For his part, Mr. Giuliani is contemplating starting an impeachment-themed podcast, which should terrify everyone concerned.

The president, meanwhile, is said to want to fire not only Mr. Mulvaney but also the inspector general of the intelligence community, Michael Atkinson, who alerted Congress to the whistle-blower complaint, kicking off the impeachment inquiry.

More publicly, Mr. Trump has been berating Republican lawmakers for suggesting that his behavior toward Ukraine was anything other than “PERFECT” — as he has taken to ranting on Twitter.

While Secretary of State Mike Pompeo isn’t under attack from his peers — yet — there are warning flags. Last month, his former senior adviser Michael McKinley told investigators that Mr. Pompeo ignored his pleas to protect Marie Yovanovitch, the former ambassador to Ukraine, who became the target of a Giuliani smear campaign that contributed to her ouster from Kiev — pleas that the secretary claims never to have heard. Who knows where this could lead?

Even White House players not directly tied to impeachment are getting in on the action. Peddling her new memoir, Nikki Haley, the former ambassador to the United Nations, has been accusing former Secretary of State Rex Tillerson and former White House chief of staff John Kelly of having sought her aid in undermining the president’s policy aims during their time in the administration. For his part, Mr. Kelly says he warned the president before being pushed out that if he were replaced by a “yes man,” Mr. Trump would end up being impeached. (Looking at you, Mick.)

Then there’s “Anonymous,” the senior administration official who published a September 2018 Op-Ed in The Times, who is out with a new tell-all book painting an unflattering picture of the president and charging, “The White House, quite simply, is broken.”

To be fair, with so many people having been pulled — willingly or otherwise — into Mr. Trump’s Ukraine scheme, it can be hard for the lackeys to keep their stories straight and avoid incriminating even themselves. For instance, Mr. Sondland originally told impeachment investigators that he had no knowledge of a quid pro quo involving Ukraine. Less than three weeks later, he amended his testimony to say that he did recall telling Ukrainian officials that they were unlikely to receive their promised military aid until they publicly announced the investigations sought by Mr. Trump. This recovered memory brought Mr. Sondland’s testimony more into line with that of other witnesses.