But for its cities, Canada would be little more than the sum of its geography. Though many already believe that’s the case, the life of the nation — cultural, economic, social, intellectual — unfolds in its urban centres.

Yet Canada’s cities remain poor and inherently powerless. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, the princeling practitioner of the politics of appearance, rarely treats cities as more than a photo op, a backdrop to the drama of ruling the country. The constitution, which ignores cities, relegates them to provincial control. The provinces, however, as Saskatchewan’s new premier, Scott Moe, made clear within minutes of being elected last weekend, are focused on fighting the federal government, not tending to the needs of their cities.

Through it all, cities, the seat and source of non-political power in Canada, have been pushed to the sidelines where they wait, for the most part patiently, for a nod — i.e. handout — from the “senior” levels of government.

Toronto Mayor John Tory talks regularly about going to Queen’s Park, like a boy in short pants, to ask for more. When cash is given, as often as not, it serves the province’s tribalist agenda and comes with enough strings to strangle the city.

Last year, Ontario Premier Kathleen Wynne undid everything she has stood for throughout her career when she glibly refused Toronto’s request to toll the Gardiner Expressway and the Don Valley Parkway. The city desperately needed the funds and hoped fees would lessen congestion. Toronto’s plans were no match for Wynne’s fear of angering drivers in the 905.

But times have changed. Though neither federal nor provincial governments have kept up, we live in a new urban age. More than half the planet’s population now inhabit cities and if sprawl remains legal in many suburban municipalities, its unsustainability grows ever harder to ignore. Canada is singularly ill-equipped to deal with this emerging reality. Canadian cities, infantilized by a history that has left them beholden to the higher powers of the provinces, have little expertise in self-governance. In 2010, the country’s largest, richest and most sophisticated city disgraced itself internationally by electing Rob Ford mayor. John Tory, though he can finish a sentence, has never moved far from Ford’s small-town agenda.

This makes it hard to argue that this city should have access to more revenue sources than property taxes and user fees. The unabashed parochialism of Toronto city council, its willingness to pander to the lowest and most local of interests, its timidity in the face of change don’t inspire confidence in the city’s ability to govern itself.

Still, this must happen.

In many places, it already has. Cities around the world levy income and sales taxes. These are the public sector’s most lucrative revenue sources, but forbidden under provincial legislation. Though the former may be fairest, the latter might be more politically acceptable.

“Sales tax is a really viable option,” argues Sheila Block, senior economist at the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. “It would be a tough sell, but we know from the shelter crisis and the state of the TTC that a sales tax is needed. If we’re going to impose a new tax, we have to have one that has the potential to raise the revenue we need.”

Block acknowledges a sales tax isn’t progressive, but points out that its effects can be mitigated by tax credits, exemptions and the like. She also notes that the money raised can be used for progressive measures.

As academics Harry Kitchen and Enid Slack observed in a 2016 Institute of Municipal Finance and Governance study, “a municipal sales tax permits cities to tax non-residents who use local services. It would also give cities greater flexibility and breadth in determining their own tax structure and allow them to benefit from growth in the economy.” Given that a record 43.7 million visitors came to Toronto in 2017, a civic sales tax looks very appealing.

And, says Councillor Joe Cressy, “The process of putting a sales tax in place isn’t as complicated as people think. But the mayor would have to be onside.”

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But by the time the discussion about a municipal sales tax heats up in, say, 2019 — after provincial and civic elections — the political landscape could be completely new. Given the chaotic state of the provincial conservative party, it’s possible John Tory could be premier. In that case, he can put his long pants back on and give Toronto the funding it needs.

Christopher Hume’s column appears weekly. He can be reached at jcwhume4@gmail.com

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