Yoruba Customs and Beliefs Pertaining to Twins



From the publication: Twin Research

Volume 5 Number 2 pp. 132-136



By : Fernand Leroy(1),Taiwo Olaleye-Oruene (2), Gesina Koeppen-Schomerus (3) and Elizabeth Bryan (4)





1-Overijse, Belgium

2-Olabisi-Olaleye Foundation, London, UK

3-SGDPRC, IoP, King’s College, London, UK

4-Multiple Births Foundation, London, UK



Introduction

The Yoruba are an important ethnic group mainly occupying

Southwestern Nigeria. Mainly for genetic reasons, this very

large tribe happens to present the highest dizygotic twinning

rate in the world (4.4 % of all maternities). The high perinatal

mortality rate associated with such pregnancies has con-

tributed to the integration of a special twin belief system

within the African traditional religion of this tribe. The latter is

based on the concept of a supreme deity called Olodumare or

Olorun, assisted by a series of secondary gods (Orisha) while

Yoruba religion also involves immortality and reincarnation of

the soul based on the animistic cult of ancestors. Twins are

therefore given special names and believed to detain special

preternatural powers. In keeping with their refined artistic tradi-

tion, the Yoruba have produced numerous wooden statuettes

called Ibejis that represent the souls of deceased newborn

twins and are involved in elaborate rituals. Among Yoruba tradi-

tional beliefs and lore some twin-related themes are

represented which are also found in other parts of the world.

Basic features of the original Yoruba beliefs have found their

way into the religious traditions of descendants of African

slaves imported in the West Indies and in South America.





Geography, Population and History

The Yoruba area is mainly located in Southwestern Nigeria

and in the East of adjacent Benin formerly known as

Dahomey (see Figure 1) but Yoruba people have also spread

to Togo and Ghana (Massa, 1999). The twenty five million

people or so who speak the Yoruba language (belonging to

the Kwa language family) represent one of Africa’s largest

ethnic groups of which the main city is Lagos, one of the

most rapidly growing cities in the world with a population

of 1.4 million in 1972, 10.6 in 1996 and a projected figure

of 20 million by 2010. The origin of the Yoruba is some-

what obscure. Classical theories maintain that they

originated from Egypt, Arabia or Nubia and that they

settled in their present homeland long before the 12th

century. However, studies of mtDNA indicate that in addi-

tion to their kinship with close neighbours such as Hausas

and Ibos, they are genetically the most closely related to

two Western African populations located in the Senegalese

region (Mandenka, Songhai) as well as to Tuaregs (Cavalli-

Sforza et al., 1993; Watson et al., 1996). According to

Yoruba lore, they originally came from the ancient city of

Ife where their almighty god Olorun also known as

Olodumare created mankind (Bolajildowu, 1973; Chappel,

1974; Radin, 1924; Stoll & Stoll, 1980).



The Yoruba chiefdoms were united under the supreme

authority of the powerful Alafin, king of Oyo, until the

beginning of the 19th century. The great Oyo kingdom was

then thrown into confusion by internal battles and wars so

that new smaller kingdoms were created, generating the

major Yoruba subtribes that exist today alongside the origi-

nal Oyo (Chappel, 1974).



In 1886 began the British colonial period which ended

with the declaration of Nigerian independence in 1960. In

1966, the Biafra civil war involved the Yoruba, Haussa and

Ibo tribes and led to political turmoil and military govern-

ment until the return of Nigerian civilian rule in 1979.



The Traditional Yoruba Community

The family unit is of vital importance in the life of every

Yoruba. As in many African societies, the concept of the

family extends far beyond one’s own parents, siblings, wife

and children. It includes a whole clan often composed of

more than a hundred people among which mutual assis-

tance is compulsory. The head of this extended family is the

clan elder called Bale (Mobolade, 1971). Within the clan,

the senior is always superior to the junior. The former,

however, has the obligation to support the junior. If

needed, he must, for instance, take over the role of the

junior’s father (Stoll & Stoll, 1980).



The next level of Yoruba social organisation is the

village community assembling several clans that are closely

linked to each other in a brotherly way. A number of village

communities combine in the form of a principal Yoruba

tribe occupying a given area (Figure 1). At the head of each

tribe reigns a king called Oba who used to deal with

supraregional matters. Nowadays, the Obas no longer have

a say in official policy making although they are still hon-

oured and respected as traditional rulers. Beaded crowns are

worn by the Oba kings during festivities to emphasise their

spiritual powers and royal lineage (Olaleye-Oruene, 1983).



Yoruba Religious Beliefs

Within today’s Yoruba religious affiliations, more than 40%

of the population are allied to Islam, less than 40% are

Christians with the remaining 20% exclusively practising

the traditional animist Yoruba religion. However, most

Yoruba people belonging to the Islamic or to the Christian

faith also adhere in one way or another to the traditional

religious beliefs. The latter are based on the immortality of

the soul and on its reincarnation, which are both essential

to the ibeji twin belief.



Besides the creator Olorun or Olodumare the Yoruba

pantheon is diversified into numerous gods or Orishas. The

resemblance with the realm of ancient Greek mythology

justifies the designation of the Yorubas as the “Hellenes of

Africa” (Bascom, 1973; Chappel, 1974; Mobolade, 1971;

Thompson, 1971). The main Orishas are (Courlander,

1973; Stoll & Stoll, 1980):



Shango : god of thunder and lightening whose emblem

is the double axe (Yoruba territory is subject to the

second highest frequency of thunderstorms in the

world, after Java);



Shopona : the god of smallpox, very powerful and much

feared;



Eshu : the troublemaker, the magician and sorcerer who

has many faces and may behave either favourably or

balefully;



Ogun : god of iron and war and anyone who works

with iron (smiths, hunters, carvers, taxi drivers, etc.)

is a worshipper of Ogun;



Obatalla : Olorun’s plenipotentiary who created the

cripples while being drunk.



Besides these main figures, there are many secondary

Orishas.



The belief in reincarnation is linked to the Yoruba ancestor

belief. In Yoruba religion it is thought that about two gen-

erations after death, every human soul has a chance to

return to earth in the body of a newborn, mostly within the

same family. The welfare of any family is entirely depen-

dent on that of its ancestors. Therefore, regular prayers are

said and sacrificial gifts are laid in front of a special family

shrine devoted to the ancestors (Jantzen & Bertisch, 1993;

Stoll & Stoll, 1980; Thompson, 1971).



As in other African social frameworks, the Yoruba have

developed select and secret religious communities endowed

with strong powers based on the use of black magic and

powerful drugs. The most prominent of these groups is the

Ogboni organisation which, in the past, could even force an

offender to drink a cup of deadly poison.



In their very popular festival that takes place once a

year, the Egungun worshippers represent the spirits of the

departed by masks, in order to connect the living to the

dead. Other such organisations are the Gelede and Epa soci-

eties which are well known for their display of elaborate

masks (Thompson, 1971).



Twins in Yoruba Society

In traditional African societies, twins were considered of

preternatural origin and raised emotional reactions oscillat-

ing from fear and repugnance to hope and joy (Leroy,

1995). In ancient times, the Yoruba used to reject and even

sacrifice newborn twins (Leroy, 1995). Strangely enough,

historical scales were tipped so that twins are nowadays not

only well accepted but welcomed, their birth being an occa-

sion of great rejoicing. A feast will be organised for the

whole community and even for neighbouring villages if the

twins are the children of a prominent member of the tribe

(Chappel, 1974; Stoll & Stoll, 1980).



It is believed that twins are able to bestow happiness,

health and prosperity upon their family. However, since

they can also bring about disaster, disease and death, they

will be treated with all due respect, loving and care. Their

upbringing is therefore far more permissive than that of

other children (Stoll & Stoll, 1980).



The first born twin, whether a boy or a girl, is always

called Taiwo, meaning ‘having the first taste of the world’,

whereas the second is named Kehinde, meaning ‘arriving

after the other’. Although being born first Taiwo is consid-

ered as the younger twin. His senior Kehinde is supposed to

send out his partner to see what the outside world looks

like. As soon as Taiwo has given a signal by crying, Kehinde

will follow. Kehinde is supposed to be more careful, more

intelligent and more reflective, while Taiwo is believed to be

more curious and adventurous, but also more nonchalant

(Olaleye-Oruene, 1983; Stoll & Stoll, 1980).



On the third day after the birth of twins, a visit is paid

by the parents to the Babalawo, the Ifa priest of the com-

munity. Through the interpretation of the Ifa oracle which

includes no less than 1,600 sayings, he is able to drive out

whatever evil spirits may threaten the newborn twins

(Chappel, 1974; Courlander, 1973; Thompson, 1971). He

will dedicate the twins to the Orisha Ibeji god of twins and

if deemed necessary will appoint for them an additional

patron such as Eshu or Shango. Contrary to these latter

prominent deities, the specific god of twins is a minor

Orisha who is never figuratively represented.



The Babalawo communicates to the mother a series of

instructions on how to treat her twins: which colours they

should wear or avoid, which food is recommended or pro-

hibited, which animals are dangerous for them, etc.

(Olaleye-Oruene, 1983; Stoll & Stoll, 1980). The powers

of the Babalawo included the ability to give the order to let

one of the twins starve to death if he was thought to be

possessed by evil spirits that could not be exorcised. This

custom is a reminder of the theme of “the good and the bad

twin” which is part of the mythical beliefs of many archaic

tribes (Leroy, 1995).



The Ibeji Belief System

As the Yoruba believe that twins share the same combined

soul, when a newborn twin dies, the life of the other is

imperilled because the balance of his soul has become seri-

ously disturbed. To counteract this danger a special ritual is

carried out. After consulting the Babalawo, an artisan will

be commissioned to carve a small wooden figure as a sym-

bolic substitute for the soul of the deceased twin. If both

twins have died, two of these figures are made (Figure 2;

Jantzen & Bertisch, 1993; Mobolade, 1971; Stoll & Stoll,

1980).



These effigies are called Ere ibeji (from ‘ibi ’ = born

and ‘ eji ’ = two; ere means sacred image). By virtue of his

immortal soul hosted by his ibeji, the departed twin remains as

powerful as the living one. The ibeji(s) will have

to be cared for by the parents or later on by the surviving

twin. Therefore, these figures are symbolically washed, fed

and clothed on a regular basis, according to a popular

Yoruba saying “dead ibeji expenses are expenses for the living”

(Courlander, 1973). According to these customs, the

mother enjoys certain privileges even if both her twins have

died (Stoll & Stoll, 1980).



Yoruba people happen to exhibit the highest twinning

rate in the world (Figure 3).



In Caucasian populations, the

tendency for dizygotic twinning has been found to be

mainly hereditary (Meulemans, 1994). According to

Nylander (1979), its high frequency among Yoruba people

might also depend on dietary factors such as the consump-

tion of special species of yams containing oestrogenic

substances. Because of a high rate of premature delivery

and the lack of adequate medical care and health infrastruc-

tures in traditional Nigeria, the perinatal mortality of twins

used to be very high (Leroy, 1995). This explains why great

numbers of i beji statuettes have been produced in

Yorubaland and that they may have accumulated on the

domestic altar of certain families (Stoll & Stoll, 1980).

From the anthropological point of view, the ibeji belief

provides a means of helping Yoruba people to cope emo-

tionally with this high perinatal loss of twin babies (Leroy,

1995). At least once a year in some areas, Yoruba mothers

of deceased twins dance with their twin effigies, either held

tightly in the palms of their hands or tucked in the wrapper

about their waist (Figure 4). On these occasions the

mothers will also sing special songs in praise of the twins

(Thompson, 1971). Some of these songs emphasise the

belief that twins are related to colobus monkeys, the flesh

of which they are expressly forbidden to consume. One of

the popular Yoruba myths tells how twins came to earth as

the consequence of the confrontation of a farmer with the

monkeys in the ancient area of Ishokun (Courlander,

1973).



Two Yoruba songs in praise of twins

(Courlander, 1973; Olaleye-Oruene, 1983).



Fine looking twins, natives of Ishokun,

Descendants of treetop monkeys.

Twins saw the houses of the rich but did not go there,

Twins saw the houses of great personages but did not go there

Instead they entered the houses of the poor.

They made the poor rich, they clothed those who were naked.





Majestic and beautiful looking twins, natives of Ishokun,

Let me find means of eating, let me find means of drinking.

Majestic and beautiful looking twins, come and give me

The blessing of a child.



Ibeji Statuettes

Yorubas are the heirs of the prestigious artistic traditions

that prevailed in the ancient kingdom of Benin and the

sacred civilisation of Ifa. Yoruba traditional craftsmen have

hence produced some of the most elaborate and classical

examples of black African art (Bascom, 1973). Ibeji stat-

uettes are among the best-known Yoruba wooden carvings.

Although representing deceased babies, the latter are never

referred to as dead. Rather they are said to “have travelled”

or “gone to the market”. Ibeji effigies appear as wooden

erect adult beings about ten inches tall. They stand in a

“hands on the hips” position, generally on a round or quad-

rangular baseplate.



Following this general pattern, they nevertheless show

marked stylistic differences according to region of origin.

These differences are especially apparent in the shapes of

the heads, facial expressions, tribal scarring, and hairdos or

head covers. These latter are often dyed in bright blue with

indigo or even with dolly blue (Jantzen & Bertisch, 1993;

Thompson, 1971). Many ibejis are partly covered with a

crust of dried camwood powder. They may also present

facial smoothing and a patina due to frequent ritual use.

Very often, they are decorated with metal, cowrie-shell or

pearl necklaces, bracelets and belts. The colours of these

ornaments refer to deities such as Shango or Eshu whereas

cowrie shells, which were used in the past as currency,

remind the twins’ power either to bestow riches or to inflict

misfortune (Massa, 1999). Some ibejis are enclosed in a

large coat covered with eight rows of cowrie shells or deco-

rated with brightly coloured pearl designs. In some regions

this design may appear as a zigzag lightning pattern in

honour of the god Shango (Thompson, 1971). In this

context it is interesting to recall that worldwide, twins have

been linked to thunder. Even in the bible, Jesus Christ

called the twin apostles James and John “Boanerges”

(boanergeV) meaning “sons of thunder” (Leroy, 1995).



Transatlantic Spread

The population of the West Indies and of the Eastern coast

of South America largely originates from the previous

African “Slave Coast” corresponding to the present-day

coast of Nigeria and Benin. It is therefore not surprising that

traditional Yoruba twin beliefs have been transposed in

Latin America. Such is the case of Brazilian traditions of the

Candoble and Macumba in the region of Salvador de Bahia

and of the Umbanda in Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo. These

traditions have maintained the Yoruba Orishas including the

sacred Ere Ibeji. In the Umbanda, the sacred twins are assim-

ilated to the Christian twin saints Cosmas and Damian

(Figure 5). The latter are colloquially called “the two young

men” and are celebrated at the end of September in a feast

especially devoted to children (Zuring, 1977).



In Cuba, a legend of the Santeria belief tells how the

twins born from Oshun, the goddess of water and preg-

nancy, saved the god Shango (see above). In this tradition,

the god of twins is called Jimaguas and is represented by

two statuettes, male and female, united by their navels and

ritually used to cure the sick (Zuring, 1977).



Conclusion

Superstitions and customs pertaining to twins are universal

and often share converging features among cultures without

any mutual geographical or temporal contact (Leroy, 1995).

This would point to the twin cult as one of the earliest

religious beliefs that has been widely spread and diversified

along human history. In relation with their high frequency

and high perinatal mortality of twins, the Yoruba have

developed special beliefs and customs related to twins and

allowing, in particular, to ritualise the bereavement process

when one or both of the twins die.





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Twin Research April 2002



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