The number of high-quality services that "compete with free" is growing—and some of the credit is certainly due to the major content conglomerates, which have made it easier to license and use their digital material. As a recent subscriber to Rdio, it's hard for me to imagine anyone who would even want to go to the hassle of pirating music when 13 million tracks are ready to be dialed up in instant, high-quality streams, complete with album art. For $4.99 a month—the cost of the Web-only unlimited subscription—you would have be one cheap bastard with way too much time on your hands to scour P2P networks instead.

Hulu, Netflix, Amazon Instant Video, Spotify, and iTunes are all terrific services that have been well-used in my household; we've even rented HD movies through the Xbox. All provide a much better experience than the older one of driving to a store and browsing the shelves. When done well, such services are the best way to make piracy irrelevant. We need even more of them.

Still, pirate sites remain. If rightsholders want their material removed from such sites, we think that's their decision, and that they should have basic tools to help that happen. If they choose not to use them, or to monetize their own creativity in some other way, more power to them.

US sites are easy enough to reach—see the takedowns of major players like NinjaVideo and Grokster. But foreign sites were the main target of SOPA. Can we do anything meaningful about piracy without resorting to new private rights of action or to DNS blocking and search engine blackouts?

We can. Though we certainly don't speak for anyone beyond ourselves, we believe that legislation drafted along the general lines sketched below could work—and could generate (some) agreement on an emotional issue.

Process

Involve all stakeholders: By "involve all stakeholders," we don't mean what Washington usually means: put multiple behemoth corporations in a room to work out a deal.

The White House opposes SOPA but wants people to work toward a solution. "Don’t limit your opinion to what’s the wrong thing to do, ask yourself what’s right," it said in response to anti-SOPA petitions. But when it last wanted something done about piracy, the White House didn't do it in public; it went the "lock-em-in-a-room" route with major corporations.

The public has a serious stake in Internet issues and needs meaningful participation. Note: Google is not our champion or spokesperson, and it does not stand in for the public interest.

Open drafting: SOPA and PIPA appeared Athena-style, springing fully formed from the brains of entertainment lobbyists. Attempts to oppose them have been met with grudging concessions that don't recognize just how bad the initial starting point was (or perhaps they do recognize it, and the bills were classic examples of overreaching early to get what you want later on).

In any event, this is no way for a democracy to legislate on key Internet issues. We saw the same approach with the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement—"sure, we're open to criticism, but the public only gets to object after nearly all the details have been hammered out." Instead, we need to work on principles in public, then move towards legislation, not introduce maximalist legislation and make small concessions.

Hold real hearings: the recent hearings on SOPA and PIPA have been a joke. SOPA's was really just embarrassingly one-sided. Everyone knows that hearings aren't actually a way for representatives to learn about issues, but the House Judiciary Committee didn't have to prove it so obviously.

In response, opponent Darrell Issa (R-CA) called (and then canceled) a one-sided hearing of his own to provide some balance. We can do better. Piracy issues have been present for years, and legislative solutions will affect us for years. Let's hear from thoughtful people for a while and work to get it right.

Content

Separate the key issues: Too often, the issues driving SOPA and PIPA are conflated. When backers want to scare people economically, they talk copyright infringement and use industry numbers. When they want to scare people on health and safety, they tout online pharmaceuticals that can turn your foot orange and counterfeit parts that could make your airplane crash in a fiery death spiral. These are not the same thing. Let's deal with them separately so that we accurately match penalties to threats.

In addition, the two sorts of harms are defined quite differently. As Sen. Ron Wyden (D-OR) put it when we spoke earlier this year, "I think it's important to make a distinction between counterfeit goods and copyright infringement. This is right at the heart of the debate. With respect to counterfeits, the bad guys are warehousing, advertising, they're directly selling illicit merchandise, often to unsuspecting consumers. With respect to copyrights, what constitutes willful distribution or even infringement is still unsettled law."

While a site selling counterfeit watches may provide an obvious target, a "link site" that connects people to both licit and unauthorized content isn't nearly so clear.

"When you're talking about counterfeits," said Wyden, who has worked on these issues for years and is a lawyer himself, "you've got efforts that are reasonably targeted, people understand what the ground rules are, there's a sense that you understand what law enforcement is doing with respect to key issues like due process. That is not the case today for copyright infringement." Which means that remedies must differ.

Adversarial process: A cornerstone of the US legal system has been adversarial hearings—the chance to listen to your opponent and challenge what he says. It's not universal—one-sided ex parte hearings are used in cases where overwhelming evidence of guilt is present and where the bad guys pose a flight risk, or where they might hide their cash. But SOPA makes such procedures far too common, especially given that it's largely targeting foreign websites; these site owners aren't about to be "seized," nor is their money. There's no reason to move this quickly, and with this much secrecy, in order to take such dramatic action against a site.

As Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-CA), also a lawyer, told me about the way the government has already been handling these cases, "You've got the prosecutors coming in, they have a judge sign something, and the people whose property is being seized are never heard from. It doesn't appear, honestly—though it would not solve the due process problems—that there's much inquiry on the part of the prosecution, either. Is there a fair use right? Is there an authorized use? Is there legitimate business going on? There's no opportunity for that to be raised, and once the damage is done, it's done."

Think it doesn't matter? The government has already made several major mistakes, including seizing one site's domain name for an entire year before finally returning it with no prosecution. In another case, it temporarily took down tens of thousands of unintended subdomains—all mistakes that might have been avoided had the judge signing off on the order heard from the side being targeted.

As law professor Eric Goldman reminds us, hearing from the other side isn't just some formality—it often changes rulings. "The court's January order was based on ex parte proceedings," he noted in a recent Internet case between Elsevier and Chitika. "Chitika subsequently showed up to contest the case, and surprise! The court reaches a different result after adversarial proceedings. Let's hear it for due process!!! YEAH!"

The alternative OPEN Act envisions many more adversarial hearings, though it still provides for "emergency" one-sided presentations. We'd like to see non-adversarial hearings reduced to an absolute minimum, especially in cases where the resulting penalties may be severe. Once judges have heard everyone and ruled after some deliberation, we have no problem with targeted action being taken against site operators who are truly violating the law.

Better definitions of "rogue" and "foreign": SOPA and PIPA haven't done a great job of making clear exactly who's targeted; language remains too broad even after tweaking. Even the Business Software Alliance agreed in November that "definitions of who can be the subject of legal actions and what remedies are imposed must be tightened and narrowed."

While pro-SOPA backers insist the language is clear, no one else seems to agree. As law professor Sean Flynn noted today, "For example, ccTLDs [country code top-level domains, like .uk or.us] of domestic sites are not excluded from the definition of 'foreign site,' a 'site dedicated to infringement' can be so labeled if it 'facilitates or enables' infringement, rather itself violating any law, even if it is in compliance with DMCA safe harbors."

Limited non-judicial remedies: Giving rightsholders the broad power to cut off ads and payments to a site on the basis of a letter is simply unacceptable. Such remedies need judicial supervision. (Think existing takedown request aren't already abused? Ars has had its own Facebook page removed over a bogus private complaint.)

Keep strong intermediary immunity: SOPA posed big problems when it came to "safe harbors"—and that may have been intentional. But the safe harbors found in the DMCA and in (non-stricken bit of) the Communications Decency Act allow both Ars and YouTube to accept content and comments from users without constant fear of a lawsuit.

As Wyden, a key "safe harbor" author, put it, "It's important to not increase liability for intermediaries. Just as you don't hold a toll road accountable for a driver's bad behavior, you shouldn't hold the ISPs or other platforms liable for online user behavior."

Follow the money: As for those enforcement measures, let's follow the money. Cutting off the funding to sites, by going after customer payments and ad network money, should force most bad actors to wither on the vine. (After all, if you're not earning any money, the Internet traffic you receive from search engines and links is actually bad for the bottom line.)

Yes, shutdowns may not be immediate, but the approach is far preferable to one that pretends certain Internet content does not exist (SOPA's initial DNS blocking and search engine bans both fell into this category). Let's keep the Web open and allow search engines to do what they are designed for—while still finding a way to choke off illegal activity. It beats censorship handily.

Wyden and Lofgren both support it, though the idea isn't without critics. As Goldman argues, "Attacking the money supply to supposed bad actors remains too blunt an instrument... If a player is engaged in legitimate and illegitimate activity and its money supply is cut off, both activities go down the tubes." Fair enough, but courts have repeatedly held that the simple presence of legal content isn't enough to save a site (ask Grokster). So long as we have full due process and adversarial hearings, and so long as judges keep the bar set high, this isn't an insurmountable flaw.

Escalation: Start modestly. Numerous companies outside the US nevertheless will comply with DMCA takedowns from US companies. Such a system should be used first, since it supports targeted content takedowns rather than attacks on a whole site. Companies and sites that won't comply with takedown requests are targets ripe for a "follow the money" approach. But sites that will take down specific content when notified should not be targets of a tougher process.

International buy-in: None of this works without convincing people around the world—and by "people" we don't just mean "governments"—of the need for such a system, and for its fairness. It's obvious from today's protests that SOPA backers haven't even convinced Americans on fairness, much less those people in other countries who might be common targets of SOPA's remedies. It's also clear that backers cared little about doing so before getting their legislation introduced.

Without international public support, the provisions are useless. UGC websites and others will, in the long run, simply abandon American ad networks and payment processors as being too risky. In the end, those against "rogue sites" will lose their main weapon. A modest, internationally supported system that feels fair to all has a much better chance of long-term success than a "tough," US-focused approach that angers the rest of the world.

This won't stop piracy

These measures won't put an end to online piracy; to do so, you would need a 'Net so architected around control and authentication that it would hardly resemble the 'Net we have today. Can a plan on the lines proposed cause the jolly pirates running The Pirate Bay to scuttle their boat? Possibly not. Will it provide a simple way to take down specific live streams of sporting events in real time? No.

But SOPA was unlikely to succeed at this either. And, as the content industries have told me in person for years, their antipiracy efforts aren't about stopping piracy; they're about curbing its excesses so legal efforts can flourish.

We think something like the plan sketched in rough form above can achieve these ends—though it has to be coupled with continued innovation in business models. We likewise have no problem with a system that scours P2P networks and works with ISPs to pass notices of possible infringement along to users (though Internet disconnection, especially with judicial oversight, remains deeply problematic).

Copyright maximalism defeats itself; witness today's scream of Internet id. It's time to dump copyright's up-to-$150,000 statutory damage range against individuals. It's time to take Internet site-blocking off the table. It's time to remember that the entertainment industries are doing all right.

The way forward is through consensus and targeted, modest measures that feel fair and achieve general buy-in—and that keep piracy in proper perspective.