Arbitral of 1583, his name had also to be entered in a Register kept by the city {Burgh Records, iv. 273). The Scottish Record Society hare published an Index to this Register. 44 THE INCORPORATED TRADE OF been a good deal of evasion, as the ordinance had to be renewed more than once, and penalties threatened for non-observance. As the craft grew in wealth and influence it tended more and more to become a close corporation, and it was probably with a view of keeping its numbers within reasonable bounds, and so preserving its monopoly, that an entry fee was exacted from each apprentice. Durmg the period covered by the Minute Book the amomit was twenty shillings Scots,i but there were a few admissions ' grettis ' and ' for godis saik,' appar- ently on the ground of poverty and of a family connection with the craft. The exaction of the entry fee did not help to reduce the number of apprentices in any way, and more drastic measures became necessary. On 31st January 1572-3, it was resolved that no master have more than one apprentice at a time, but the rule was modified about a year later to the extent that he might have a second apprentice when four years of the first's apprenticeship had run, ' to the effect that the eldest may instruct the youngest afoir the ische of his tyme.' It was still further modified by the Seal of Cause of 1586, which allowed the second apprentice to be taken when three years of the first's term had run, and there- after the regulation was rigorously enforced. There can be little doubt that this regulation benefited both apprentices and journeymen, by ensuring to the latter more constant employment and enabhng the former to obtain a better technical training. Though this consideration may have influenced the masters, their main desire was to restrict competition by keeping their numbers within reasonable bounds, as ' it was fund the multitude of prenteissis ressauit at ilk mannis plesour, sa lang as plesit him, was and sould be the caus of the decay of the craft withtout haistie remedye war fundyn thairto.' The Minute Book gives no information regarding the respective rights and duties of master and apprentice during 1 Cf. Burgh Becords, iv. 273. THE SKINNERS OF EDINBURGH 45 the apprenticeship, but presumably they were similar to those observed in other crafts. The apprentice would serve the first four years for ' meat and drink without fee,' and the fifth year for ' meat, drink and fee,' and find his own clothes, while the master would bind himself to instruct him in all points of the craft. The apprentices were boarded with their masters, who had power to chastise them when necessary. Evidently some masters were not slow to take advantage of this privilege, judging from the case of Cudbert Baxster and his apprentice, and also from the ordinance of 16th February 1573-4, regarding runaway apprentices. The master, how- ever, was not always to blame, as the apprentice was often enticed away by the inducements held out by other masters. The second Seal of Cause forbade any member to ' tyest, hous, or herbery any vtheris maisteris prentice or servand,' ^ and judging from the frequency with which the practice is men- tioned in the various Seals of Cause granted by the city, it was a very common one during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The rather curious ordinance forbidding a master ' quha is nocht cled witht ane wife ' to have an apprentice ' vntill the tyme he be mareit and haue ane wife for houshald and famylie for intertenement of the honest mannis barne quhome he sail haue to get in prenteis,' and placing a similar restriction on widows was ostensibly passed in the interest of the apprentices. But considering the inducements held out by a later ordinance to unmarried craftsmen to marry the freemen's daughters, the opinion may be hazarded that the former had also the same laudable object in view.^ At the termination of his apprenticeship the apprentice had to appear with his master before the craft, in order that the discharge of his indenture might be registered. There- 1 Burgh Records, ii. 62. * The disinclination to marry was by no means confined to the craftsmen. In 1579 Parliament denounced the poor for the ' wiked and vngodlie forme of leving vsit amangis thame with tout mariage or baptizing of a greit nowmer of thair bairnis.' — Acts of Parlia- ment, iii. 139. 46 THE INCORPORATED TRADE OF after, if he was not in a position to purchase his freedom, he hired himself as a journeyman to a member of the craft, who had to obtain permission from the deacon and quartermasters and pay a booking fee before he could set him to work.^\ In the selection of journeymen or servants the masters were confined to those 