Branding change is a lot easier than showcasing performance, especially in politics. And this is the big challenge BJP has taken upon itself for 2019—to politically brand sarkari initiatives, key reforms, schemes and doles.So, what’s new? After all, previous governments have also sought re-election on similar grounds. The change is in the execution. For the first time, we have the party edifice taking the lead in the exercise to brand the performance of its government.The logic, of course, is to ensure effective political branding, which is usually a casualty when dealt out by the government’s own publicity machinery. Yet, the earlier general consensus was that the GoI set-up had better penetration and reach to carry the message than ad hoc party structures, often hampered by ground-level internal bickerings and patronage.The reincarnated BJP, however, backs itself not only just to do a better job, but it has also set a new standard in Indian politics. The party boasts of a more committed, better oiled system with deeper reach, down to every polling booth, of the kind which is currently unparalleled by any other party. Perhaps, the only comparison could be with the CPI(M) in its prime in West Bengal.Congress, ever since Indira Gandhi , has largely depended on the government system. In fact, the Nehru-Gandhi family has traditionally trusted the GoI set-up, including intelligence agencies, more than its party loop largely due to the conspiring nature of Congress’s internal politics.BJP, on the other hand, appears far more self-contained. Which is why when the first phase of the Gram Swaraj Abhiyan, a GoI initiative to ensure 100% achievement of seven schemes in targeted villages was completed, the claim was made from the BJP headquarters. Party president Amit Shah gave out the figures himself from the first phase, and announced the launch of the second phase. He, more than any other minister or Cabinet member, has been in the forefront, reeling out data and information on specific initiatives, be it minimum support price for farmers, income-tax compliance data, or action against black money.At the core of this enterprise is the unison in leadership between government and party. This has led to seamless coordination at all levels. Not just that, we are witnessing mirroring functional elements, like the creation of a prabhari officer within the government for each of the 115 aspirational (earlier identified as backward) districts. Cabinet ministers are now required to be present in the party office on designated days. A sort of working roster has been created with junior ministers also taking turns.Chief ministers of BJP-ruled states come to Delhi for a periodic review with not just the PM, but also the party president. The objective: there should be no gaps in policy-planning, mirroring and execution between Centre, party and state government.This is in sharp contrast to, say, NDA 1when even though the late Pramod Mahajan ran an electrifying ‘ India Shining ’ campaign, there were just too many power centres, starting with RSS, LK Advani and other factions, to achieve the kind of unity of purpose needed for BJP to break new ground in states where it wasn’t strong.In contrast, the Sonia Gandhi-Manmohan Singh equation was very stable during UPA 1. The Congress president was the stronger political entity, but she never openly undermined the PM despite differences in coalition management. Eventually, she agreed to forsake the understanding with the Left for the India-US nuclear deal.The stable party-government equilibrium was a key reason why Congress managed to exceed its own expectations in the 2009 elections. By 2014, this had dissipated with Rahul Gandhi making it clear that he had his own plans even if meant attacking his own PM while the latter was on an official visit to the US.Modi and Shah bring a completely new equation to the table, where clearly the PM is the principal power centre, but the party president is clearly established as No. 2. They are in complete sync with each other, thereby making BJP an extremely stable and potent combination.Having said that, the political branding of government initiatives as the mainstay of a campaign will require considerable innovation, given that party structures usually work on polarising caste and religious groups. But this time, BJP has realised that there’s more to gain by branding the government. First, it’s the clearest association with Brand Modi, which is what the unquantified ‘Modi voter’ will seek to identify.Next, by having the first-mover advantage, BJP is able to own schemes like Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana and Ujala (Unnat Jyoti by Affordable LEDs for All) in the states. Regional parties have, in the past, successfully rebranded central schemes to show it as their own for political benefit. On that score, not only has BJP pushed these parties on the backfoot, it has also, through Ayushman Bharat, eclipsed other, more elaborate health schemes in other states.Finally, the pro-poor push through GoI schemes also attempts to ring-fence disparate caste groups that voted for BJP and belong to economically underprivileged segments. This will give BJP a new dedicated class of voters— or so it hopes, even for the future.Either way, it’s a new strategy, one where the party, not the government, is at the heart of governance propaganda. The outcome, undoubtedly, will also deliver its own set of unknown power variables.