The Trump administration suffered its worst legal defeat yet last month when the Supreme Court effectively forced it to keep a citizenship question off the 2020 census. Had the effort succeeded, fewer immigrants and noncitizens would have participated in the census, thereby warping a decade’s worth of federal statistics and congressional districts. More than 200,000 households reportedly are being asked the citizenship question as part of a census test that began in June, prior to the Supreme Court’s intervention, but the question’s absence from the official survey next year is good news for American governance.

Still, there are other issues surrounding the census and democratic representation, and foremost among them is one that Democrats don’t have to appeal to the courts, or win the presidency, to fix: prison gerrymandering.

States use census data to redraw local and federal legislative districts every ten years. This process is tainted by the fact that the census counts prisoners as residents of wherever they’re imprisoned, rather than their original address. Because prisoners can’t vote in 48 of the 50 states, voters who live near prisons have more political clout per capita. And because prisons are typically built in sparsely populated regions, the count inflates rural voters’ power while diluting urban voters’ power, undermining the constitutional principle of “one person, one vote.”

Only a handful of states have taken steps to address this issue. And while many of the 2020 Democratic candidates have pitched aggressive plans to restructure American political power, few have outlined how they’d tackle prison gerrymandering. There’s still time before next year’s census to change that.

Every state apportions its legislative seats on the basis of total population, and prisoners aren’t the only group that can skew that figure. States generally count college students and military personnel as part of the local population during the census. The Supreme Court does allow states to deviate from total population to a certain degree, as it did in 1966 when it ruled that Hawaii could make adjustments to account for tourists and nonresident soldiers during the Vietnam War. But most generally rely on the Census Bureau numbers.