1. Introduction

Agriculture is one of the drivers of global environmental change. Approximately 12% of the Earth’s ice-free land surface is covered by croplands [ 1 ], and investments in agricultural development have in recent decades led to increased productivity [ 2 ]. However, despite these recent gains, roughly one in ten people globally is undernourished due to poverty and high food prices [ 3 ]. This could be exacerbated by volatility in food prices stemming from market speculation, political instability, or climatic shocks (droughts, floods, etc.) [ 4 ]. The development of practical solutions that address these challenges is a key task for both the scientific community and policy makers. Therefore, a better understanding of the intricate link between human activity and the land system is necessary. Thus, there is growing emphasis on the need to make assessments that integrate both social and natural aspects of the Earth’s system.

Agricultural productivity is threatened by shortage of water, severe land degradation, land-use intensification, invasive species, prospects of energy price hikes, loss of biodiversity and ecosystem services, and climate change [ 5 6 ]. This convergence of current and rapidly emerging problems represents major environmental, economic, and social challenges for humanity. One response to these challenges is the development of more sustainable food systems.

8,9,10,14,15, In the context of socio-economic transitions, agrarian systems may change trajectories. An increasing body of literature focuses on changes to the land system related to shifts in the economic or political system [ 7 11 ], urbanization [ 12 ], or as an effect of conflict [ 13 16 ]. These changed trajectories do not necessarily mean improved sustainability, as shown by Hanh et al. [ 17 ], who studied changes to the agrarian system in relation to socio-economic change in Vietnam. Rapid urbanization related to economic growth can lead to loss of arable land, which may reduce the potential for sustainable development, especially in regions with poor regional planning [ 17 18 ].

2 per capita in 1989 [2, which is 200 times less [ As one of the world’s most rapidly developing regions, the Middle East has been confronted with a number of challenges that impact food production. Rapid population growth, urbanization, and changing patterns of food consumption are weakening domestic food supply bases, making the region increasingly food insecure and reliant on food imports [ 19 ]. At the same time, biophysical constraints on food production, such as limited natural resources (particularly water and arable land), are adding to the region’s food insecurity and aggravating national and regional tensions. In the 20th century, the cropland cover in the Middle East more than doubled, from 3.5% of its total area in 1900, to 8.4% in 1990 [ 20 ]. Over the same time period, the region’s population increased by a factor of approximately seven. The minimum cropland area to feed the inhabitants was estimated to be 0.05 kmper capita in 1989 [ 21 ]; however, in 1990, per capita cropland in the Middle East averaged about 0.00025 km, which is 200 times less [ 20 ]. The productivity of the Middle Eastern croplands has been affected not only by changes in soil fertility and climatic variability, but also by national and international politics. An example of this is hydropolitics originating from upstream countries’ exercise of power over transboundary waters, as it affects water availability in downstream countries.

23, Anfal , consisting of a series of attacks against the Kurdish Peshmerga (militia) in the northern governorates, who supported Iran during the war [29, The Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KR-I) has been severely affected by warfare and political conflict over the past 40 years. These conflicts have affected the social wellbeing of the population and contributed to an underdeveloped agricultural sector [ 22 24 ]. Iraq’s economy was mainly based on agriculture before the development of the oil sector in the 1930s [ 25 ]. As oil revenues rose, the country experienced an urbanization process that led to higher population growth and a stagnation of the agricultural sector [ 26 ]. In the 1960s, the demand for food began to exceed supply and Iraq was compelled to increase its reliance on food imports [ 25 ]. Iraq’s involvement in armed conflicts, beginning with the Iran-Iraq war in 1980–1988, severely affected the country’s food security. The Iran-Iraq war was costly and siphoned significant economic resources. By the end of that war, the Iraqi Government carried out a large-scale genocide campaign known as, consisting of a series of attacks against the Kurdish Peshmerga (militia) in the northern governorates, who supported Iran during the war [ 23 27 ]. Villages and agricultural land were destroyed, forcing a large portion of the population to move to cities or collective towns. These internally displaced people were converted from a lifestyle of production to a lifestyle of consumption. Instead of growing their own food, they now relied largely on imports. Two years after the Iran-Iraq war, Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait and set off the First Gulf War [ 25 ]. This led to a quick response from the international community, and the United Nations (UN) adopted a resolution that imposed economic sanctions prohibiting exports of Iraqi oil. Iraq’s economic ability to import food and agricultural inputs was severely affected. A satellite-based study of agriculture near Baghdad found that during the sanctions period agricultural land was substantially extended through governmental incentives due to a lack of means to intensify agriculture [ 26 ]. Once sanctions were lifted, the area of agricultural land decreased. In order to combat food insecurity and malnutrition, the Iraqi government introduced the Public Distribution System (PDS) in 1991 that distributed basic food staples to the population [ 28 ]. The UN-led Oil for Food Programme (OFF) allowed the Iraqi government to export oil in exchange for food aid, thus further expanding the PDS [ 29 30 ]. The sanctions and the OFF programme ended in 2003 with the US invasion of Iraq and the removal of Saddam Hussein from power [ 28 30 ]. This led to a quick resumption of food imports and the extension of the PDS through international aid organizations. Although Iraq’s agriculture was severely constrained by decades of armed conflict and sanctions, the PDS and the OFF further obstructed local agricultural development, as local farmers could not compete with subsidized imported foods. The autonomy of the Kurdistan region subsequent to the US invasion of Iraq led to a period of rapid economic growth.

The aftermath of the US invasion led to significant political change such as the constitutional right of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) to 17 percent of the oil revenues of the Iraqi government [ 31 ]. Historically, agriculture had a crucial share in the region’s economy, but oil revenues currently constitute the majority of the KRG’s economy [ 32 ], and contribute to the material well-being and economic prosperity in urban areas [ 33 ]. According to Söylemez [ 31 ], a lack of sustainable agricultural policies is an indicator that KRG has adopted a strategy that seeks to bring foreign investment into the region rather than encourage local farmers through, for example, investment in new technology. However, Baban [ 34 ] reported that the KRG Ministry of Agriculture and Water Resources plans to develop the agricultural sector in order to attain “food sufficiency” and “security” in the region.

To ensure an improved understanding of the complex and dynamic interactions in agricultural development in the KR-I, we apply an integrated approach that combines biophysical and socio-economic assessments for the period 2000–2013. The findings from the current trend in land productivity and use is complemented by content analysis of government policies and interview data from rural communities in the Duhok governorate in northern Iraq. Both biophysical and socio-political opportunities and challenges for developing agriculture in Iraqi Kurdistan are discussed, and alternative pathways are identified. By doing so, we attempt to complement and elaborate the biophysical assessment of land and unfold the various understandings attached to land by society and political actors as well as the political barriers for the pathways towards sustainable agriculture.