During the first presidential debate of the 2016 election, Hillary Clinton went after Donald Trump for refusing to release his tax returns, arguing that the scant documents that had been made public showed Trump did not pay any federal income tax, to which the real-estate mogul replied, “That makes me smart.” Obviously, Donald Trump is not smart. But like any person with a decent chunk of change in the bank, he’d hired smart accountants and tax attorneys to legally—we assume—game the system, using the maze of loopholes and work-arounds in the tax code to do so. Trump claimed, not in a braggadocios way, that his ability to rip off Uncle Sam made him uniquely qualified to be president because, if elected, he could fix things so that the “forgotten” man would be on an even playing field with the 1 percent. Spoiler alert: that’s not exactly what happened.

Instead, Team Trump and congressional Republicans have come up with a pair of tax plans that disproportionately help the wealthy and do little for, and in some cases hurt, the lower and middle class. That, of course, was always going to happen, considering people like House Speaker Paul Ryan have dreamt of facilitating a historic transfer of wealth since they were wee tots at Young Republican Camp, where they learned to tie box knots and to argue convincingly that if grandma gets sick, it should be grandma who pays to get better. But because of the absolutely mind-boggling pace at which they’re attempting to push them through, their plans are, according to a new report by Politico, “riddled with bugs, loopholes, and other potential problems that could plague lawmakers long after their legislation is signed into law.” And—and you might want to sit down for this part—we’re sure it will come as a yuge surprise that many of said bugs and loopholes just happen to benefit the rich.

The most obvious example is the call to cut taxes on “pass-through” businesses such as the Trump Organization. In theory, and in selling the plan, Republicans have said this is all about easing the burden on mom-and-pop operations. But the move is expected to motivate a stampede of people like lawyers, doctors, consultants, and their dogs to reclassify themselves in order to take advantage of the windfall that would come with lowering their tax rates. “Once you offer a 25 percent [rate] to someone who is looking at 39.6 percent there is a tremendous incentive to find ways to drop from basically 40 to 25,” Alex Raskolnikov, a tax professor at Columbia Law School, told me. “This is going to put tax planning on a whole new level.”

But wait, you say, what about the “guardrails” Republicans promised to put in place to prevent thing like that from happening? “Historical experience is that guardrails don’t work,” Adam Looney, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, told me. “Part of the reason, one, is that for anybody who is married and making $500K there are no guardrails, so anyone can be a qualified small-business owner. And above 500 there are guardrails, but they’ll be easy to circumvent. The rules they’ve proposed have never been used before [in cases like these]. There’s going to be a lot of [opportunities for] tax arbitrage.”

As Raskolnikov told me, “loopholes always exist in legislation, you need to get the votes so you give away little deals. That‘s par for the course. What is not par for the course is that this is being done so fast that no one has time to sit down and think things through and get feedback . . . this is a different level of magnitude for how fast this is [happening] . . . there seems to be a new screwup that comes up very 10 minutes.” He added that the “fixing of the screwups is not going to be randomly distributed.”