Electronic Journal of Human Sexuality, Volume 12, January 23, 2009

www.ejhs.org

The Swinging Paradigm: An Evaluation of the Marital and Sexual Satisfaction of Swingers

by

Edward M. Fernandes

Chapter I: Introduction

Development of Personal Interest in the Topic

My personal interest in swinging began in 1998 with an article I read about swinging and swingers in the Canadian magazine Saturday Night. In the article the author, Terry Gould, posed the question “Can family values survive sexual adventure?” Gould was referring to what he reported as the steady rise of swinging among the North American population. The article posited that the swinging lifestyle, a context in which married individuals engage in consensual sexual interactions with other individuals, was fast becoming part of the socio/sexual schema of marital relationships (Gould, 1998). Gould argued that swinging was perceived by a large part of the general population as a morally depraved behavior, a threat to the institution of marriage and the fabric of the family unit (Gould, 1998). However, Gould's investigation revealed that couples that participated in swinging activities reported having strong, loving, and committed relationships, and lived otherwise traditional family lives. In other words, swingers were extraordinarily ordinary in all aspects of their lives except in the co-marital, non-monogamous, sexual aspect. Thus, Gould posited, perhaps swingers had found a happy alternative to adultery and sexual boredom (Gould, 1998).

However, the assertions made by Gould were anecdotal at best and relied on his interviews with a small number of swingers at a swinger's resort in the west coast. Gould's assertions were by no means the product of a studious and rigorous process of scientific inquiry. Nevertheless, Gould's findings were, to say the least, provocative and suggestive.

I decided to explore the research literature in an effort to find out what were the findings of prior studies on swinging. I was curious as to the relationship between swinging, marital satisfaction, and sexual satisfaction. I was interested in evaluating some of the claims made by Gould in his article that swingers were indeed happy with their relationships. Moreover, I wanted to explore whether there was a relationship between swinging and the stability of the couple's emotional relationship. I wanted to know if negative consequences of swinging on the family unit had been identified, and if swinging had indeed brought a new dimension to the marital relationship. Did swingers have, overall, stronger and happier relationships than non-swingers? Was swinging the new marital paradigm of the future?

Further investigation revealed that although there had been some research on swinging, there was very little continuity to this research. Moreover, consistent, longitudinal data were lacking. Some of the reasons given to explain the lack of research with this population included the illusive, and secretive, demeanor of the swinging population, which made it extremely difficult to identify. Because of careful anonymity cultivated by individuals in the swinging lifestyle, it was difficult collect a randomized sample from this population; as well, it had proven extremely difficult to follow individual swingers over a sustained period of time (Jenks, 1985).

Nevertheless, I questioned why, despite the problems suggested by Jenks, researchers had neglected researching the swinging lifestyle since other alternative lifestyles, such as homosexuality which also carried an element of anonymity and secrecy, had received much stronger attention from the research community. If swinging had indeed increased in popularity, as suggested by Gould, why was not there more research on the topic? Since my initial interest on this topic in 1998, several media investigative reports on swinging have come to light.

In an episode of Real Life Desperate Housewives, aired on ABC News 20/20 on March 18, 2007, the swinging couples interviewed by the reporter John Stossl reported that what they were doing was consensual co-marital sex and that their marital relationships had become stronger, and happier. They attributed the increase in happiness to their ability to have their sexual fantasies fulfilled in a context that involved themselves and their spouses without having to resort to lying or engaging in affairs outside the relationship.

Additionally, in an article in the English newspaper The Independent, Saturday, July 22 nd, 2006, titled Behind closed doors: The swinging Noughties, it was reported that the continuing rise of swinging was due, for the most part, to the ease of communication among people provided by the Internet. Moreover, the article suggested that swinging is multidimensional and appeals to a diverse group of individuals, allowing some to fulfill their sexual fantasies within the context of the marital relationship. Moreover, the article posited that swingers engage in extra-dyadic sexual activities free of guilt and with the involvement of the other partner, which contributes, according to the author, to the strength and happiness of the primary relationship. Interesting to note that relationship happiness was mentioned in both articles by the swinging individuals interviewed.

When considering the available academic literature, it appears that the bulk of the research on swinging is restricted to journal articles and other publications dating back to the 1960s and 1970s. Most recently, R. J. Jenks, a sociologist, has shown some interest in the topic and has published a handful of articles starting in the late 1980s and continuing until the 1990s. However, in the last ten years, only two academic studies on swinging have been published. Thus, I concluded that further research on swinging was needed and would add to the existing literature.

I was also intrigued by the motivation behind swinging beyond the happiness assertions made by individuals interviewed in the popular media. In a recent article on the sexual arousal and motivation of men, Goetz, Shackelford, Platek, Starrat, and McKibbin (2007) posited that some married males encourage their partners to copulate with other males. The authors proposed that swinging is an example of a context in which males encourage their mates to engage in sex with males. Encouraging one's partner to copulate with other men appears to be a maladaptive strategy that increases the risk of cuckoldry; however, in some contemporary societies some men do just this – such men often report sexual arousal to the sight of their partner interacting sexually with other men (Goetz et al., 2007, p. 11).

Since sexuality is such a central element of long-term relationships, sexual compatibility, sexual satisfaction, and commitment are all indicators of the longevity of the relationship (Lawrence & Byers, 1992). Moreover, sex and intimacy are usually associated with a passionate relationship (Love, 1999). Brown and Amatea (2000) define commitment as: The commitment component refers to the short-term decision to label our attitude towards another as love and also the long-term decision to try to maintain that love into the foreseeable future. Thus the commitment involves cognitive acts, rather than emotions, and may include conscious intention and will-power (p.40).

It follows that it would be of interest, from a socio-psychological perspective, to evaluate a couple's motivation, and rationale, for engaging in sex with other individuals. When the sexual needs of an individual are not been met within the primary relationship individuals are more likely to look elsewhere for sexual satisfaction (Hoff, 2006). Are swingers dissatisfied with their sexual relationships? Are swingers lacking passion and intimacy in their marriage? Or are they consciously deciding that the swinging experience benefits both partners? And how does swinging affect the emotional bond between the married partners? Moreover, how do swingers justify their swinging activity since it challenges societal norms? After all, swinging is considered a deviant, maladaptive, adulterous behavior by society's standards. Thus, if society's norms condemn extra-dyadic sexual behavior, how do swingers deal with possible cognitive dissonance resulting from such behavior? Is swinging a male-dominated activity in which women are pressured to participate by their male counterpart, or do both partners willingly consent to participation? These are relevant questions when considering the swinging lifestyle.

Background to the Study

Sexuality and sexual behavior are central to the understanding of the human experience. Extra-marital sex is usually an indication of marital problems and can, most often, bring about the dissolution of the relationship. Thus, it is important to understand how swingers adjust to their swinging activities, and justify their behavior. As suggested before, there is not an extensive body of literature concerning the swinging lifestyle.

Rubin (2001) posits that although the study of alternative lifestyles received some attention from the science community during the social changes of the 1960s and 1970s, it declined thereafter. In the 1970s, investigations of alternative lifestyles, such as that conducted by the Groves Conference on Marriage and the Family, which examined non-traditional family forms and personal living arrangements and lifestyles such as cohabitation and stepfamilies, became mainstream topics of scholarly research for a short period. However, since then, social groups considered to be on the fringes of acceptable sexual behaviors (swinging, open marriages, group marriages, polyamory, and communes) have been largely ignored by the research community. The justification given for the lack of research is the difficulty in getting research funding for these topics, little academic reward or recognition for researchers, and the assumption that a fear of AIDS has restricted, or eliminated, these behaviors (Rubin, 2001). According to Rubin, the neglect in research on alternative socio/sexual lifestyles, and mostly swinging, continues in spite of the evidence that swinging may be as prominent now as in the past four decades.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of the present study is to explore the level of marital and sexual satisfaction of male and female swingers. In addition, the study proposes to identify the current demographic of swingers; to evaluate swinger's attitudes towards swinging, and to explore specific sexual behavioral characteristics of swingers.

A comprehensive understanding of swinging is necessary to determine how the behavior affects the personal relationship of the couples involved in this lifestyle. Problems associated with sexuality often affect relationships. Sexual desire of one partner may not coincide with that of the other partner. Sexual dysfunction by either partner may affect the sexual enjoyment of the other (Kaplan, 1987). Moreover, the sexual self is paramount to an understanding of the self and it is central to the development and maintenance of relationships (Hoff, 2006). In this study, the sexual satisfaction of the individual participants in the confines of the marital relationship is explored.

Most of the available data refers to swingers as a group. Since there is little information regarding how individual male and female swingers evaluate their swinging experience, this study considers individual men and women swingers and not couples. Moreover, it is important to develop an understanding of the individual characteristics of swingers to determine if there are differences between males and females in their evaluation of their swinging experience, and to explore if marital and sexual satisfaction plays a role in an individual's decision to engage in swinging.

The following are some of the questions addressed in this study:

What are the current demographics of swingers?

What are the levels of marital satisfaction of men and women swingers?

What are the levels of sexual satisfaction of men and women swingers with their primary relationship?

What are the attitudes of men and women swingers towards their swinging experience?

What sexual activities are common in the swinging population?

Significance of the Study

The contribution of this study to the current literature is of great significance. The results will allow for a more complete understanding of swingers in the context of today' society and provide a better understanding of the rationale used by swingers to justify their swinging activities. As previously stated herein, research on swinging has lagged behind the rising incidence of swinging (Roberts, 2003). Past research has not empirically evaluated the marital and sexual satisfaction of swingers using well-established research instruments. Most of the information has been, at best, anecdotal. Thus, this study will provide much needed and valuable information by analyzing, and comparing, the marital and sexual satisfaction of male and female respondents.

Limitations of the Study

This study does not address the psychopathology of swingers. There is no attempt to evaluate the mental health of the participants or to identify whether swinging can be considered maladaptive or dysfunctional behavior, or to evaluate the possible cognitive dissonance experienced by swingers. Moreover, the study does not address the topics of romantic love, emotional attachment, or factors related to the dynamics of individual relationships. The unit of measure in this study is individual swingers and not couples. In addition, this study does not identify and evaluate a particular cohort. It is beyond the scope of this study to identify, and evaluate, individuals who may have desisted from swinging activities.

This project is divided into five chapters. In Chapter I the main topic of interest is stated as well as the rationale for the study.

Chapter II consists of the literature review and provides a summary of the literature regarding swinging and other related topics. Empirical and theoretical topics related to swinging are examined: the historical role of sexual morality and social expectations on the relationships; the connections between sex, love, and monogamy; the history of swinging in North America; the rationale for swinging and the characteristics of swingers vis-à-vis demographics and swinging experience; and an evaluation of marital and sexual satisfaction within the confines of the marital relationship.

Chapter III delineates the research methodology used in this study. The research design explains the selection of the sample, the process of data collection, and data analysis procedures. It explains the theoretical foundations for the study, details the methodological approach to hypothesis testing, and explains the development of the research instrument.

Chapter IV presents the results of the data analysis and their statistical significance.

Chapter V evaluates the theoretical implications of the results, discusses the relevance of the results concerning the sample population, and suggests future research possibilities.

Chapter II: Review of the Literature

Introduction to the Review of Literature

This chapter will review the literature on marital and sexual satisfaction, present an overview of marital expectations, sex, love, and morality, explore the conditions of marital infidelity, and present an overview of the historical evolution of swinging in North America including demographics and swinging experiences.

In a marital relationship, the sexual satisfaction and sexual compatibility of the partners play an important role on the longevity of the relationship (Lawrence & Byers, 1992). Sex and intimacy are often thought of as relevant components of a passionate relationship (Love, 1999). However, there are relationships in which sex is not the central focus. In many long-term relationships sex, becomes less and less frequent to the point that the relationship becomes a companionate partnership although often one of the partners may feel that something is missing (Hoff, 2006). Moreover, problems dealing with sexual desire, or sexual dysfunction, often arise within relationships. Sometimes a partner's sexual desire, or fantasy, may not match the other's, such as when one partner wants to engage in specific a sexual activity while the other partner feels uncomfortable, threatened, or disturbed by the proposed activity (Newman, 1997). One could ask, do swingers engage in sex with other individuals to compensate for something that is missing in their marital relationship? Does one of the partners pressure the other to participate in swinging?

Sexual behavior that does not conform to a model of procreative sex has been stigmatized throughout history (Hoff, 2006). Moreover, sexual commitment to the relationship is suggested as another important factor in determining whether or not a couple may stay together. Commitment, as defined by Brown and Amatea (2000) is described as:

The commitment component refers to the short-term decision to label our attitude towards another as love and also the long-term decision to try to maintain that love into the foreseeable future. Thus commitment involves cognitive acts, rather than emotions, and may include conscious intention and will-power. So commitment is a cognitive component of love” (p.40).

Thus, commitment seems to be based on an individual's cognitive evaluation of the love relationship. One could ask, does the expected couple's exclusivity of the sexual interaction play a role in the experience of commitment and satisfaction of individuals in the relationship? Or does extra-marital sexual activity indicate that the commitment of individuals in their relationship is waning?

The chapter starts with an overview of literature on marriage, infidelity, and the social repercussions encountered by individuals that deviate from accepted social norms. Further, the history of the development of sexual morality in the United States is also explored. As well, the connection between sex, love, and monogamy is explored. With regards to the literature review considers the background and genesis of the swinging paradigm in today's society, as well as the history of the development of swinging in the United States. Moreover, an evaluation of the incidence of swinging in the general population, an exploration of the rationale for swinging, and an evaluation of the demographic characteristics of swingers as presented in past research is considered. Finally, the research literature on marital and sexual satisfaction is explored. The chapter finishes with a literature review integration that summarizes the material reviewed, highlights the past research contributions to the literature on swinging, and delineates the areas that require further research, including the research questions addressed by this study.

Overview of Marriage, Infidelity, and Morality

Marriage has been traditionally regarded as the only context in which sexual behavior and sexual expression receive societal approval. In the United States, legal marriage is the prerequisite to an adult sexual lifestyle and is the context in which most sexual experiences are expected to occur (Mosher, 1923/1980). It is widely believed that effective sexual functioning in a marriage is related to marital satisfaction and critical to the longevity of the relationship (Frank, Anderson, & Rubinstein, 1979). Any behavior that deviates from this accepted paradigm is considered socially unacceptable and hence discouraged.

There are several operational definitions of infidelity found in the literature (Blow & Hartnett, 2005; McAnulty & Brineman, 2007). Concepts of infidelity include such expressions as "cheating," "having an affair," "being unfaithful," stepping out," and "extra-dyadic sexual involvement," which have ambiguous meanings (McAnulty & Brineman). Some of the early research relied on a narrow definition of infidelity as it applied to a person engaging in sexual intercourse with a person other than the primary partner (Lieberman, 1988; McAnulty & Brineman, 2007). However, for the purposes of this study infidelity will refer to romantic emotional involvement or sexual activity with a person other than the primary partner.

In 1953, Kinsey and his research team brought about a great deal of controversy when they reported that about one-third of married men and over a quarter of married women admitted having been unfaithful at least once by age 45 (Kinsey, Pomeroy, & Martin, 1948; Kinsey, Pomeroy, Martin, & Gebhard, 1953). Kinsey posited that 36% of the husbands and 25% of the wives surveyed for his study on the sexual behavior of females reported having been unfaithful (Kinsey et al., 1953). To the society of the 1950s, which disapproved strongly of extra-marital sexual activity, the reported rates of infidelity suggested by the Kinsey reports were far higher than anyone had suspected and caused great consternation, culminating in accusations, some from the scientific community, of biased or faulty research. Research that is more recent has revealed that the great majority of people in the United States still disapprove of marital infidelity (Davis, Smith, & Mardsen, 2003; Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, & Michaels, 1994).

However, although research on marital sexuality has been scarce, infidelity remains a topic of great interest in popular culture that is often featured in the popular media in situation comedies and talk shows (Greenberg & Busselle, 1996; Greenberg, Sherry, Busselle, Rampoldi-Hnilo, & Smith, 1997; Greenberg & Woods, 1999). Smith (2006) posited, "There are probably more scientifically worthless facts on extra-marital relations than any other facet of human behavior" (p. 108). Strong and DeVault (1994) reported that only nine of 553 articles on sexuality in scholarly journals between 1987 and 1992 concerned marital sexuality. Most of the research on marital sexuality has focused on couples in sex therapy (Reinisch & Harter, 1994).

Is sex therapy the context in which we are to understand marital sexuality? If so, what does the research tell us about the dynamics of sex within the marital relationship? Does sexual frequency predict marital and sexual satisfaction? In 1923, Clelia Duel Mosher conducted one of the first sex surveys in the United States, albeit her findings were not published until 1980. Mosher interviewed 45 married women about their sexuality and found that most women reported that they found sex to be pleasurable and necessary for both men and women (Mosher, 1980). Thirty years later Kinsey et al. (1953) found that sexual activity was an important indicator of the marital relationship satisfaction and that, for the most part, the frequency of sexual activity remained constant for the first years of marriage. The rates of sexual intercourse reported by Kinsey averaged at least twice weekly. He found that these rates declined only after about ten years of marriage, to an average of once a week, and that marital satisfaction decreased at the same rate (Kinsey et al., 1953).

More recently, marital sexual frequency research has yielded more conflicting results, depending on whether the information was collected from small samples or larger national samples (Bell, 1971; Blumstein & Schwartz, 1983; Hite, 1976; Trussell & Westoff, 1980). Although married women reported lower levels of marital sexual frequency than men did, about one third of the women reported that they would like to have sex at least daily, while another third reported wanting to engage in sex two to five times a week (Hite, 1976). Moreover, Hite (1976) posited that most women found closeness, orgasm, coitus, and foreplay to be best indicators of marital sexual satisfaction.

Does sexual satisfaction predict marital satisfaction? It seems that there is a connection between marital satisfaction and sexual satisfaction. Although these two themes will be addressed in more detail later in this chapter, it is important to the present discussion on infidelity to consider the relationship between the two factors.

A majority of Americans report satisfaction with their marital sex life (Laumann et al., 1994). Research suggests that the ideal sexual frequency and the actual frequency of sexual relations in a relationship may indeed affect marital satisfaction (Frank et al., 1979). Dickinson and Beam (1933) reported that in their study of over 1,000 men and women, sexual dissatisfaction was a stronger predictor of marital satisfaction than money and children. Hite (1976) concluded from a study of married men and women that an unsatisfactory sex life was the principal cause of marital discord and dysfunction. Moreover, Kinsey et al. (1953) found that the likelihood of divorce was directly related to a decrease in the wife's orgasm frequency, which does suggest that sexual satisfaction is correlated to marital satisfaction. Hunt (1974) reported a strong positive relationship between a couple's level of sexual frequency and sexual satisfaction. However, other research findings suggest that a higher frequency of intercourse is not always related to either marital or sexual satisfaction (Blumstein & Schwartz, 1983). Longitudinal studies of married couples have yielded evidence that sexual frequency decreases over time and length of relationship (Blumstein & Schwartz, 1983; Edwards & Booth, 1976; Hunt, 1974; Trussell & Westoff, 1980). Retrospective studies of couples considering their sexual frequency over the course of marriage have produced similar results (Greenblat, 1985).

Although the rules for marital infidelity are generally well understood by the marriage partners, presently it appears that adulterous behavior occurs more frequently among younger individuals (McAnulty & Brineman, 2007). It appears that younger individuals are finding that the transition between having several sexual partners during their single days to becoming involved in an expected monogamous relationship is a difficult one (Smith, 2006). This may reflect a behavior pattern left over from their dating days that included a plurality of sexual partners, suggesting that dating patterns may be predictive of marital adjustment concerning monogamy (Drigotas, Safstrom, & Gentilia, 1999; McAnulty & Brineman, 2007).

Conditions for Marital Infidelity

A concern with the marital infidelity of spouses has traditionally been part of the history of human existence (Harvey, 1995). Civil codes in the ancient world have long prohibited adultery: the Code of Hammurabi, in Babylonia, (circa 900 B.C.E.): Draco, in ancient Greece (circa 620 B.C.E.); and Solon, in Rome (circa 590 B.C.E.). Moreover, some religious writings have not only condemned but prohibited adultery. The religious tradition of the Jewish Torah, which has served as a model for current Western civil law, provides its clear condemnation of infidelity (Exodus 20:17; Deuteronomy 5:21; 22:22-29; Leviticus 20:10). However, for the most part, only women were expected to restrict their sexual activity to one man, their husband. Since a woman was considered a possession, the laws were meant to protect the property rights of the husbands and fathers. The same prohibitions generally did not apply to single or married men, who were expected to limit their extra-marital sexual activities to unmarried women, widows, concubines, servants, or slaves (Francoeur, 2006).

The societal views of women and marriage have changed over the years, and so has the concept of adultery. The idea of marriage as a social, economic, or strategic arrangement between families has given way to a more accepted view of marriage as reflective of romantic love. Family historians suggest that, in the 1880s, the Victorian period in America, the idea of extramarital sex became part of the fabric of American social culture. Popular literature glorifying romantic and marital love had become popular and encouraged men and women to satisfy their partner's sexual needs (Francoeur, 2006).

However, the pervasive religious dogma that controlled social morality while tolerating the idea of divorce had strong prohibitions towards adultery and extramarital liaisons (Francoeur, 2006). The negative social values held towards extramarital sex rest with the idea that infidelity is a strong threat to the marital relationship (Bell, Turner, & Rosen, 1975). Moreover, infidelity in the context of a marital relationship is considered a violation of the norms that regulate the level of a couple’s emotional and physical intimacy and often leads to divorce, spousal battery, and homicide (Daly & Wilson, 1988; Drigotas & Barta, 2001). Societal rules proscribe infidelity as part of other unaccepted and deviant sexual behaviors. Some descriptive studies have suggested that in the past, research merely identified the unfaithful partner and the prevalence of the behavior within particular cultures or contexts (Drigotas & Barta, 2001). With the growing proliferation of non-traditional behaviors (such as cohabitation, pre-marital sex, and extra-marital sex), there has been a resurgence of interest on the phenomenon of extra-marital sex (Drigotas & Barta, 2001; Glass & Wright, 1977).

In a National Health and Social Life Survey, Laumann et al. (1994) reported that 25% of married men and 15% of married women admitted to engaging in sexual intercourse at least once with someone other than their marital partner. From the findings of the NHSLS study, one could conclude that the incidence of extramarital sex applies to about one quarter of males and one sixth of females. Tafoya and Spitzberg (2004) found that one out of every five wives and one out of three husbands have been unfaithful. Additional findings suggest that between 50% and 70% of married women, with five or more years of marriage, have engaged in extra-dyadic sexual liaisons (Hite, 1988). Furthermore, Blumstein and Schwartz (1983) found that extra-marital sexual activity in younger females had increased and was becoming more comparable to that of males. In contrast, Choi, Catania, Dolcini (1994), and Forste and Tanfer (1996), found that less than 4% of all married people in their sample had engaged in extra-marital sex. Their findings seem to be skewed in relation to prior research, which suggests possible methodology flaws such as sample bias.

Despite the evidence that Americans engage in extra-marital liaisons, there is still a widespread disapproval of extra-marital sexual relationships, which tend to be viewed as a threat to the marital relationship (Davis & Smith, 1991; Glenn & Weaver, 1979; Laumann et al., 1994; Thompson, 1984; Weis & Slosnerick, 1981).

In conclusion, the evaluation of sexual behaviors is subjective and susceptible to the particular narrative of expected social norms (Hostetler & Herdt, 1998). The sexual culture binds communities in a social and psychological process that regulates sexual conduct and behavior, thereby establishing accepted guidelines for the rules of sexual conduct (Parker, Carballo, & Herdt, 1991). Cultural rules, beliefs, and norms provide an individual with membership in the community by serving as the measure by which individual behaviors are sanctioned. Deviance from the rules will provide for an individual's exclusion from participation in the society (Herdt, 1999). Thus, the acceptance or rejection of sexual fidelity is part of the larger understanding of the norms that make acceptance, or rejection, of the behavior a part of the societal paradigm.

Overview of the History of Sexual Morality in the United States

In order to understand the progression of the moral code regarding co-marital sexuality, we can start by examining the behavior of the early American colonialists. Talese (1980) reports that cases of extra-marital sex and pre-marital fornication in Colonial New England were numerous enough to have been officially recorded. Even prostitution never completely disappeared during those early days of sexual prohibitions in the colonies of New England. In the 1660s, the Puritans of the Colony of Massachusetts enforced a strict sexual moral code, and any literary work that described sexual themes, or promoted sexual behavior, was deemed obscene and banned. These early interpretations of obscenity included not only sexual terminology, but also any form of speech considered offensive to the established religion, such as blasphemy (Talese, 1980).

By the second half of the nineteenth century sexual morality and prostitution had became national concerns (Denfeld & Gordon, 1970). The Social Purity Movement, created in the latter part of the nineteenth century in the United States, had as its main goal the elimination of prostitution, considered one of the most prevalent and damaging of all social evils (Pivar, 1965). Moreover, at the time North American society regarded prostitution as emblematic of the moral decay that permeated America. Religionists and moralists maintained that moral decay was present in all sexual relationships between men and women, as well as in any writing containing allusions to sexual behavior (Talese, 1980).

This moral revival brought on by the Victorian era in the United States in the 1870s culminated with the rise to prominence of Anthony Comstock, considered then the purveyor and defender of social morality (Talese, 1980). Anthony Comstock, together with his associates such as J. P. Morgan and Samuel Colgate, convinced the American Congress to pass a federal bill banning the distribution of obscene or lewd materials through the mail. Congress appointed Comstock as a special anti-obscenity agent for the Federal Post Office Department, a position that endowed him with police powers such as the right to arrest any individual, or individuals, attempting to distribute obscene material using the United States mail. Later, in 1875, Comstock went on to form the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice, which became the backbone of the institutions that supported, and enforced, the moral code at time (Talese, 1980).

A commonly held attitude towards marital sex in the nineteenth century presumed that sexual intercourse between a man and his wife was, at best, an unhappy event, and required only for the purpose of procreation (Gordon, 1971). Moreover, indulgence in intercourse among married couples could result in the development of nervous or other physical disorders.

Not surprisingly, the beginning of the twentieth century witnessed a movement by some social scientists equating social disease or deviance with physical malaise or disease of the body. These social scientists advocated finding remedies or cures to minimize, or eliminate, any form of social pathology (Denfeld & Gordon, 1970; Smith, 1911). Social deviance was equated with social disorganization and was considered a form of social pathology, one that had to be dealt with and remedied at all costs (Smith, 1911).

In 1948, Kinsey argued that most of the social organization in our society was based on a code of morals dictated by religion that influenced the development and implementation of marriage customs and expectations (Kinsey et al., 1948). According to Kinsey the development and enacting of the legal code as applied to sexual behaviors was based on this morality. Hence, the legal code provided for the legal prescriptions and proscriptions of specific sexual behaviors as a reflection of the societal zeitgeist (code of morality). Deviance from this expected code had both punitive legal consequences and social repercussions (Kinsey et al., 1948).

In 1959, Cohen proposed that the role of social deviance could be positive by bringing about social change. Moreover, Becker (1963) argued that deviance was part of the social process and supported social order. Erikson (1966) argued that controlled deviant behavior may be one of the prerequisites for preserving the stability of social life by marking the outer edges of group social life and helping individuals within the group reshape the framework for the development of novel cultural identities.

Sex, Love, and Monogamy

For most individuals sex appears to be inextricably connected to love and commitment, while for some sex does not require love (Brehm, Miller, Perlman, & Campbell, 2002). Research suggests that these connections emerged because of our socio-sexual orientations, which consist of a collection of beliefs and behaviors that describe our feelings about sex (Simpson, Wilson, & Winterheld, 2004). Widmer, Treas, and Newcomb (1998) posited that most societies around the world have a negative view of extra-dyadic sex. Most extra-marital sexual relationships are considered adulterous behavior and are discouraged by laws or customs.

In Western society, monogamy is often considered as the socially accepted zeitgeist, the preferred behavior pattern designed for human pair bonding (Buss, 1994; 1998b). However, the type of monogamy practiced by humans is often more of a serial monogamous process rather than a life-long pair bond (Buss, 1994; 1998b). A cross-cultural survey conducted with several societies across the world, industrialized and aboriginal, found that only 16% of those societies were strictly monogamous, while 84% were polygamous; however, in those cultures that that practiced polygamy only about 10% of men had more than one wife (Schmitt, 2005).

In societies that adopted a monogamous, pair-bonding approach, about 73% of both men and women surveyed admitted having had extramarital affairs (Schmitt, 2005). Despite this overwhelming evidence that humans are not naturally monogamous, most societies continue to expect their members to be monogamous, perhaps as a strategy to reduce social tension and conflict brought about by licentious sexuality (Schmitt, 2005).

Because the serial monogamy practiced by humans today is not representative of the polygamous “state of nature” that humans seem to prefer over time, it has been suggested that our ancestors, perhaps as early as two million years ago, lived in small groups made up of unrelated females and related males (Buss, 1994; 1998a). There is also some evidence that our ancestors may have practiced polygyny, a form of serial monogamy that is common to some primates such as pygmy chimpanzees (bonobos) (Buss, 1994; 1998b).

According to this mating strategy, males and females form consort pair bonds for as long as it is necessary to raise a child, and remain with one another, although not necessarily exclusively, throughout the duration of this period (Buss, 1994; 1998b). Ghiglieri,(1987) suggested that this fits well with the popular four-year itch concept (in some societies the seven year itch) as representative of a four-year term that is usually necessary for a human male and a female to remain together to raise a child.

In this explanation of monogamy, a pair is monogamous only for the sake of child rearing and then each individual is free to move on to the next mate. The necessary time for child rearing in human society has lengthened, especially in industrialized societies. This may serve to extend but not strengthen the pair bonding shared by humans in monogamous relationships (Buss, 1994; 1998a).

The idea that sexual non-monogamy can co-exist within a strong emotional/love monogamous relationship seems at the outset to be deviant from the westernized version of romantic love and marriage that promotes sexual and emotional monogamy as indivisible entities (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Boekhout, Hendrick, & Hendrick, 1999). Moreover, the suggestion that consensual, extra-dyadic sex should become part of an accepted sexual paradigm challenges the accepted societal norms that attempt to either marginalize or banish altogether perceived deviant sexual behaviors.

At a recent sexology conference in Montreal, Canada, sociologist Pepper Schwartz suggested that non-monogamy would at some point become part of the American sexual cycle (Schwartz, Frazer, & Clement, 2005). She posited that some individuals already either live a polyamorous lifestyle (defined as an intentional multi-partnered open relationship) or agree to open relationships. In addition, Schwartz suggested that, even if individuals profess a desire for monogamy, as a society we are becoming much more tolerant of non-monogamous behaviors (Schwartz, Frazer, & Clement, 2005; Alexander, 2005). Further, Schwartz argued that women have traditionally been the moral gatekeepers of society. However, women have now taken the lead in exploring open, non-emotional sexual activities, perhaps reflecting a more permissive attitude towards open sexuality (Schwartz, Frazer, & Clement, 2005; Alexander, 2005).

Malcolm Potts, an expert on the biology of sex at the University of California, Berkeley, suggests that although monogamy is relatively recent in our civilized human history and often a struggle, most people aspire to it. Potts suggests that even if individuals have to work at being monogamous, monogamy will remain the ideal form of socially accepted pair-bonding relationships (Alexander, 2005).

There is a common view in our society that the sexual involvement of one’s partner in an extra-dyadic sexual relationship, and the jealous feelings that most often follows such behavior , is a serious threat to the intimacy and exclusivity of the relationship and brings about negative emotional reactions (Buunk, 1995; Buunk & Baker, 1997). Evolutionary theory argues that the strong emotional response to infidelity is an evolutionary mechanism designed to ensure male paternity in species where female oestrous is hidden. Thus, hidden ovulation suggests the evolution of a strategy by which a male is sure to be the father of any of the offspring of his mate; that strategy is jealousy (Buss, Larsen, Westen, & Semmelroth, 1992). Women would have an advantage of keeping their mates close by to provide resources and protection, since men would not be aware when their partners were ready to conceive, and hence the chance for cuckoldry. This is often referred to as "mate-guarding". Moreover, cross-cultural research suggests that the strength of male sexual jealousy provides evidence for an evolutionary history of female infidelity (Buss, Larsen, Westen, Semmeelroth, 1992; Daly, Wilson, & Weghorst, 1982; Symons, 1979). Current estimates of worldwide rates of cuckoldry range from about 1% to more than 30%, with a mean of about 4% (Anderson, 2006; Bellis, Hughes, Hughes, & Ashton, 2005). Current estimates only provide an estimate of female infidelity. Any change for cuckoldry would provide a plausible explanation why ancestral males would benefit from development jealousy. Conversely, a woman would be deprived of resources and protection if her mate left her for another woman.

However, compared to women, men seem to hold more favorable attitudes towards extramarital sex (Seal, Agostinelli, & Hannet, 1994) and are much more likely to engage in extramarital sex themselves (Tafoya & Spitzberg, 2004). Further, men who commit adultery tend to have a greater number of “casual” sexual partners than adulterous women do (Blumstein & Schwartz, 1983). Perhaps, this may be because a man that mates with several women has an evolutionary advantage of passing on his genes to future generations (Buss, Larsen, Westen, & Semmelroth, 1992).

Research in the rationale for adulterous behavior suggests that predictive patterns of extra-marital sexual activity are related to an individual's perceived quality of the relationship (Treas & Giesen, 2000). Individuals who report unhappiness with their relationships also report less commitment to the relationship and are more likely to procure alternate sexual partners (Treas & Giesen). Conversely, those with high commitment and higher levels of satisfaction are less likely to engage in extra-dyadic sex (Drigotas et al., 1999). Moreover, the proponents of equity theory suggest that there are relationship factors associated with sexual infidelity (Waltster, Trauspam, & Walster, 1978). According to the theory, a lack of perceived equity in a relationship may lead individual partners to seek sex outside the relationship (Prins , Buunk, & VanYperen, 1993; Waltster et al., 1978).

When relationships are not stable or satisfying to the individual, the proportionality of the effort invested to maintain the partnership is compromised (Prins et al., 1993). That is, a perception of “over-benefit” by one partner and “under-benefit” by the other precipitates unbalance in the relationship. Walster et al. (1978) found that under-benefited partners were more likely to report having engaged in extra-marital sexual liaisons than those who considered themselves “over-benefited” or equitable (Prins et al.).

Swinging: Concepts and Background

If any extra-dyadic sex is considered adulterous in our society, then swingers must be part of the adulterous population. Swinging is a behavior that involves consensual extra-marital sexual relationships; however, it falls within the realm of marital non-monogamy, if not marital infidelity. But swingers do not perceive their extra-dyadic sexual behavior as adulterous. Only an extended and comprehensive study of swingers offers an opportunity to understand the rationale for swinging (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Jenks, 1998).

Both Bergstrand and Williams (2000) and Jenks (1998) suggest that swinging activities have been on the rise in the past decade. However there is still a lack research on the topic especially as it relates to determining the incidence of swinging in the general population. Studies on the incidence of swinging, the demographics of swingers, and the social impact of swinging on the family unit have lagged well behind the perceived expansion of the behavior. Bergstrand and Williams (2000) and Jenks (1998) also recommend that more information on swingers, and the swinging lifestyle, should be collected in order to understand the motivation for the behavior and its implications on society.

In order to understand the role of swinging in today's Western society, it is important to understand the social context in which the behavior occurs. Moreover, it is imperative to evaluate the impact that swinging may have on the social paradigm that it challenges (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Jenks, 1998). To evaluate the impact of swinging it is important to have a defined definition of what swinging is. As it stands, there is no standard definition of swinging. Swinging can be described as a context in which married couples, or couples in committed relationships, consensually exchange partners solely for sexual purposes (Bartell, 1970; Bergstrand & Williams; Denfeld & Gordon, 1970; McGinley, 1995). In swinging, emotional monogamy and the love relationship remain the primary focus of the relationship. The extra-dyadic sexual activity is considered as recreational sex only and ideally does not affect the primary relationship of the couple (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000).

Several articles in the popular media suggest the possible beneficial effects of

a swinging lifestyle (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000): GQ, (Newman, 1992); New York (Gross, 1992); Los Angeles Times, (Maher, 1998); and Saturday Night (Gould, 1999). In his book The Lifestyle, Gould suggests that swingers tend to have a stronger sense of family values than non-swingers do (Gould, 1999). Family values in this case are understood as the commitment of an individual to the emotional well-being and social and material welfare of the family unit. Swingers have been shown to put the care of the members of their families above all other concerns. This assumption has been supported by previous academic research on the influence of swinging on marital satisfaction and family values (Bartell, 1970; Bergstrand, & Williams, 2000; Denfeld & Gordon, 1970; Gilmartin, 1975; Jenks, 1998; O’Neill & O’Neill, 1972). Moreover, Bergstrand and Williams and Jenks argue that amidst the rise of divorce rates and the incidence of extra-marital affairs, swinging provides a context that may sometimes strengthen the bond between the members of a couple and stabilize the relationship. If this is the case, it is of interest to social scientists to explore a possible shift from the current zeitgeist of sexual monogamy to a more permissive paradigm that includes extra-dyadic sexual involvement.

Cross-culturally, social sexual behavior suggests that humans have a propensity towards a diversity of sexual customs and mores (Gould, 1999). Several studies show that public sexual activity as well as group sex was popular in certain South Sea Island societies albeit the influence of Western culture has changed some of these customs. This type of sexual behavior may have involved public displays of sexual interaction with individuals other than spouses (Murdock, 1949; Sumner, 1906). In some societies displays of friendship amongst society members included openly exchanging spouses; while in other societies, group sex was an integral part of their religious hospitality (Butler, 1979).

Perhaps swinging in America reflects behaviors that were accepted and encouraged in other societies. However, as discussed in this study, there is strong social opposition towards sexual behaviors that are deemed to be deviant and threaten the status quo, that is, marital monogamy. In the following section the history of swinging in North America will be examined.

History of Swinging in North America

There is no seminal event that can be identified as the marker for the onset of swinging in North America (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Butler, 1979). Rather, it appears that swinging was the natural progression of a movement that started in the 19th century that produced free love as a practical concept. This movement, the Bohemian free love movement, took root especially in the popular Greenwich Village district of New York City between 1915 and 1925 (Pedersen, 1991). These bohemians were referred to as love radicals. This movement continued to take shape well into the late twenties, producing, among other events, the onset of petting parties where individuals engaged in open sexual activity (Pedersen).

Gay Talese (1980) in his book Thy Neighbor's Wife explored the emergence of "key clubs" during the period following World War II. According to Talese, key clubs were created during World War II by Air Force fighter pilots who had moved their families to live with them near bases where they were stationed. Key clubs got their name after house keys were put in a hat at the end of social parties at the base; husbands would retrieve the keys by chance to determine who among the wives would be their sexual partner for the night. It was in these pilot communities that the concept of sharing began to include spouse sharing. It was common to find couples engaged in non-monogamous, casual sex interactions, and wife swapping became common and acceptable (Gould, 1999; McGinley, 1995).

The 1950s witnessed the emergence of more organized mate swapping clubs in suburban America. The popular media started to explore the rumors of suburban sex clubs, dubbed wife-swapping clubs, where group sex took place. Several investigative articles were written on the subject and swingers were portrayed as immoral, deviant individuals showing a psychopathological behavior (Butler, 1979).

However, the term swingers came about in the early 1970s and superseded the previous terminology of wife swapping, used by the media. Wife swappers was a term considered by the adherents of co-marital sex to imply sexual inequality since it presumed that husbands swapped their wives as merchandise or possessions, and that the wives were unwilling participants and merely obeyed the wishes of their husbands who swapped them as they saw fit (Denfeld & Gordon, 1970).

In the 1960s, the modern swinging movement took shape and started in earnest (Gould, 1999). The first organization to acknowledge the swinging movement was the Sexual Freedom League in Berkeley, California. At that time, the only means of communication for swingers looking for other same-minded individuals was through the placement of ads in local magazines and newspapers (Gould, 1999; McGinley, 1995).

In the early 1970s, the evolution of open marriages based on the concept of non-possessiveness was taking root. In some marriages spouses accepted each other’s infidelity and extra-marital adventures. The concept seems to have been a natural progression of the free love theory of the late sixties (O’Neill & O’Neill, 1972). The concept of having more than one loving relationship at a time also made its debut in the sixties and may be responsible for the sexual philosophy active in many hippie communities of the time (Wesp, 1992).

In the 1970s, the North American Swing Clubs Association in the United States was established to serve as an umbrella organization representing swingers and swinging clubs throughout the country. The Association's official definition of swinging states that swinging is the popular and internationally accepted term for recreational, social sex between consenting adults (McGinley, 1995; NASCA International, 2000, p. 9). In 1972, George and Nena O’Neill (1972) conducted an anthropological study of the emerging swinging community in Manhattan and referred to swingers as

…an emerging sub-cultural group characterized by 'amorphous' cliques. These groups were composed of members of diverse clans and unrelated kinship groups who gathered on specific occasions to partake in a communal rite involving displays of togetherness and group relatedness consisting primarily of sexual interaction” (p. 101).

The O’Neills were interested in exploring the psychodynamic aspects of open marriages, their psychological motivation, fantasy development and realization, and the effects of such behavior on self-esteem and self-perception.

In the 1980s, the swinging community participants started to refer to their engagement in extra-dyadic sexual behavior as the lifestyle in order to shed the stereotypical term swingers commonly used by the popular media (Gould, 1999). The name-shift expressed the feeling shared by most swingers that their behavior was not an aberration or deviance, but rather part of a larger event in which extra-dyadic sex was an integral part of the couple’s lifestyle. Some of the social clubs organized by the swinging community adopted the term playcouples to describe the involvement of both partners in extra-dyadic, playful, sexual experience (Gould, 1999).

When asked about the concept of swinging, many people in mainstream society disapprove of the behavior because they equate it with infidelity or “cheating” (Jenks, 1998). Moreover, there is still a widely accepted perception in the general population that swingers are unhappy individuals looking to fix or remedy unhappy marriages, or that swingers are deviant, socio-pathological individuals in need of marriage counseling (Jenks, 1998). Gilmartin (1975) asked non-swingers how they would feel if a swinger moved into their neighborhood. A large portion of the people sampled voiced strong objections. Likewise, Jenks (1985) asked non-swingers how they perceived swingers concerning their overall behaviors and attitudes. He found that non-swingers, for the most part, perceived swingers as non-whites who were habitual drug and alcohol users (Jenks, 1998).

Incidence of Swinging

Although there are suggestions as to what percentage of the general population engage in swinging activities, there are no definite statistics (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000: Jenks, 1998). In 1964, William and Jerrye Breedlove published the results of their research with swingers. They concluded that about eight million couples in the United States had exchanged partners for sexual purposes (Breedlove & Breedlove, 1964; Denfeld & Gordon, 1970). Their findings were based on a sample of 407 couples. Moreover, their analysis of swinging publications indicated that over seventy thousand couples had placed ads in national swinging magazines and newspapers in the previous year; they estimated that about two and half million couples had engaged in swinging activities at least once. However, it could be argued that their conclusions were based on a small sample sizes and that their estimates were unrealistic. Since the Breedlove's estimation relied mostly on anecdotal evidence, there is the possibility that the proposed number of estimated swingers and those that had actually engaged in swinging activities at least once, were quite different.

Other estimates suggest that swinging couples could comprise about 4% of the general population (Hunt, 1974; Weis, 1983). Bartell (1970), and Cole and Spaniard (1974) put the figure at 2%. Some estimates go as far as to suggest that at least 25% of all married couples have engaged in swinging at least once (Weis, 1983). However, most studies have relied on small sample sizes and have been restricted to samples from specific geographical areas.

Nevertheless, the last ten years have witnessed an increase in the number of swingers' clubs. A perusal of the Internet sites dedicated to swinging reveals hundreds of clubs, which seem to increase in number every day (Jenks, 1998). These websites include swinging dating sites or bona fide organized social clubs with a physical location where weekly or monthly meetings for swingers are held (Jenks, 1998). The organizations have become forums for the advocacy of swinging and have established national lobbies (Jenks, 1998). Swingers' clubs exist in almost every state in the United States, Canada, England, France, Germany, and Japan, and other countries (Jenks, 1998).

Rationale for Swinging

People contemplating marriage at this juncture in our society are faced with a rising divorce rate in the United States that is expected to increase to 64% in the near future (Fowers, Lyons, Montel, & Shaked, 2001). In fact, more than half of all marriages end in divorce, even though unmarried individuals estimate their chances of divorce to be below 10% (Baron & Byrne, 2003).

Some of the causes for divorce are dissimilarity between the spouses, desire for independence, attachment styles, neglect of on-going relationship problems, lack of willingness to compromise, as well as other extraneous factors (Baron & Byrne, 2003; Baxter, 2004). One could assume that swingers are individuals attempting to deal with dysfunctional relationships or find a quick fix for their marital problems. However, that is often not the case (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Jenks, 1985, 1998).

Jenks (1985) suggests that 26% of swingers engage in the behavior as a way to explore different sexual partners and engage in different sexual experiences or behaviors. In his study of swingers, Jenks also found that a common reason given for engaging in swinging was the willingness of the participants to challenge moral and societal codes. Another reason given in the Jenks study was the opportunity for individuals to interact socially with new people in a novel social context.

Demographic Characteristics of Swingers

Who are swingers? According to current available data, swingers are mostly middle-class white married individuals (couples) holding, for the most part, conservative views. In Jenks's research, 32% of swingers consider themselves politically conservative, 41% politically moderate, and only a small minority, 27%, considered themselves liberal (Jenks, 1985). Swingers also show a more permissive attitude towards topics such as sexuality, divorce, pornography, homosexuality, pre-marital sex, and abortion (Jenks, 1985).

In a recent study, Bergstrand and Williams (2000) found in their sample of swingers that 85% of the respondents were married or in committed relationships. The average age of their respondents was 39 years. The majority had at least two years of college education. Most were presently married and had been involved in swinging for an average of five years. In their sample, 90.4% were white, 4.9% were black, and 3% were Latino (1.5 % indicated “other” in the selection of race).

The racial background of a sample of swingers in studies by Bartell (1971) and Jenks (1985) was mostly white (90%). The mean age of swingers from a sample of attendees at a national swingers’ conference was 30, with a range between 28 and 45 (Jenks, 1985). Bartell (1971) and Levitt (1988) found comparable results (mean age of 40.7 years) in their samples of swingers.

An evaluation of the religious background of swingers found that 68% attended church on a regular basis while a growing number backed away from organized religion altogether (Gilmartin, 1975; Jenks, 1985, 1998). About one third of swingers are moderately religious but do not attend church on a regular basis (Bartell, 1971; Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Gilmartin, 1975; Gilmartin & Kusisto, 1973; Hunt, 1974; Jenks, 1985, 1998; Paulson & Paulson, 1972). However, Bergstrand and Williams found that swingers were more likely than non-swingers to belong to religious organizations.

Most swingers have above average education (Gilmartin, 1975; Jenks, 1985, 1998; Levitt, 1988) and were employed mostly in professional or managerial positions. Denfeld and Gordon (1970) suggested that swingers did not conform to the stereotypical deviant profile and were indeed like anyone else in the general population. In their sample, 80% were college educated graduates and worked mostly in white-collar professional occupations. Bartell (1970) found similar results in his sample: about 25% of the male respondents were college graduates, while 50% reported being in the marketing or selling professions.

Jenks (1998) profiles swingers as white, middle to upper middle class individuals in their late 30s, conventional in a social sense, community-oriented and responsible civic citizens who do not identify with specific religious organizations. His findings are in line with those of Bergstrand and Williams (2000).

Bergstrand and Williams (2000) explored for the presence of abuse or dysfunctional family backgrounds in the histories of their sample. When compared with data obtained from the general population (General Social Survey Data, 1983-1991), the results showed that there were no statistically significant differences between the groups. Bergstrand and Williams concluded that the results contradicted an assumption that there is a higher incidence of mental pathology among swingers than the general population.

Jenks (1998) has also proposed that further research was necessary to identify wider demographics, perhaps longitudinal studies that could identify the factors that influence the rationale for swinging and evaluate the longevity of swinging behavior within a specific cohort.

Given the fast rise of swinging in the past decade, as suggested by Robert McGinley, director and founder of NASCA International (an association of clubs, events, and services, related to the swinging lifestyle community), it is important to determine if there has been a change in the demographic characteristics of swingers and to explore additional demographic of the swinging population (McGinley, 1995). New research must address the following questions:

Who are the new swingers? What are their current demographics?

What are the sexual behaviors of swingers?

Are there differences in attitudes towards swinging between male and female swingers?

Are swingers satisfied with their marital relationships?

Are swingers sexually satisfied with their primary relationship?

Marital Satisfaction and Sexual Satisfaction .

Marital satisfaction is expected by most married individuals and is often associated with their overall happiness (Young, Denny, Luquis, & Young, 1998). Often, individuals expect to base their choice of a mate on sexual attraction. In addition, sexual satisfaction is used as a barometer for the quality of the marital relationship and is an indicator of marital satisfaction (Farley & Davis, 1980; Gebhard, 1966; Hurlbert, Apt & Rabehl, 1993; Przybyla & Byrne, 1981). Research suggests that the level of sexual satisfaction in the relationship is related to how individuals feel about the whole relationship (Henderson-King & Veroff, 1994).

Considering the high rate of divorce and the marital and sexual dissatisfaction experienced by many couples who decide to remain in the marital relationship, there has been much research designed to identify the factors that positively or negatively affect the sexual satisfaction of married individuals (Frank et al., 1979; Young et al., 1998).

Social Exchange Theory provides a rationale for the association of sexual satisfaction with the general relationship quality (Spreecher, 1998). Sexual satisfaction represents an equitable balance concerning the sexual aspects of the relationship. The difference between rewards and costs compares favorably; that is, there is equality between the partners in their exchange of rewards and costs. Sexual satisfaction in a relationship can lead to an overall increase, and equity, in the quality of the relationship (Lawrence & Byers, 1995). Other research has demonstrated that couples who are satisfied with their sex lives tend to be satisfied with their relationship (Sprecher & Cate, 2004). Moreover, sexual satisfaction may contribute to a more rewarding relationship and increase the level of compatibility of the couple (Sprecher & Cate, 2004). Couples who report higher levels of sexual satisfaction report spending time together in more leisure pursuits (Birchler & Webb, 1977).

Some researchers have investigated the relationship between sexual satisfaction and the physical aspects of the sexual experience such as orgasm consistency and the frequency and timing of orgasms (Darling, Davidson, & Cox, 1991; Darling, Davison, & Jennings, 1991; Young et al., 1998). However, an individual’s sexual satisfaction may depend on many other variables (Derogatis & Melisaratos, 1979).

There seem to be many variables involved in determining sexual satisfaction, and some aspects of the sexual experience may be more satisfying than others (Young et al., 1998). One of the greatest difficulties for researchers is to operationalize sexual satisfaction in marriage or relationships (Renaud, Byers, & Pan, 1997; Young et al., 1998). Some researchers have looked at sexual satisfaction as a measure of an affective response, derived from a subjective evaluation of the positive and negative aspects of the sexual relationship. Others have restricted their evaluation of sexual satisfaction to coital satisfaction or other aspects of the physiological experience of sexual activity (Ah Song, Bergen, & Schumm, 1995; Farley & Davis, 1980; Young et al., 1998).

Renaud et al. (1997) noted that some researchers use orgasmic consistency to evaluate sexual satisfaction, yet there is a conceptual difference between the two constructs. Darling, Davidson, and Jennings (1991) found that multi-orgasmic women were more likely to be physiologically satisfied with sexual intercourse than single- orgasmic women were, but their overall sexual satisfaction was not affected. Other researchers suggested that the consistency with which partners reach orgasm is a determining factor in sexual satisfaction (Young et al., 1998). Lief (1980) and Hurlbert et al. (1993) found that female orgasmic consistency was positively related to greater marital satisfaction. Waterman and Chiauzzi (1982) found that, for women, the sexual dissatisfaction increased as consistency of orgasms decreased. They defined sexual dissatisfaction as a measure of lack of interest with the repertoire of the sexual behaviors that the respondents engaged in during their sexual activities. However, sexual pleasure was not correlated with the consistency of orgasm for either partner (Waterman & Chiauzzi, 1982; Young et al., 1998).

Motivation for extra-marital sexual behavior tends to be predicated on marital dissatisfaction for both males and females (Glass & Wright, 1985). Most intimate relationships are characterized by emotional involvement and close attachment between the members of the dyad (Young & Acitelli, 1998). Moreover, individuals with intimacy goals experience greater relationship satisfaction (Young & Acitelli). A person's satisfaction with his/her marriage or primary relationship tends to be a pivotal factor in his/her overall happiness. Thus, sexual satisfaction is an important aspect of marital satisfaction as stated herein (Farley & Davis, 1980; Gebhard, 1966; Hurlbert et al., 1993; Przybyla & Byrne, 1981). Huston and Vangelisti (1991) found in their longitudinal study on the relationships between affection, sexual interest, negativity, and marital satisfaction, that a wife’s sexual interest was positively related to the husband’s satisfaction; in other words, a married woman would look forward to have sex with her satisfied husband.

Donnelly (1993) researched the frequency of sex within the marital context. She found that sexually inactive marriages were less happy and satisfying that those where there was a higher level of sexual frequency.

In a recent study Litzinger and Gordon (2005) explored the relationship of communication, sexual satisfaction, and marital satisfaction. The results of their study suggest that communication and sexual satisfaction are independent predictors of marital satisfaction. However, they found a strong interaction between communication and sexual satisfaction. Couples who have difficulty communicating, but are sexually satisfied, will experience greater marital satisfaction than couples that have a less satisfying sexual relationship (Litzinger & Gordon, 2005). In addition, religiosity (Davidson, Darling, & Norton, 1995; Paxton & Turner, 1976), gender-role perception or adaptation (Jobes, 1986; Rosenzweig & Dailey, 1989), cultural variables (Ah Song et al., 1995) and a host of other factors have been studied to determine their correlation, if any, to sexual satisfaction (Hatfield, Greenberger, Traupmann, & Lambert, 1982; Hurlbert et al., 1993; Schiavi, Mandell, & Schreiner-Engel, 1994).

As suggested in prior research, there are several predictors of stability and satisfaction in a marriage. Research points to the influence of past and present satisfaction with a spouse's personality, living conditions, premarital relations, autonomy and relatedness (Fowers & Olson, 1992). Studies in the general population have shown that relationship satisfaction declines in the first two to three years of marriage and that marital dissatisfaction does not necessarily result from marital instability (Fowers & Olson).

A study by Fowers and Olson (1992) identified the strengths and weaknesses related to relationship issues, such as expectations, communication, personality, and conflict resolution tactics. Couples with the highest degree of overall marital satisfaction showed effective communication abilities, higher satisfaction concerning affection, sexuality, shared time, finances and a strong belief in religious importance. Communication and relationship satisfaction did result in greater marital satisfaction (Fowers & Olsen).

Overall, couples that relate to each other but still retain a sense of personal independence are more likely to feel closer and report higher levels of marital satisfaction (Rankin-Esquer, Burnett, Baucom, & Epstein, 1997). In addition, research involving middle-aged, and older couples, revealed that marital interaction is more positive in older couples perhaps due to a feeling of closeness that has shaped their relationship (Levenson, Cartensen, & Gottman, 1994). However, the marital interaction seems to be less physiologically (sexually) arousing for older couples than for middle-age couples. These findings were consistent with other research that showed marital satisfaction increases with age (Guilford & Bengston, 1979). If there is a relationship between marital interaction and satisfaction in marriages, then older couples may interact more positively, but less sexually due to low physiological arousal.

If sexual satisfaction and marital satisfaction are highly correlated as it appears from the current literature, it seems that if one or both were to decrease, the relationship would be in jeopardy. Indeed, several studies support the notion that individuals engage in extra-marital sex because there is a breakdown in the primary relationship, including marital satisfaction and sexual satisfaction. Thus, as satisfaction decreases, the incidence of infidelity increases (Atkins, Baucon, & Jacobson, 2001). Dissatisfaction with the marital relationship increases the desire for engaging in extra-dyadic sexual relationships (Prins et al., 1993).

Research has shown that, for the most part, swingers place a great importance on their family life, are committed to emotional monogamy in marriage, and value the companionship aspect of their relationships (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000). Bergstrand and Williams found that over 60% of swingers stated that swinging improved their marriage/relationship and only 1.7% suggested that their relationship became unhappy because of swinging activities. Furthermore, 49% of the individuals who were satisfied with their relationship prior to swinging found an improvement afterwards. These results suggest that about half of swingers may perceive their swinging activities as improving the quality of their relationships and marital satisfaction. In addition, swingers rated themselves as happier regarding life satisfaction as compared to the general population, and they appeared to lead happier and more exciting lives than non-swingers (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000).

In this study, two variables, marital satisfaction and sexual satisfaction of swingers, are explored. The levels of marital satisfaction and of sexual satisfaction of swingers with their primary relationship are evaluated.

Literature Review Integration

Swingers are an under-researched phenomenon. The latest research on swinging Bergstrand and Williams (2000) and Jenks (1998, 2001) suggested that little empirical documentation exists to evaluate the psychological or behavioral impacts of swinging on the familial relationships. Prior research on swinging has been sporadic at best and it has demonstrated serious gaps not only in the information regarding swingers. Additionally, there is no research regarding the possible differences between men and women swingers with respect to their marital and sexual satisfaction.

Marital relationships have traditionally been accepted as including an expectation of sexual monogamy (Boekhout et al., 1999). Swinging challenges this assumption. Thus, swinging suggests that perhaps a new paradigm for marital satisfaction that includes extra-dyadic, consensual, sexual interactions may be taking shape in today's society (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Jenks, 1985, 1998, 2001). Research on the consequences of infidelity on the marital relationship has led some researchers to conclude that the behavior is damaging and has long-term negative consequences (Boekhout et al., 1999). In contrast, research on swinging has suggested that consensual sexual behaviors outside of the primary relationship may be beneficial to relationship satisfaction and maintenance (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Jenks, 1985, 1998, 2001).

A comprehensive understanding of swinging and swingers is necessary to understanding the long-term effects of the behavior. It is evident that infidelity, a behavior that does not involve the consent of both partners to extra- dyadic sexual involvement, can cause negative changes in the dynamics of the relationship and family structure (Baxter, 2004; Boekhout et al., 1999; Brehm et al., 2002; Fowers et al., 2001; Schwartz, 1994; Simpson & Gangestad, 2001). Further, some studies suggest that individuals engage in extra-marital sexual liaisons because something is wrong with the primary relationship such as dissatisfaction with the marital or sexual relationship (Atkins et al., 2001; Glass & Wright, 1985; Prins et al., 1993). Glass and Wright (1985) argue that primary relationship dissatisfaction is due to infidelity. They found a negative correlation between marital satisfaction and infidelity in all types of extra-dyadic activities involving either sexual or emotional relationships, or a combination of both.

In conclusion, this study proposes to explore the levels of relationship satisfaction and sexual satisfaction of men and women swingers in order to determine if indeed there is a negative relationship between marital and sexual satisfaction. Also, the study proposes to explore the attitudes of men and women towards swinging and determine if there is a difference in their responses. As suggested by prior research, men that procure extra-marital activities are usually not satisfied with their marital relationships and are not happy sexually with their partners (Glass & Wright, 1985; Rankin-Esquer, Burnett, Baucom, & Epstein, 1997; Sprecher, 2002). Logically, it could be expected that men that engage in swinging activities would be dissatisfied with their marriage and would show low levels of sexual satisfaction as well.

Moreover, it is important to identify behavioral and psychological characteristics of swingers and ascertain their sexual and marital satisfaction. Most of the literature reviewed herein is dated and in need of reassessment and evaluation. The demographics of swingers seem to be in a state of flux. Demographic characteristics identified by Denfeld and Gordon (1970), Bartell (1971), O'Neill and O’Neill, (1972), Cole and Spaniard (1974), Gilmartin (1975), Hunt (1974), and Weis (1983) seem to have changed considerably, according to the latest research by Jenks (1985, 1998, 2001) and Bergstrand and Williams (2000).

Thus, the purpose of this study is to gather information about male and female swingers, to determine the level of marital and sexual satisfaction, to evaluate attitudes towards swinging activities, and to explore the relationship between attitudes and behaviors. The hypotheses are derived from the assumption, as suggested by prior research evaluated herein, that men and women will differ in their experience of marital and sexual satisfaction. Most research suggests that men's willingness to engage in extra-marital sexual relationships is motivated by a lack of sexual and marital satisfaction. If this is the case, men swingers would be more likely to suggest swinging to their spouses as a way to compensate for their lack of satisfaction in either context. Although in past research swingers report high levels of satisfaction with their marital relationship, that fact has not yet been scientifically researched. Moreover, there is no data on the sexual satisfaction of swingers in their primary relationships; all of the present evidence relies on anecdotal evidence.

Research Questions

There are five research questions considered in this study:

What are the current demographics of swingers?

What are the levels of marital satisfaction of men and women swingers?

What are the levels of sexual satisfaction of men and women swingers with their primary relationship?

What are the attitudes of men and women swingers towards their swinging experience?

What sexual activities are common in the swinging population?

Research Hypotheses

Based on prior research, the following hypotheses are proposed for this study.

Men swingers will score lower on the Marital Satisfaction Scale than women.

Men swingers will score lower on the Sexual Satisfaction Scale than women.

Chapter III: Method

The purpose of this study is to add to the existing literature by exploring current demographics and gathering information on men and women swingers regarding their marital and sexual satisfaction, and their attitudes towards the swinging experience. Moreover, this study also proposes to establish a research instrument that can be of use in future research with a swinging population.

Procedure

An initial proposal for this study was submitted to Union Institute and University Internal Review Board for approval in November 2007. IRB Approval was received in February 2008 and data collection started immediately.

The data for this study was collected using a self-report survey instrument designed by the researcher andposted on swingers' dating websites and swingers' on-line social clubs. The survey method was chosen in order to gather exploratory and descriptive information from a selected sample of swingers. The survey method traditionally allows for the collection of large quantities of data from specialized populations (Babbie, 1990). Past research using a Web-based methodology has proven practical and expedient (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Jenks, 1998; Vietor & Fernandes, 2005).

In this case, the on-line survey method was chosen because of its ability to access a large sample of swingers in a short period. As well, the use of an on-line survey would facilitate the researcher's ability to gather responses from a large, anonymous, sample of a population that would otherwise not be available through face-to-face interviews or direct mailing. For the most part, swingers resist face-to-face interviews and are not willing to be identified (Jenks, 1998). Prior research on swinging has successfully utilized an on-line format to collect data (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000).

The following are some of the advantages of on-line survey methodology:

Response and sample size can be maximized within a limited time span

Surveys dealing with sensitive subjects are more likely to get more responses from potential respondents if identities remain anonymous

Individuals are more likely to respond truthfully to personal and private questions

Time required for completion of an on-line survey is usually far less than with any other method.

The costs incurred in setting up an on-line survey are often minimal.

Considering the sensitive nature of some of the questions in this study and the need for anonymity, the researcher assumed that participants would be more willing to answer the questions openly and honestly in on-line format rather than in a traditional, face-to-face, laboratory setting. However, the on-line format is susceptible to self-selection bias.

The researcher created an on-line survey using Surveymonkey.com. The service provider utilized software designed to minimize tampering; responses and identification marks were encrypted. The researcher opted to utilize options available on Surveymonkey rendering the respondent's e-mail or Intern protocol addresses (ISP) unavailable to the researcher.

Fifteen swingers’ dating sites (through their webmasters), and one hundred and seventy two on-line swingers' social clubs were contacted via e-mail and asked to participate in the study by posting a link to the survey on their websites. To maintain a consistent protocol, a template was used to contact the webmasters of the dating sites and social clubs when requesting their participation (see Appendix A). Of those contacted, three dating sites, one of theman international swingers' site, and twelve social clubs agreed to post the link to the survey on their Web pages or electronic newsletter. The names and Web addresses of the participating sites will remain anonymous as part of an agreement between the researcher and those sites for confidentiality. Only paying members of the dating sites or clubs had access to the survey link. Temporary members or free members did not have access to the link. Social club newsletters were distributed only to the club members. To maintain consistency, an additional template was posted with the link to the survey on the participating websites inviting members to participate in the study (see Appendix B).

Data were collected for a period of five weeks starting on February 26, 2008, and ending on March 30, 2008. At the completion of the collection period the data were downloaded from the hosting site and analyzed.

Participants

Participants for this study are a self-selected convenience sample recruited through advertisements on swingers’ dating websites. The unit of analysis for this sample population was individual men and women swingers. No attempt was made to acquire data from couples. In addition, the sample does not represent a true probability sample since it was not obtained through randomization but rather self-selected.

Upon recruitment, the participants were asked to logon to the web site containing the survey and complete it. Upon login to the study’s web site, the participants were presented with an informed consent form (Appendix E). Participants were not required to sign the consent form since this was a web-based survey. Participating in the survey assumed consent. After reading the consent form, the participants were directed to continue and complete the survey. Participants were informed that they could stop participation at any time, and none of their responses would be submitted

The subjects were not financially rewarded for their participation. Participants were not asked for any personally identifiable information, and the researcher did not possess the technical capability to trace individual surveys to particular participants. The options allowing for tracing of IPS and e-mail addresses were deactivated on the Surveymonkey website.

Participant Confidentiality

Data were collected and maintained in an on-line data bank at Surveymonkey until the end of data collection. The responses were encrypted for security. Considering the sensitive nature of some of the questions in this study, and the stigma attached to this special population, it is believed that participants were probably more willing to answer questions openly and honestly than in a traditional laboratory, face-to-face, setting.

The results and subsequent analysis were conducted by the primary researcher and consulting faculty (committee).

Instrument

The testing instrument was a survey developed by the researcher. The Demographic and Behavioral Inventory of Swingers (see Appendix F) is a 59-item questionnaire designed by the researcher that divided into four sections. The first section included demographic questions. The second section included questions designed to ascertain the swinging attitudes, experiences, and behaviors of the participants. Marital satisfaction, and sexual satisfaction were measured using The Index of Marital Satisfaction [IMS] (Hudson, 1997), a modified version of the Derogatis Sexual Satisfaction Scale (Young et al., 1998). To minimize outside tampering the link was available only to actual members of the sites.

Upon completion of the survey, the participants were directed to click a submit button at the end of the last page of the survey. The raw data were downloaded into an Excel document later, converted to SPSS format, and analyzed. As per APA requirements, the data will be kept by the researcher for the next five years.

The demographic questions in this survey reflected questions asked in previous research studies with swingers and included new questions regarding education levels, occupation, household income, size and type of community, and geographical location of the respondents.

Marital Satisfaction Scale

The IMS (Hudson, 1997) (see Appendix C) was used to measure the marital satisfaction of the participants and was included in the survey instrument. The IMS is a 25-item scale designed to measure the degree, severity, or magnitude of problems that one spouse or partner has in the marital relationship. The IMS has two cutting scores. The first is a score of 70 (±- 5); scores above this point indicate absence of a clinically significant problem in this area. The second cutting score is 30. Scores below this point indicate severe stress in the relationship. The IMS is part of the WALMYR Assessment Scales, and it is scored on a seven–point Likert scale with the following options : 1 – none of the time, 2 – very rarely, 3 – a little of the time, 4 – some of the time, 5 – a good part of the time, 6 – most of the time, 7 – all of the time.

Scores above 70 are considered indicative of satisfaction with the relationship. The IMS has an internal consistency Cronbach's alpha of .96, indicating excellent internal consistency, and an excellent (low) Standard of Error Measurement of 4.00. The IMS has very good known-groups validity, discriminating significantly between couples known to have marital problems and those that do not. The IMS also has good construct validity, correlating significantly with sexual satisfaction and marital problems (Hudson, 1997).

The Sexual Satisfaction Scale

The Sexual Satisfaction Scale (SSS) (see Appendix D) was adapted from the Sexual Satisfaction Scale of the Derogatis Sexual Functioning Inventory (Derogatis & Melisaratos, 1979), and included in the survey. The SSS was used to measure relationship sexual satisfaction of the participants. The SSS is a 10-item scale score on a five-point Likert scale with the following options: 1 - strongly agree, 2 – agree, 3 – undecided, 4 - disagree, 5 - strongly disagree. Responses were recoded so that higher scores reflected higher sexual satisfaction. The possible overall score range was 11-55. The overall score was converted to an average item score (possible range 1-5), with 5 indicating high sexual satisfaction. The scale has excellent internal consistency with a Cronbach's alpha of .93 (Derogatis & Melisaratos; Young et al., 1998).

Swinging Experience

The swinging experience was defined for the purposes of this study as the behaviors of swingers in the swinging context and how swingers feel towards those swinging activities. This section of the survey contained questions regarding the following topics: who first introduced the idea of swinging, length of time engaged in swinging, frequency of attendance at swingers' clubs, strategies used to find other swingers, main reason (rationale) for swinging, attitude towards swinging, frequency of orgasm during swinging sexual activities, sexual behaviors during swinging sexual activities, swinging frequency (how often). These variables were assessed using multiple-choice questions. Questions regarding how respondents found other swingers to interact with and sexual behaviors during swinging sexual activities, albeit multiple-choice, allowed the respondents to choose all the answers that applied to them.

Demographic Variables

The demographic variables were assessed by questions in the following categories: sex, sexual orientation, age group, ethnic/racial background, relationship status, and length of time in the relationship, number of previous marriages, education level, income, occupation, and size of living community, type of community, geographical location, political views, and religiosity.

Data Analysis

The researcher utilized SPSS 15.0 program to complete the data analyses. Data were analyzed using descriptive analyses. T-tests were used to evaluate the responses of men and women in IMS and SSS scales. A level of significance for these tests was set at p < .05. Further data analysis included correlations, contingency tables, and chi-squares. Effect size in the Marital Satisfaction Scale and Sexual Satisfaction Scale scores of men and women was measured by using Cohen's d. The Cohen's d statistic measures the difference between the mean of two populations to determine levels of homogeneity.

Chapter IV: Results

The purpose of this study was to contribute to the existing literature by collecting new information concerning the gender differences of male and female swingers regarding marital and sexual satisfaction. In this chapter, the demographic characteristics of the participants are presented. As well, the attitudes and behaviors of the sample within the swinging context are examined. Some of the variables are considered group variables and no attempt was made to distinguish between the responses of males and females. For instance, variables dealing with household income and geographical location are considered group variables since the responses represent the characteristics of the "couple" and not just of the individual respondents.

The demographic and swinging experience data were analyzed using descriptive statistics. The results of the marital and sexual satisfaction scales were computed according to the protocol outlined in the scales; t-tests were used to compare the mean scores for men and women.

Demographic Characteristics of the Sample

Among the 1,376 respondents, 24% of the respondents were women and 76% were men. Eight in ten of the men identified themselves as exclusively heterosexual; only one-third of the women did so. About one-fifth of the men and about two-thirds of the women identified themselves as bisexual. Less than 1% of both men and women reported being homosexual (see Figure 1 and Figure 2).

In Figure 3 and Figure 4 respectively the results for the racial profile and age of the respondents are reported. The average range of ages of both men and women was between thirty-six and forty-five years of age, and the sample was predominantly white. Less than 1% of the respondents were under twenty-five years of age; and about .3% of the sample was over the age of sixty-five.

Approximately two-thirds of the respondents were married or cohabiting, while the remainders were single, widowed, divorced, or other. About half the respondents were in their first marriage, one -fourth was in their second marriage, and the remainder of the respondents reported being married for the third time (see Figure 5). One-third of the men and women had been in their present relationship between ten to twenty years, while about 5% reported having been in the relationship for less than one year. One-third of the sample had been married for over twenty years (see Table G3).

The typical respondent had a college education; about two-thirds of the respondents had at least an associate's degree, bachelor's degree, or some post-graduate education (see Table G4). A majority of the respondents were upper middle class with a reported household income between $70,000 and $200,000 (see Table G5).

With regards to the occupation of individuals in this sample, white-collar workers and office personnel accounted for about one-fifth of the sample for both men and women, while business owners, professionals such as doctors, lawyers, CPAs, engineers accounted for about one-third. In the category of healthcare (nursing and support staff), women were over-represented three-to-one (see Table G6).

Figure 1. Sexual orientation of the men respondents in the sample.

Figure 2. Sexual orientation of the women respondents in the sample.

Figure 3. Comparison of the racial profile of the men and women in the sample.

Figure 4. Comparison of the ages of men and women in the sample.

Figure 5. Comparison of how many times men and women respondents had been married.

In previous research on swinging, the geographical location, size, and type of the community of residence of particular samples were not identified. Geographical variables were explored in this study. About two-thirds of the respondents reported living in either urban or suburban communities with a population density between 100,000 or over 1 million people (see Table G7). About one-fourth reported living in a rural setting with a population density of less than 50,000 people (see Table G8). The sample in this study was derived from an international population of swingers. Respondents were asked to identify their country of residence. Individuals residing outside of North America were asked to identify their continent of residency. Moreover, residents of North America were asked to give regional information. About two-thirds of the respondents were from the United States, less than one-fifth from Canada and Mexico, one-sixth from Europe and the remaining from Australia, the Caribbean, Asia, and Africa. Most of North American respondents reported living in either the northeast or southeast of the continent (see Table G9).

The swingers in this study embraced a variety of political affiliations and views, and no particular political position dominated. Considering that this was an international sample (albeit the concentration of respondents was from the United States), the traditional standard political divisions common to Americans would not have applied here. About half the respondents considered themselves social moderates, liberals, or Democrats; about two-fifths considered themselves moderately conservative or Republicans; the remaining of the sample political views were represented by libertarians, communists, socialists and anarchists. Social conservatives accounted for about 9% of the sample. Surprisingly, about 14% of the respondents reported having no interest in politics (see Table G10).

The religiosity and religious beliefs of the respondents were also explored in this study. Table G11 shows the results for the religious views of the participants. Most of the respondents professed having some form of religious beliefs, while one fourth declared not being religious at all.

Swinging Experience

The variables in this section were divided into group variables and individual variables. Group variables considered the responses as representative of the experiences of a couple's activities (responses to these variables are not reported to reflect the differences between men and women respondents). Individual variables reflected the respondents' own individual experience within the swinging context.

The results for the swinging experience questions suggest that most of the respondents in this sample held a favorable view of swinging, and that the great majority had been swinging for some time. Nearly one-third of the respondents had been participating in swinging anywhere from four to seven years while one-fourth had been swinging for over twelve years (see Figure 6). Most of the respondents in this study held a favorable attitude towards their swinging experiences. Swinging satisfaction for both men and women was closely matched in this sample of swingers. More than half the men and women reported being highly satisfied with their swinging experience albeit close to 45% of the men and women reported enjoying swinging only occasionally. Less than .5% of the respondents said they did not enjoy swinging (see Figure 7).

The responses to the question of who first introduced the idea of swinging to the relationship show that more than two-thirds of the men reported having introduced the idea of swinging to their spouses; in contrast, less than one-third of the women admitted to having done so (see Table G13). Regarding the rationale for swinging, most of the respondents cited sexual fantasies or sexual variety as the reason why they engage in swinging. Of these, about half the men and women reported pure sexual variety as a reason for swinging while a quarter of the men and the women offered sexual fantasy as a rationale for engaging in swinging (see Figure 8). Less than 1% of the respondents reported engaging in swinging to satisfy their partners.

Most of the respondents reported swinging a few times a year with fewer than 12% engaging in swinging activities more than once a month. It seems that, for the majority of this sample, swinging is not a regular occurrence (see Table G14). About half of the respondents in this study frequent swingers' social clubs. Private parties accounted for the remaining context in which swingers interact (see Table G18).

The sexual activities of the respondents had engaged in at least once during