Soon after the contractors’ detention on February 17, a local journalist started filming live on Facebook, broadcasting images of the group, all men, inside a local police station called the “Cafeteria.” The reporter witnessed the minister of communications enter the police station, followed by the government prosecutor. Images of passports, and of the cache of equipment that the police had discovered, spread over social media.

A local journalist for RSF began filming live on Facebook from the police station where the contractors were detained.

That evening, Haitian government officials tried to intervene and secure the group’s release. One of President Moïse’s advisors made a call. And that evening, the minister of justice personally intervened, according to reports in the local press, independently confirmed.

Some of the cache of equipment that the police discovered.

Police and judicial officials resisted for days, promising thorough investigations and professionalism. It was clear that the presence of armed foreigners, and the possibility they were working for the government, caused resentment among certain police officers and officials. The politicization of Haiti’s security forces remains a significant concern, including among international partners who have contributed hundreds of millions of dollars to professionalization efforts.

Some of the cache of equipment that the police discovered.

From the beginning, the case itself was political. And regardless of what the contractors were doing, or whom exactly they were working for, their detention exposed the depths of the current political crisis in Haiti — and their “rescue” by the United States helped to put a lid back on top of it.

Some of the cache of equipment that the police discovered.

For days, however, there was no indication the United States would get involved. In a brief statement on February 19, the embassy noted that it had provided normal consular services to the detained Americans. “Due to privacy considerations, we are unable to comment further,” the statement concluded.

That afternoon, in an impromptu interview with CNN at his residence, Prime Minister Jean-Henry Céant referred to those detained, who had yet to be formally charged, as “terrorists” and “mercenaries.” He then implied that they wanted access to the roof of the Central Bank in order to assassinate government officials, in particular Céant himself.

If Moïse was pushed to resign as president, it would likely be Prime Minister Céant, who ran as an opposition candidate in the previous election, next in line. The power struggle coloring the background of the ongoing political crisis was on full display. US embassy officials were incensed, and that evening the prime minister’s staff desperately tried to control the situation.

On February 20, the minister of justice sent a letter requesting the release, into US custody, of the seven US-based contractors. Attached, though not made public, was a letter from Mario Reta, the embassy’s regional security officer, apparently requesting the transfer. When Americans are arrested for violating local laws, they must face local charges, and the State Department makes clear it cannot “get U.S. citizens out of jail.” And this was not a formal extradition.

Letter requesting the release, into US custody, of the seven US residents from the minister of justice.

Letter requesting the release, into US custody, of the seven US residents from the minister of justice.

The minister’s letter claimed that the group would face arms trafficking charges upon their return to the United States. Unknown to those of us following the story on the ground (we were at court that afternoon, waiting for the detained contractors’ first appearance before a judge), the Americans were already at the airport.

When they arrived in Miami, US law enforcement reportedly met them on the plane. What agency was responsible for this, however, remains a mystery. Local police departments, the Department of Justice, FBI, TSA, and the US Marshals Service all denied any involvement, according to Task & Purpose. Two agencies that have yet to make any public statements are the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives; and the Drug Enforcement Administration.

The following day, citing “federal sources,” the Miami Herald reported that “the men will not be charged criminally, but are being debriefed.” The contractors, the Herald continued, “told US authorities they were on the island providing private security for a ‘businessman’ doing work with the Haitian government.” The Haitian president and prime minister both denied having any knowledge of their departure.

Though the United States had told Haitian judicial authorities that the men would face arms trafficking charges once they returned to the US, multiple sources close to the case, including in law enforcement, said they believe that the guns themselves were already in Haiti. A Haitian Senator charged that Leconte, the Preble-Rish businessman, provided the weapons. Haitian police are currently holding the equipment.

It’s unclear if the United States ever intended to bring charges, or if it just provided a justification for their release to US custody, but it remains possible that the US contractors, while violating many Haitian laws, did nothing wrong in the eyes of the US justice system. If the guns were already in the country however, they most likely were brought in illegally, and the contractors could have knowledge of how they were obtained, and by whom.

At noon on February 22, Lance Burton, the CEO of Hawkstorm Global, and brother of one of the detained Americans, told me over email: “We are bouncing our statement off the key players involved to make sure everyone is good to go with the release.” About two hours later, Christopher Osman posted his message on Instagram. I haven’t heard from Burton since. Osman wrote:

We were not released we were in fact rescued. To the men who risked their lives to do so: you boys are getting some serious care packages!!! We owe you our lives. ... It’s been a long time since I have seen the weight of the US government at work and it’s a glorious thing.

Osman quickly switched his account to “private,” but not before international media picked up his statement. The account is public again, but the post appears to have deleted.



In Haiti, the decision to release the contractors caused outrage, with many commentators pointing to the fact that the United States has provided financial support to, and touted the successes of, the Haitian justice system for years. If they believed in the institutions, why did the embassy prevent the contractors from facing a judge? The decision is “ugly, worse than a slap in the face,” one prominent radio personality opined, the Herald reported.

“The fact that the U.S. took these people and did not charge them, it shows there was a conspiracy,” Pierre Esperance, the executive director of the National Human Rights Defense Network in Haiti, told the Miami Herald. “They didn’t want them to go before Haitian justice,” he added. It now appears the local investigation has stalled.

But the question remains: why did the US break diplomatic protocol and intervene? Was it to protect US citizens from a politicized trial? To protect the Haitian government from its domestic opponents? To put a lid on a story that was peeling back the earth, and exposing the fault lines threatening the Haitian president’s mandate? Or was it something more?

This investigation has provided significant new details about the case, but many questions remain unanswered. When I was in Haiti the week after the detention, many contacts noted the perception of fear resulting from the case and the automatic weapons found in the contractors possession. In November, images had surfaced of apparent foreigners embedded within the president’s palace guard. Political leaders and other actors have alleged that there are additional contractors still in Haiti, positioned in various cities and even near the residence of President Moïse. In the absence of a public investigation and clear explanation, that fear will remain, as will persistent allegations of the contractors’ involvement in the deaths of protesters.

One thing remains clear: we have yet to hear the end of this story.