The home-grown headlines of late suggest rough sledding ahead for Christie. Christie hits home-state hurdles

Republican Chris Christie’s greatest asset and claim to fame — governing in the blue state of New Jersey — could become his biggest liability next year.

As the GOP’s strongest 2016 hopeful, according to polling at this early stage, and the newly installed chief of the Republican Governors Association, Christie is in the enviable position of being able to raise loads of money and draw instant media attention. But the spotlight can magnify flaws just as it flatters; every home-state flareup or verbal miscue can go national in a flash.


And early indications are that Democrats, feeling feisty after victories in legislative races on Election Day, are going to be more of a roadblock to Christie than they were during his first term.

( QUIZ: How well do you know Chris Christie?)

The four weeks since Christie routed his weak Democratic opponent to win a second term show how easily troubles in New Jersey can undermine the national image Christie is trying to project. Hispanic officials in New Jersey accused Christie of flip-flopping on a bill that would allow in-state tuition rates for illegal immigrants. And he tried, but failed, to oust the Republican minority leader of the state Senate, who happens to be the son of a close ally.

The home-grown headlines of late — a potpourri of potential political complications and hints of criticism that the governor represents a party of one, himself — suggest rough sledding ahead for Christie.

His mentor, former Republican Gov. Tom Kean, publicly expressed disappointment with Christie for covertly trying to oust his son, Tom Kean Jr., as state Senate minority leader, in a coup attempt. Making matters worse, the move was widely seen as the Republican governor doing a favor for Democratic Senate President Steve Sweeney.

( Also on POLITICO: 2016 poll: Chris Christie, Hillary Clinton still king)

The elder Kean suggested in an interview that Christie’s political skills are about to be tested at a new level. “If you think how often the front-runner at this point has gotten the nomination,” he said, “it’s very seldom.”

Christie has been adamant that he can focus on his national work and New Jersey obligations at the same time. He has given himself basically a year to enact several pet policy initiatives, such as school vouchers and a tax cut that he touted this week. But assuming Christie runs for president, a year is probably all he’d have to effect major changes in his state before he starts campaigning.

That’s a window during which Democrats, who control the state Legislature, may not have a problem blocking the moves of a man who’s billing himself as a can-do, work-across-the-aisle type of leader. Democrats have been under fire for allowing Christie to skate to a lopsided win and want to restore their credibility.

( Also on POLITICO: Chris Christie: Obamacare a ‘train wreck’)

“On the national stage, he’s not going to have that same type of singular voice, and there’s going to be a lot of people to challenge the numbers and claims,” said Democratic Assembly Majority Leader Lou Greenwald, adding that the national attention will mean people will “lean in and listen to some of the things people like myself say.”

Christie adviser Mike DuHaime said the governor is more than up to the challenge.

“National speculation regarding Gov. Christie’s future has swirled since he started taking on tough issues in 2010, yet he has continued to rack up accomplishment after accomplishment in New Jersey,” DuHaime said. “His leadership in New Jersey, both in times of crisis and in his long-term efforts to cut spending and reform education, is the very reason for the national speculation. I have zero doubt he will continue to get the job done in New Jersey.”

But Tad Devine, a Democratic strategist and veteran of past presidential campaigns, said Christie’s problem is real — and hardly new. Working for Massachusetts Gov. Michael Dukakis’s presidential campaign in 1988, Devine recalled the candidate essentially forfeiting critical late-summer campaign travel to be present in western Massachusetts. Dukakis didn’t want to be accused of skipping an annual tour of the region in favor of the presidential stage.

“Some of the worst problems for a governor running for president are in their home state,” Devine said. “We were always dealing with local political problems in Massachusetts that were completely out of proportion for a campaign for president. And that was in a state dominated by Democrats. If the Republicans had controlled the legislature, it would’ve been a nightmare.”

Democrats have chortled over Christie’s lack of coattails in legislative races on Election Day, and Republicans have groused that he did little to help fellow GOP candidates. Some said they asked to use his image on mail pieces, only to be told it would be an in-kind contribution that would count against his own spending cap.

Christie has made clear he plans on trying to push through with a legislative agenda, insisting last month right after he won, “I did not seek a second term to do small things.” But he also has to push through a budget with legislative leaders who see an opportunity to draw concessions from him at a time when national eyes are on the Garden State.

Christie also has the unusual phenomenon of an equally strong neighbor-state governor, New York Democratic Gov. Andrew Cuomo, with whom he shares control of a bi-state transit agency — and who is more than willing to use his own bully pulpit when it suits him. Christie was reminded of that recently, when Cuomo threw cold water on a tabloid report that his fellow governor, in his RGA capacity, urged on a potential GOP challenger to Cuomo, who is up for reelection next year.

Cuomo knew it wasn’t true, he told reporters, because Christie had personally assured him of it — a comment that wasn’t helpful for a Republican who’s trying to prove to his party that he’s a team player.

More troubling for Christie are narratives that could pull at the fabric of his brand — straight-talker, with the potential to appeal to a broad swath of voters.

Such a story emerged in the past two weeks, after Christie pulled back support for an immigration bill he’d endorsed broadly in concept. The measure would provide in-state tuition rates to undocumented immigrants who graduate from the New Jersey high schools.

Hispanic leaders in New Jersey are accusing him of an election-year flip-flop — pledging support ahead of the election and then revoking it as he begins to cast his gaze toward Iowa, New Hampshire and South Carolina.

“Christie has his eyes on the presidency. And if he has to roll over Latinos to get there, he’ll do it,” the Newark Star-Ledger wrote in an editorial promptly blasted out by the Democratic National Committee. Christie denies an about-face on the bill.

Putting out fires like that becomes harder when you’re on the road, as Christie has made clear he plans to be for portions of 2014.

“That’s a real liability when you run for president and don’t have total political control of your own state,” said Devine.

Rick Perry’s numbers took a dive in Texas when he ran for president (although he served as RGA chairman without incident), and he decided not to seek reelection. Mitt Romney, another RGA chairman who was known to be considering a presidential run, chose not to campaign for Massachusetts governor again, knowing his chances of winning were slim.

“Being the front-runner early means you have to worry,” Republican strategist Mike Murphy said, pointing to the heightened scrutiny. Still, there are distinct advantages, namely the ability to raise money, he said.

“Most people would rather be Christie and have these problems,” Murphy said.

Indeed, Christie allies argue that people who think he’ll have trouble navigating both worlds are missing a few basic facts. He did help other Republicans and can’t be faulted for what happened downballot to other candidates, they argue.

What’s more, they say, New Jersey’s governorship is an unusually powerful office — there is no attorney general or treasurer elected statewide — and people will still be afraid of crossing him. Those who believe he’s leaving himself exposed for increased problems at home by traveling and focusing on another task are mistaken, the governor’s allies insist.

As for not helping other Republicans, they point to joint mailings he did to help out in certain raises, as well as pieces that the Republican “victory” committees funded involving candidate slates, which featured the governor.

Steve Lonegan, the former Bogota mayor who ran against Christie in the 2009 GOP primary, said the complaint that Christie didn’t do enough for fellow Republicans on the ballot is misguided.

“There’s been a lot of grousing about the lack of coattails, but whose fault is that?” said Lonegan, who bonded with Christie during his unsuccessful campaign for Senate this fall against Democrat Cory Booker. “You need to grab onto coattails … in the case of some of these legislative races, [GOP candidates] were pathetic.”

Former Mississippi Gov. Haley Barbour, meanwhile, downplayed the difficulty of juggling RGA and New Jersey duties.

“I was chairman of the Republican Governors Association for a year and a half, and I don’t remember that period being any more difficult at home than when I wasn’t chairman of the RGA,” said Barbour, who explored and ultimately passed on a 2012 presidential run. “That sounds to me like Democrats’ wishful thinking.”