The physical distance between Capitol Hill and K Street is only about a mile. But armed with the knowledge that walking that path can be lucrative, many lawmakers decide to make the trek — and stay put. Some even do so regardless of whether their congressional terms are over.

Sen. Mel Martinez (R-Fla.) is the most recent example. Within two weeks of announcing his early resignation from Congress last month, Martinez had landed a job at lobbying firm DLA Piper. Under federal law, Martinez will have to wait two years before he can lobby his former colleagues, but in the meantime, he’ll be advising the firm’s clients based on the inside knowledge he gained after five years on the job.

At least 44 lawmakers have left their congressional seats mid-term since 1990, and at least 16 of them went on to work at lobbying firms or at companies that hired lobbyists, the Center for Responsive Politics has found. Of these 16, three are former senators and 10 are Republicans. Here, we take a closer look at a few of these individuals, examining which industries and clients they’re now representing. We also explore the campaign cash they received while in Congress from the industries and organizations they now represent.

Note: The individuals listed below all currently work for a lobbying firm or for an organization that lobbies and were in Congress for some period of time after 1998. This excludes current Oakland Mayor Ronald Dellums, who was a member of Congress between 1971 and 1998 and founded Dellums & Associates; and New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson, who served in Congress between 1982 and 1997, worked for Fleishman-Hillard Inc. and ran for president in 2008.

Name: Rep. Richard Baker (R-La.)

Year Elected: 1986

Year Resigned: 2008

Life After Congress: Baker resigned from the U.S. House of Representatives in February 2008 specifically to become the top lobbyist of the Managed Funds Association as president and chief executive officer. “MFA is the voice of the global alternative investment industry,” according to the group’s website. “Its members are professionals in hedge funds, funds of funds and managed futures funds, as well as industry service providers.” Since the start of 2008, the MFA has spent $5.1 million on lobbying.

Congressional Career: As a member of the U.S. House of Representatives, Baker sat on the House Financial Services Committee through the 2006 election cycle. But “[Baker] has not been a high-profile player on issues dealing with hedge funds,” the Washington Post wrote last year. “In 1999, he did introduce a measure that would have required hedge funds to disclose more about their operations, but that legislation did not succeed.”

Congressional Cash: The industries to contribute the most to the congressman between 1989 and the year he left Capitol Hill include commercial banks ($892,100), securities and investment companies ($679,000) and insurers ($677,450). Many of his top donors were finance-related: JPMorgan Chase & Co. ($151,400), American Bankers Association ($99,200) and Bank of America ($87,750). The broad finance sector gave Baker $3.5 million — more than all other members of the U.S. House of Representatives, past or present, but 15.

In His Own Words: “The reason the [hedge fund] industry came to me was because of my work in the subject area,” Baker said in an interview with WJBO Radio in Baton Rouge, according to the New Orleans Times-Picayune. “I have put my life into developing considerable knowledge in this area.”

Name: Rep. Larry Combest (R-Texas)

Year Elected: 1984

Year Resigned: 2003

Life After Congress: Combest began his own lobbying firm, Combest Sell & Associates, after abruptly resigning from Congress to spend more time with his family. The firm’s clients are primarily focused on agriculture and include the American Sugar Alliance, the Minnesota Corn Growers Association and the Southwest Council of Agribusiness, all of which paid $120,000 for the firm’s lobbying services in the first nine months of this year. Since Combest founded the firm, it has made $3.4 million in lobbying income.

Congressional Career: The lobbying stint doesn’t mark Combest’s first time working with the agricultural sector. Between 2000 and 2003 he served as chairman of the House Agriculture Committee. When he announced his resignation just a week after winning his 10th term, it came as a surprise to his fellow lawmakers and his Texas constituents alike. “Larry Combest has been a statesman and a tireless advocate for agriculture during his service in Congress,” Texas Farm Bureau president Donald Patman told the Southwest Farm Press in 2002. “Larry’s leadership in agriculture reached far beyond his own district, touching the lives of farm and ranch families everywhere. His leadership during the debate on the 2002 farm bill was indispensable, and he deserves much credit for its passage. This legislation will stand as a large part of his legacy.”

Congressional Cash: Combest’s popularity with farmers and ranchers translated into campaign cash during his time in Congress. Between 1989 and the year he left, crop production and basic processing companies and agricultural services and products companies contributed more than any other industry to Combest, giving a total of $639,200. The agribusiness sector as a whole donated $1.1 million, which is nearly four times more than what he collected from his next most generous sector — finance, insurance and real estate. At least half of Combest’s top 20 donors are related to the agricultural sector, including the American Farm Bureau ($47,950), the Western Peanut Growers Association ($41,000) and the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association ($39,150). One of his current lobbying clients, the National Rural Electric Cooperative Association was also among his top donors at $27,850.

In His Own Words: ”If the Senate has the desire to be seen as slowing this process, then it is certainly possible they simply do not intend to act,” Combest said in 2001 when the administration and Senate were concerned about the price-tag of the farm bill. ”I do not intend for the House to neglect its duties to the American farmer.”

Name: Rep. Dennis Hastert (R-Ill.)

Year Elected: 1986

Year Resigned: 2007

Life After Congress: This former speaker of the House didn’t have far to jump between Capitol Hill and K Street. As a senior adviser at Dickstein Shapiro, Hastert brought with him a resume padded with the type of access to Congress that lobbying firms covet. At the end of his congressional career, Hastert became a member of the House Committee on Energy and Commerce, likely a perk for Dickstein Shapiro, which reported lobbying on energy and nuclear power in the year Hastert resigned. With health care reform and energy debates in full swing this year, the firm has some notable clients: The Biotechnology Industry Organization, which paid Dickstein Shapiro $80,000 in the first nine months of the year, Kansas Bioscience Authority ($170,000), Peabody Energy ($360,000) and Covanta Energy Corp. ($330,000), a subsidiary of Covanta Holding. The firm collected $5.6 million between January and September, putting its reported revenue far behind the larger lobby shops. Its highest paying client was Lorriard Tobacco, a subsidiary of Loews Corp. (nearly $2 million).

Congressional Career: Hastert was House speaker between 1999 and 2006, when he lost the leadership position to the new Democratic majority. During his time as House speaker, the chamber passed financial services deregulation policy, the Bush energy program that included drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and a bill that provided prescription drugs for seniors. Hastert was popular in his district — he was always re-elected with at least 64 percent of the vote.

Congressional Cash: During his congressional career, Hastert raised $19.6 million, with AT&T, the Chicago Mercantile Exchange and the American Medical Association among his most generous contributors. During his career he also maintained an active leadership PAC, called Keep Our Mission PAC, through which he gave nearly $3.5 million to other candidates and lawmakers. The PAC most recently reported having $427,150 in the bank, money that Hastert could continue to dole out to lawmakers, even though he’s not their leader anymore. A number of Dickstein Shapiro’s clients belong to the industry’s that contributed heavily to Hastert while he was in Congress, including Time Warner (entertainment industry) and Dey LP (pharmaceutical industry).

In His Own Words: “The time has now come to spend more time with my family which sacrificed for so long to enable me to serve,” Hastert said in a statement when he officially submitted his resignation to current Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.). “By selecting this specific time to resign, it allows Gov. [Rod] Blagojevich the opportunity to announce a special primary to select candidates from my unexpired term on February 5, 2008, an already established primary day.” It also allowed Hastert to skirt the pending rule requiring lawmakers to wait two years before taking up lobbying positions, forcing him to wait only one year before he could lobby his former colleagues.

Name: Rep. Robert Livingston (R-La.)

Year Elected: 1977

Year Resigned: 1999

Life After Congress: In 1999, Livingston left Congress to start his own firm, aptly named the Livingston Group. Every year since Livingston Group opened, the firm has focused its lobbying efforts primarily on issues related to appropriations and the budget and touts its connections to Congress through former lawmakers. “Members of the TLG team have proudly served under both Republican and Democrat Administrations, and include former Members of Congress of both parties, Congressional staff, state representatives, staff of Governors and former corporate executives,” the firm’s website states. In the first nine months of 2009, Livingston Group’s highest-paying clients have included contractor Bovis Lend Lease Holdings ($360,000), a subsidiary of Lend Lease Corp.; chemical manufacturer Sasol North America ($310,000), a subsidiary of Sasol Std.; and real estate company Merscop Inc ($270,000). European Aeronautic Defence & Space has also hired the firm to do its bidding on Capitol Hill to the tune of $210,000 this year. In the first nine months of 2009, Livingston Group’s lobbying income was $5.5 million.

Congressional Career: It is perhaps no coincidence that Livingston’s firm deals primarily with appropriations and budget issues — in 1995, Livingston took the helm of the powerful House Appropriations Committee. He announced his resignation from Congress, however, when calling for then-President Bill Clinton’s impeachment for lying in a sworn deposition about his extramarital affair. The reason for Livingston’s resignation? He was having numerous extramarital affairs. This confession cost him a shot at becoming speaker of the House and prompted him to end his political career — at least in Congress.

Congressional Cash: In the 1998 and 2000 election cycles, the former congressman raised $3.1 million. The industries most generous to him during that time were defense aerospace companies, which gave him $178,200 over those two cycles; oil and gas companies ($151,950) and lawyers and law firms ($136,000). His top donors included a number of defense companies: Lockheed Martin ($30,900), Northrop Grumman ($29,600), General Dynamics ($22,500) and Raytheon ($15,750). In addition to European Aeronautic Defence & Space, Raytheon has also hired Livingston’s firm to lobby.

In His Own Words: ”I feel lighter. I don’t have to worry about all the problems, all over the world, all the time. And I just have to worry about the next paycheck,” Livingston said on his last day in Congress, before announcing that his next paycheck would come from his attempts to influence his former colleagues.

Name: Sen. Trent Lott (R-Miss.)

Year Elected: 1972 (to the House)

Year Resigned: 2007

Life After Congress: Former Senate Majority Leader Lott was busy in the months after he left Congress in 2007, swiftly demonstrating the value of a former lawmaker to various industries seeking access on Capitol Hill. First Lott joined with former Sen. John Breaux (D-La.) to open a bipartisan lobbying firm, and most recently he accepted a position on the board of the North American arm of the European Aeronautic Defense and Space Company (EADS). The Breaux Lott Leadership Group has a number of clients with big issues on the docket this year — AT&T, which is vigorously battling net neutrality rules and paid the lobbying firm $450,000 between January and September; PhARMA, which has been actively lobbying lawmakers on health care reform this year and paid Lott’s group $450,000 in the first nine months of the year; and a number of energy companies, including Chevron, which doled out $400,000 to the firm in that time. Defense companies, too, have also hired Lott’s firm, including Northrop Grumman ($450,000) and Raytheon ($215,000). In the first nine months of the year, the Breaux Lott Group made $8 million, which is what it made total all of last year.

Congressional Career: Lott started his congressional career in the House in 1972 and was elected to the Senate in 1988. He served as the Senate majority leader between 1996 and 2001. As a lawmaker, Lott’s beliefs were “reminiscent of the mostly unarticulated beliefs of the coalition of Southern conservative Democrats and small-town conservative Northerners,” according to the Almanac of American Politics. This means he was “against increased taxes, hostile to federal regulation of business and local government, for an assertive foreign policy and strong defense, for traditional rules of moral conduct.” Lott served on a number of committees, including Senate Finance; Senate Commerce, Science and Transportation; Senate Select Intelligence and was the chairman of the Senate Rules and Administration Committee for a number of years.

Congressional Cash: At least four of Lott’s top donors between 1989 and when he left Congress are among his lobbying firms current clients, including AT&T, which gave the former senator $46,500 in that time; Northrop Grumman ($38,000), Chevron ($36,500) and FedEx Corp ($28,000). Employees of lobbying firm PriceWaterhouseCoopers, now one of his competitors, gave Lott $30,000, making his top 20 most generous donors list. His total haul was $11.2 million, of which he spent $10 million. Insurers, oil and gas companies and health professionals top his list of industry donors, together giving him $1.1 million over nearly two decades.

In His Own Words: Lott said in a press conference in 2007 that he did not resign from Congress early to skirt the pending ethics rules prohibiting lawmakers from lobbying their former colleagues for two years, according to the Washington Post. “And,” he added, “as I’ve talked to my former colleagues, they say that a lot of what you do anyway is involved with consulting rather than direct lobbying.”

Name: Sen. Mel Martinez (R-Fla.)

Year Elected: 2004

Year Resigned: 2009

Life After Congress: Within two weeks of announcing that he was resigning from Congress, Martinez had taken up a job at lobbying firm DLA Piper. But he hasn’t been at this post long — Martinez only resigned from the Senate last month. “Senator Martinez is highly respected on both Capitol Hill and in his home state of Florida,” the firm said in a press release. “He also has vast experience and a significant network of international contacts, particularly in Spain and in Latin America which will be a major area of growth and expansion for DLA Piper over the next year.” Last year DLA Piper was among the highest paying firms on K Street, bringing in $11.9 million for its services. In the first nine months of 2009, the firm has collected nearly $8 million total from clients such as pharmaceutical company Sanofi-Aventis ($100,000), defense companies Lockheed Martin ($30,000) and Raytheon ($220,000) and financial services firm Morgan Stanley ($120,000). Under ethics law, Martinez won’t be able to lobby his former colleagues for two years.

Congressional Career: As a member of the Senate Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs Committee, Martinez supported legislation to overhaul the mortgage process for consumers and focused on local issues in his home state. On the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee, he pushed to open up the Gulf of Mexico to offshore drilling but supported a ban on such activity along Florida’s Panhandle. Martinez, who is Cuban-American, was also active in shaping immigration policy and sat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

Congressional Cash: In his short time in Congress, Martinez raised $16.1 million. His standing on the Senate Banking Committee appeared to be lucrative as far as campaign cash goes — he collected $2.9 million from the finance, insurance and real estate sector, which is nearly twice what his next most generous sector, lawyers and lobbyists, contributed to him. His top donors ranged from JPMorgan Chase ($49,950) to Pediatrix Medical Group ($29,800) to Florida Crystals ($28,500). None of his top 20 donors, however, are currently clients of DLA Piper.

In His Own Words: “My priorities have always been my faith, my family and my country and at this stage in my life, and after nearly 12 years of public service in Florida and Washington, it’s time I return to Florida and my family,” Martinez said in August in announcing his retirement, according to Politico. “I did this on my own free will. There’s no reason – this is just my desire to move on and get on with the rest of my life.”

Name: Rep. Bud Shuster (R-Penn.)

Year Elected: 1972

Year Resigned: 2001

Life After Congress: Since he left Congress, Shuster has worked as a principal for lobbying firm Strategic Advisory Group, bringing with him a few clients who were likely interested in the legislation before the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee, which Shuster chaired. Over the years, the firm has been hired by sea transport company FastShip, the Association of American Railroads and UAL Corp., the parent company of United Airlines. Since Shuster started there, the firm has brought in a lobbying income of $5.6 million.

Congressional Career: During his time in Congress, Shuster gained a reputation for requesting appropriations funds for transportation projects, which other lawmakers criticized as wasteful spending. But in the midst of finding money to direct to the nation’s infrastructure, Shuster became the target of an ethics investigation alleging that he had become too close to and accepted improper gifts from former aide and transportation lobbyist Ann Eppard. He also faced allegations that he inappropriately helped a client of his brother, who was also a lobbyist. In 2000, three years after the investigation began, the House Ethics Committee rebuked the congressman, but issued no additional punishment. In 1998, Eppard had been indicted by a federal grand jury on charges of stealing from Shuster while she was an aide and accepting payoffs during that time.

Congressional Cash: Shuster’s top-donating industries were far and away related to the construction and transportation sectors, which gave him $2.1 million collectively between 1989 and 2001. This includes building materials and equipment companies ($405,100), air transport companies ($338,300), transportation unions ($217,500) and sea transport companies ($110,100). His top donors included UPS ($49,000), the Aircraft Owners & Pilots Association ($45,500) and the American Road and Transportation Builders Association ($38,750). “More than anyone else in federal government, Bud Shuster understands the deep connection between dynamic transportation investment and economic growth,” said ARTBA President Peter Ruane when Shuster announced his resignation. “He leaves a legacy of vision, leadership and achievement in the transportation arena that sets a very high standard for those who follow him.”

In His Own Words: “I’m not a big spender,” Shuster said in 1998 after the House passed his $217 billion transportation legislation that year and members of both parties criticized parts of the bill as needless pork spending. “I’m a fiscal conservative. But there’s a fundamental difference between spending money to build assets and pouring money down a rat hole.”

Name: Rep. Al Wynn (D-Md.)

Year Elected: 1992

Year Resigned: 2008

Life After Congress: Wynn’s resignation came on the heels of a losing Democratic primary campaign against now-Rep. Donna Edwards. After he left Capitol Hill, he became a partner of lobbying firm Dickstein Shapiro (and a colleague once again of Hastert). Because his resignation came before new ethics rules were put into place, Wynn only had to wait one year before he could lobby his former colleagues, rather than two. As noted in Hastert’s profile, the firm has a number of clients with a lot at stake this year: The Biotechnology Organization, which paid Dickstein Shapiro $80,000 in the first nine months of the year, Kansas Bioscience Authority ($170,000), Peabody Energy ($360,000) and Covanta Energy Corp. ($330,000), a subsidiary of Covanta Holding. The firm collected $5.6 million between January and September, and its highest paying client was Lorriard Tobacco, a subsidiary of Loews Corp. (nearly $2 million).

Congressional Career: If Wynn had won the Democratic primary–and stayed in Congress–he would have been busy this year helping the House Energy and Commerce Committee shape its version of health care reform legislation. (Instead, he now has to do this from outside the halls of power.) The former congressman was generally on board with his party’s priorities, but typically sided with the GOP when energy issues were involved. In both 2003 and 2005 he was the only Maryland Democrat to support the energy bills, according to the Almanac of American Politics. Interestingly, he also opposed the provision in the McCain-Feingold campaign finance bill that banned soft money.

Congressional Cash: The labor sector proved to be Wynn’s most generous sector, giving him $1.1 million during his time in Congress. This is reflected in his list of top donors, which includes the Machinists and Aerospace Workers Union ($65,000), United Auto Workers ($61,500) and the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, or AFSCME ($60,600). Although none of his top donors appear to be clients of Dickstein Shapiro this year, the Teamsters contributed $57,500 to Wynn’s candidate committees over the years and hired Dickstein Shapiro in 2008.

In His Own Words: Once Wynn announced that he’d be leaving Congress to work for Dickstein Shapiro, he stepped down from his committee assignments for the remainder of his time in Congress.”While I believe I’ve complied with both the letter and spirit of the ethics laws, as well as engaged in the appropriate recusals, I am stepping down so that this issue will not be a distraction from the critical work of the committee to combat climate change, achieve energy independence and protect our environment,” he said in a statement, according to the Washington Post.



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