Democratic heartbreaker Robert S. Mueller III may be packing up his offices, and Donald Trump’s kids may be taking a victory lap after avoiding any Mueller-branded indictments, but the investigations stemming from Mueller’s work are still in full force and racking up casualties. The latest, per CNN, is Greg Craig, a Democratic lawyer and former Obama White House counsel who is reportedly expected to be charged by federal prosecutors for making false statements about his lobbying work in Ukraine alongside Paul Manafort.

If he is indicted, Craig would make waves as the highest-profile Democratic swamp creature to be charged as a result of the Mueller probe. (Craig’s attorneys told CNN that any charges against their client would represent “a misguided abuse of prosecutorial discretion.”) More important, however, is what the Craig news suggests: the fallout from Mueller’s two-year investigation is hardly over. For some members of Trumpworld, the legal nightmare has only just begun.

As Politico has reported, the special grand jury that was impaneled to investigate Russian collusion in the 2016 election is still active and “continuing robustly,” as Assistant U.S. Attorney David Goodhand said in federal court Wednesday. Goodhand declined to elaborate, but his phrasing is significant, experts say. “The use of ‘robustly’ is not bluster or gratuitous,” Gene Rossi, a former assistant U.S. attorney in Virginia who had worked with Goodhand in the past, told Politico. “That word strongly suggests that the handoffs from Robert Mueller’s office are alive and kicking and that the Washington U.S. Attorney’s Office could be another troubling front for the president and the White House.” Duke lecturer Samuel Buell suggested that prosecutors could be focused “on drain the swamp cases.”

Goodhand’s case, which involves an effort to unmask a mystery foreign state-owned company that was subpoenaed by Mueller, is just one of numerous cases dispensed to other jurisdictions. The Southern District of New York, for instance, has received at least three referrals for cases of illicit foreign lobbying, focusing on both Republican and Democratic actors, including super-lobbyist Tony Podesta. (The Craig case was referred to D.C. investigators after S.D.N.Y. prosecutors determined they did not have enough evidence to file charges.) Mueller’s referral of the Michael Cohen case to S.D.N.Y. led to a multiple additional investigations, including one into whether the Trump inaugural committee accepted money from a foreign government. Mueller also referred cases to the D.C. Attorney’s office, such as the investigation into Trump adviser Rick Gates. And numerous cases digging into Trump’s business, tax practices, and charities have mushroomed in jurisdictions across the country.

When it was convened, the special counsel’s office was tasked with examining the narrow issue of whether Trump and his campaign had colluded with the Russian government in order to win the 2016 election, as well as “any matters that arose or may arise directly from the investigation,” including Manafort’s lobbying work in Ukraine. Trump’s lawyers and allies, who agitated for Mueller to release the memo outlining his investigation, have argued that the special counsel’s mandate was too broad. (“I think that’s a violation,” Trump said, of Mueller potentially probing his family businesses.) With Mueller’s portion of the probe concluded, Americans may discover just how broad it became.

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