Correction to this article

GOVERNMENT crises in the Netherlands tend to be played out with little international publicity. But when the Dutch coalition cabinet fell on February 20th it was done messily and in public—and the ripples were felt as far away as Afghanistan, drawing the world's attention.

The Labour Party quit the government because it could not agree with the Christian Democrats to extend the service of 2,000 Dutch troops in Afghanistan's Uruzgan province (see article). In its early days in 2007 the cabinet agreed to a withdrawal in 2010. Labour insisted on sticking to this despite a written request from NATO for an extension under a changed mandate. Parliamentary debate turned rancorous, with accusations of bad faith hurled around on live television. There was more than a hint of personal irritation between Wouter Bos, the Labour leader, and Jan Peter Balkenende, the Christian Democratic prime minister.

Labour's decision was guided in part by political calculations. With its popularity plummeting, the party may have hoped that blowing up a government over the unpopular Afghan commitment would play well with voters. Its ratings duly rose this week. But polls suggest that, after a new election on June 9th, Labour may be only the fifth-biggest party in a parliament dominated by the right and the liberals.

In truth, the established parties have been struggling ever since the late Pim Fortuyn exploded on to the scene in 2002. Support for the biggest far-right party today, Geert Wilders's Freedom Party, has shot up in recent months. According to polls, if the election were held now, it would be the second-largest party, just two seats short of the Christian Democrats.

Mr Wilders is best known for his virulent anti-Islamic rhetoric. But his party has been broadening its policies. Mr Wilders not only champions limits on immigration, especially from Muslim countries, but also promises to cut red tape for small businesses, reduce taxes and improve care for the elderly. He wants a halt to European Union enlargement, including a flat no to Turkish entry. He is also opposed to the Dutch deployment in Uruzgan.

Mr Wilders casts a long shadow over Dutch politics. The other parties detest him personally, but have been courting his voters. Several prominent Labour politicians have issued a call to all parties not to allow Mr Wilders to influence the next government. But this could backfire. Labour's own immigration policy is moving towards that of Mr Wilders. Calls for a cordon sanitaire may not go down well with the 10% of voters who are foreign-born.

The polls suggest that post-election coalition-building will be tricky. At present they indicate that no three parties will be able to command a majority. This points either to a large, fractious coalition or to a minority government. Neither promises stability. Many believe that Mr Wilders will call the shots even if his party is excluded from the cabinet.

The local elections on March 3rd will give a first hint of the parties' strengths. Mr Wilders's party is running only in two municipalities, partly because of a lack of experienced candidates. But that may not stop it doing well in June.