The Sudanese democracy demonstrators were the first to protest at Saudi Arabia’s interference in their revolution. We all knew that the Saudis and the Emiratis had been funnelling millions of dollars into the regime of Omar al-Bashir, wanted for war crimes by the International Criminal Court and now chucked out of power by a Sisi-like military cabal. But it was the sit-in protesters who first thought up the slogan: “We do not want Saudi aid even if we have to eat beans and falafel!”

It was shouted, of course, along with the more familiar chants of ‘revolution of the people”.

Few noticed this little development – save, to give it credit, The Washington Post – but the dozens of waterlogged bodies being dragged from the Nile should focus our attention on the support which the Emiratis and especially the Saudis are now lavishing upon the pseudo-transitional military government in Sudan.

We should not be surprised. The frequent judicial head-chopping of Saudi prisoners after travesty trials, then the chopped-up remains of an executed Saudi journalist and now the decaying Sudanese corpses sloshing along the longest river in Africa – along with the Saudi-Emirati assault on Yemen and the subsequent slaughter – possess a kind of gruesome familiarity. Political problems resolved by cruel death.

What the hundreds of thousands of protesters, now hiding from the ruthlessness of the killer-militias unleashed by the new and supposedly temporary regime, want to know is simple – and it’s not whether Omar al-Bashir will go for trial.

Child Soldiers of South Sudan Show all 20 1 /20 Child Soldiers of South Sudan Child Soldiers of South Sudan Nakato Savoa, 19, was born and raised in Yumbe, Uganda A graduate from Aruma High School, she has aspirations of becoming a journalist. “The stories of refugees here in Uganda are so important to learn from.” She talks about how the community frowns upon equality in education holding woman back from progressing in life. “I am asking for change in attitudes, I want human rights for all, that means men and women.” EAA/PEIC Paddy Dowling Child Soldiers of South Sudan David Ayume, 13, arrived in Uganda in July 2016 fleeing the civil war He arrived with his mother and father and his eight brothers and sisters after two days walking. He recalls seeing many dead bodies lining the sides of the tracks which led to Uganda’s northern border. The family were fearful at the threat of abduction by rebel groups or becoming caught in crossfire between the government or militia groups. David enjoyed school immensely in South Sudan but said his school had closed due to conflict. He now attends Alaba School at Bidibidi Refugee Settlement. David dreams of a better life for his family EAA/PEIC Paddy Dowling Child Soldiers of South Sudan Children of Bidibidi Refugee Settlement, wait outside the fence of Alaba School “Education is a casualty of war” says Her Highness Sheikha Moza Bint Nasser, Qatar, speaking at the Hague in 2017. HH, Chairperson of Education Above All (EAA) explains: “Even more horrifying - attacks on education are frequently used as an instrument of war. In most conflicts, from Colombia to Yemen, education is deliberately targeted. Schools are burned down. Teachers are murdered. Students recruited as child soldiers. We need to make children safe as they learn. Those who attack schools are not just damaging walls or infrastructure, they are inflicting lifelong trauma on hundreds of millions of children.” EAA/PEIC Paddy Dowling Child Soldiers of South Sudan Moses Obama ,17 Moses fled Juba to his family dwelling in the countryside, when war broke out in 2016, to discover his father murdered and his mother nowhere to be seen. Hopelessly, in solitude, he waited for her return, grief-stricken and starving. Anti government force group ‘In Opposition’ (IO) had torn through the village and had now seized control. The enticement of a new family awaited him, brothers with arms and a warm meal too hard to resist. Moses surrendered in body, mind and spirit dissolving into the thousand-strong army of children in the bush. EAA/PEIC Paddy Dowling Child Soldiers of South Sudan Vivian Khemisa, 19, fled the civil war in South Sudan She arrived in Uganda with her father after being faced with having to surrender her brother Abdel, 23, to rebel groups tearing through the village, in order to save her family from being killed. Many of the girls in the village aged 15-17 years were captured and taken as wives. Their journey to the UNHCR transit camp took eight days among the thousands of people leaving with what possessions they could carry. They witnessed many rotting bodies along the road. Vivian enjoys attending secondary school and hopes to become a social worker to be able to help those in her community, “If we have access to education here we can reach our full potential and transform the lives of people here and back home in South Sudan.” She is an advocate for other young women to remain in school and not give in to community pressure to become wives and mothers from as young as 13 years old. EAA/PEIC Paddy Dowling Child Soldiers of South Sudan Children of Alaba School, Bidibidi Refugee Settlement wait patiently outside as the teacher calls the register Child soldiers, immersed into an environment of extreme violence where they are required to commit unimaginable cruelty and atrocity, become social outcasts suffering permanent psychological problems. Photos EAA/PEIC/Paddy Dowling Child Soldiers of South Sudan Kennedy Ima, 13, displaced to Uganda He is another statistic of the 2.3 million South Sudanese refugees that fled the outbreak of civil war. Uganda alone shouldering 800,000 refugees. Kennedy was denied a normal childhood and instead became a witness to violence, torture and death in war. Not surprisingly, Kennedy’s family were unwilling to send him to school with threat of armed attack, abduction or recruitment by militias. On arrival in Uganda, he was still held back from attending school and fulfilling his dream of becoming a doctor. His parents were simply unable to afford the cost of a pair of shoes required for enrollment. EAA/PEIC Paddy Dowling Child Soldiers of South Sudan Forest Whitaker at a school in Northern Uganda Forest Whitaker attends a school in Gulu to meet the beneficiaries supported by Whitaker Peace & Development Initiative (WPDI) and Education Above All (EAA). EAA/PEIC Paddy Dowling Child Soldiers of South Sudan Esther Yenno, 13, left South Sudan in 2016 Esther joined 800,000 of her country people in Uganda after civil war broke out. The journey took one week with her four brothers and two sisters. Esther herself had to carry the smallest of her siblings, too young to walk. They came across a lot of violent clashes en route. They spent time hiding in the bush to avoid capture from rebel groups. She misses being at home in South Sudan but the community here at Bidibidi Refugee Settlement has made her feel very welcome. She hopes to visit South Sudan soon but not to live there. EAA/PEIC Paddy Dowling Child Soldiers of South Sudan Children of Alaba School taking part in an art workshop Children of Alaba School, Bidibidi Refugee Settlement enjoying participating in an co-facilitated art based workshops between PEIC and Artolution. The 45 children together paint about social issues affecting the local community, including those related to access and barriers to education. EAA/PEIC Paddy Dowling Child Soldiers of South Sudan Richard Hakim, 26, left South Sudan in 2016 when civil war broke out He witnessed his father being killed and escaped with his best friend Moses. Both were confronted by rebel group National Salvation Front and were taken hostage after being suspected of spying for government forces. Moses resisted and was shot then left by the roadside. Richard was led to a make shift military outpost. He was not trusted to carry a weapon, instead became a porter carrying luggage for the commanders, fetching water for the troops and helping the kitchen. After almost 4 months, he seized his opportunity and broke away to head to the UNHCR Transit facility at the border. Eventually, Richard was connected to Swizen Atwine from Windel Trust who connected him to the EAA/Artolution project. Richard wants to become a journalist, he has since set up a group, with other local youth, called “Raise up and Talk” to help empower the younger generation to share their experiences and stories as a form of therapy. He hopes to find comfort telling the stories of those who have no voice. EAA/PEIC Paddy Dowling Child Soldiers of South Sudan Children of Tuajiji Primary School taking part in an art workshop Children of Tuajiji Primary School, Bidibidi Refugee Settlement. Protect Education in Insecurity and Conflict (PEIC), member of Education Above All, collaboratively with Artolution co-facilitated art based workshops for children. The workshop covered arts-based games and discussions about social issues affecting the local community, including those related to access and barriers to education. EAA/PEIC Paddy Dowling Child Soldiers of South Sudan Emmanle Duku, 17 Emmanle fled Juba as war ripped through the region as life was extremely dangerous. He entered his home village and found his father had been killed in their family home and the rest of his family had presumably fled. He surrendered himself to the rebel group IO. At 15, Emmanle became a soldier and was given a gun. He recalls the sadness of having to take the lives of innocent people. He became terrified of the sounds of gunfire due to the direct association of the brutality he had to inflict. He made a concerted effort to hang back in the group but this was always noted by the rebel commanders and was then pushed to the front and forced to kill. Emmanle was forced to drop out of school in Primary 3 due to the families financial circumstances and has not been in education since. He hopes that next year he will be able to go to school and get himself an education, however he does not know how this will happen. EAA/PEIC Paddy Dowling Child Soldiers of South Sudan Asmaa Fikree, Youth Advocate for Education Above All (EAA) Asmaa believes: “Programs like WPDI remind us of the impact of institutional support, but they also serve as silent reminders of the untapped potential of refugees. In Bidi Bidi, South Sudanese youth have to grapple with the psychosocial impact of life in conflict unguided. Many youth-led initiatives are seeking to fill the void in lieu of institutional support - a show of resilience and a plea for change. It is clear that the world at large has yet to address to the unique circumstances and lasting impact of life in prolonged conflict." EAA/PEIC Paddy Dowling Child Soldiers of South Sudan Forest Whitaker Forest Whitaker has worked selflessly behind the scenes and away from the spotlight, to tirelessly bring about change in the world through his foundation, Whitaker Peace & Development Initiative (WPDI). “To be involved in making peace on the planet is amazing! Gotta do something to be the better angel of it all. I care about it deeply, and to have the ability to help eliminate pain, conflict and violence is a privilege.” EAA/PEIC Paddy Dowling Child Soldiers of South Sudan Moses Obama, 17 The two years of combat that ensued, saw Moses' position in the group grow from strength to strength, rewarded with promotion to military intelligence by the commander. “I had to kill so many people, innocent people from my country, I just stopped counting…so many”. His voice now tapered off to all but a silence, Moses turned his eyes to the floor and never looked up again. EAA/PEIC Paddy Dowling Child Soldiers of South Sudan Children of Bidibidi Refugee Settlement, look in through the windows of Alaba School The PEIC and Artolution co-facilitated Global Citizenship Education workshop covered arts-based games and discussions about social issues affecting the local community, including those related to access and barriers to education. Collaboratively they developed large and small-scale artworks that address the ongoing challenges faced by the community. EAA/PEIC Paddy Dowling Child Soldiers of South Sudan Those who attended the 79th Academy Awards 2007 in Los Angeles were privileged to witness Forest Whitaker honoured in the ‘Best Actor’ category for his role in ‘The Last King Of Scotland’ filmed in Uganda. As it transpired, the Oscar was not only a symbolic professional achievement but also a significant humanitarian milestone; the consequent creation of the Whitaker Peace & Development Initiative (WPDI). The foundation helps fragile communities affected by conflict transform to become peaceful, resilient and productive. EAA/PEIC Paddy Dowling Child Soldiers of South Sudan Some of the many pairs of shoes donated to the children of Alaba School, Bidibidi Refugee Settlement The margins in life so slender when the start of the journey to rehabilitation and reintegration of a child is a pair of shoes. EAA/PEIC Paddy Dowling Child Soldiers of South Sudan Joel Bergner set up Artolution with Max Frieder Artolution is a community-based public art organisation that seeks to ignite positive social change through collaborative art making. “We facilitate projects around the world that connect diverse peoples in order to address common social objectives. Our projects bring together children, families, local artists, educators and community groups. Our main objective is to address critical issues related to armed conflict, trauma and social marginalisation by cultivating sustainable global initiatives that promote reconciliation, healing and resilience.” In Uganda, Artolution have trained 14 artists to continue working to engage the youth population. EAA/PEIC Paddy Dowling

The protesters want answers about the true nature of the relationship between the Gulf states and two men: the “Rapid Support Forces” commander, the frightening Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo – aka “Hemeti” – and Abdul Fattah al-Burhan, the theoretical head of the military council which took over the country after they overthrew Bashir. Both men recently visited the Gulf states – and the Sudanese who were camped out in their capital want to know why Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates promised $3bn (£2.7bn) in aid to the transitional government.

Hence their preference for beans and falafel – the chickpea-filled patty which probably originated in Egypt – rather than Saudi cash. But talking of Egypt, the Sudanese also realise that their own new and revolutionary experience in demanding Bashir’s overthrow along with civilian rulers who will arrange democratic elections has some remarkable parallels with the experience of Cairo’s demonstrators after 2011.

Mubarak was the “Omar Bashir” of Egypt, of course, and General Mohamed Tantawi, Egyptian head of the supreme council of the armed forces military council, the Scaf (the job of which was to safeguard future elections, needless to say), played the role of Burhan, now head of Sudan’s military council. Real elections did give Egypt almost a year of rule by the freely elected if deeply flawed Muslim Brotherhood-dominated presidency of Mohamed Morsi – until General, soon to be Field Marshal, Abdul Fattah al-Sisi staged a military coup, restored dictatorship and received – surprise, surprise – vast economic assistance from Saudi Arabia and the Emirates.

The hundreds of thousands of demonstrators who staged the revolution against Mubarak have either been killed, fled, gone to ground or been arrested by the Egyptian security services. So no wonder would-be Sudanese revolutionaries – even though they would see their role as mere protesters for democracy – are fearful that they will soon suffer the same fate, and that those generous Gulf monarchies are about to strike again with more support for Burhan and his unpleasant companion.

Sisi himself chaired an emergency session of the African Union which gave Burhan’s military council three more months to arrange its “handover” to civilian power. If the Saudis helped Sisi in Egypt with their immense wealth, why not Burhan? What was the $3bn for, other than to prop up Burhan’s own regime – brought to power by national protests over Sudan’s bankrupt economy.

Sudan, specifically militias led by the disreputable and extremely dangerous Dagolo – more than 10,000 men, some of them guilty of war crimes in Darfur – have been fighting for the Saudis against the Houthis in Yemen. And Dagolo, according to Al Jazeera, met the Saudi crown prince early in May and promised to support the kingdom against “all threats and attacks from Iran and Houthi militias”. He would continue, he allegedly promised, to send Sudanese forces to help Saudi Arabia in Yemen.

Burhan recruited many of the Sudanese who went to fight in Yemen – a large number of whom had been under Dagolo’s command. So is it any surprise that Crown Prince Mohamed bin Salman would want to continue his relationship with Dagolo? Anything would be better than parliamentary democracy in Sudan – especially of the Muslim Brotherhood kind which ruled Egypt after Mubarak.

Amid this potential act of “backstabbery” towards the protesters, the US has found itself in an even more embarrassing situation than it did in Egypt. The then-secretary of state, Hilary Clinton, continued to support the fading Mubarak regime until Barack Obama finally decided that his days were numbered. Then he welcomed Mohamed Morsi – but didn’t know whether to call Sisi’s subsequent coup a coup. To his credit, John McCain immediately said that it was.

Now, save for vague suggestions from the Trump administration that it condemns violence in Sudan, there has been no serious policy statement on the massive upheaval in the country. The US wants democracy in Sudan – presumably, because that is what its own government supposedly stands for in all nations – but everyone knows that Trump, in his perverse view of the world, regards the Saudi crown prince as a trusted ally – despite the murder of Jamal Kashoggi – and Sisi as “a great guy”.

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As one former US assistant secretary of state told Foreign Policy magazine: “The leaders and governments of Saudi Arabia, [the] UAE and Egypt do not share our fundamental democratic values, and their views on what should happen in Sudan diverge significantly from the policies the United States should be pursuing.”

The EU, naturally enough, is keen as mustard on democratic elections, but – though it does not say so – is rather worried that the old ruling party, with its political machinery still in place – might win. Either way, the Gulf states and Egypt don’t want democracy in Sudan.