In just over a year, relations between India and Nepal have gone from a great high to an extremely low point. When Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited the Himalayan nation twice last year, he had received a hero’s welcome. There was a belief that India-Nepal ties under Modi would enter a new phase of heightened cooperation and mutual benefit. India’s prompt response to the tragic Nepal earthquake earlier this year strengthened this belief.

But things started going south with the promulgation of a new Nepali constitution. The latter has taken years to materialise having missed several deadlines along the way. However, earlier this year Nepal’s three big parties – Unified Maoists, United Marxist-Leninists and Nepali Congress – came together to put aside their differences and push through the constitution.

Unfortunately, the Madhesi minority community in Nepal’s Terai region felt short changed by the new constitution, which they believe tries to marginalise them politically. They expressed dissatisfaction over the proposed federal structure, the reduction of seats in parliament to be elected through proportional representation and a clause that made it difficult for a woman to transfer the Nepali citizenship to her children if their father was a foreigner. This pushed to the surface the old divisions between Nepal’s hills and plains, leading to massive Madhesi protests that are still continuing till date.

In such a scenario, it was natural for India to be worried given the proximity between the two neighbours. Plus, it’s no secret that Madhesis in Nepal have family ties across the border in India. That said, New Delhi stands guilty of playing its cards wrong vis-à-vis Nepal. First, it sent foreign secretary S Jaishankar to Nepal two days before the promulgation of the constitution to put pressure on Nepali leaders to delay the event. Second, it refused to congratulate Kathmandu for producing a constitution that was wholly written by the elected representatives of the Nepali people. Third, it has allowed a perception to be formed in Nepal that Indian supply trucks have been barred from ferrying essential goods to teach Kathmandu a lesson. And fourth, it has put forth a list of four points for Kathmandu, again creating the impression that it is trying to play Big Brother.

If all of this weren’t enough, India has now taken a stand against Nepal at the UN Human Rights Council for the very first time to express its concerns over the political turmoil in that country. Of course, the Nepali constitution isn’t perfect. But which constitution is? India’s missteps in dealing with the situation have not only destroyed the goodwill that had been generated between the two countries, they have also pushed Nepal more towards China. The recent Nepal-China fuel deal exemplifies this point.

This is a worrying trend for the Modi government’s neighbourhood policy. There had been high hopes after heads of neighbouring countries were invited for Modi’s swearing-in ceremony last year. However, a year-and-a-half later we appear to have alienated Nepal, made things worse with Pakistan, made Myanmar wary of us and seem to have lowered our traction in the Maldives and Sri Lanka. Even ties with Bangladesh could sour if the ruling Awami League dispensation in Dhaka exists tomorrow.

In such a scenario, New Delhi certainly needs to introspect on its neighbourhood policy. If the situation in Nepal is anything to go by, we are definitely on the wrong track. And given that China will seize every opportunity to make inroads into India’s sphere of influence, New Delhi needs to get its act together.