In this sense, Mufti believes that rebuilding the ties between the different sects of Syrian society and stopping the fighting should be prioritized. Mufti also talked about field initiatives to restore civil peace in the different regions of Syria, to be able to deliver aid to the inhabitants and evacuate the victims.

Massa al-Mufti, a member of the coalition’s temporary committee, justified this to As-Safir, saying, “Given the political deadlock and the humanitarian crisis , we have started thinking seriously with a group of activists in Syria and abroad about materializing and mobilizing the Syrian civil voice. We are looking for a uniting discourse and common grounds in the transitional period and trying to distance them from the current political polarization.”

However, the coalition did not mention any political stance in its statement because “it is important to avoid any inclination that aims at serving one political party.” The coalition also avoided diagnosing the nature of “the conflict in Syria” and pointing out how it turned from a popular movement into a civil war.

The statement refers to the deep social and political roots of the crisis and indicates that “the best approach to solve the current Syrian conflict does not involve ending the conflict, rather turning it from a violent one into a peaceful one.”

Syrian opposition figures and activists involved in civil work launched the Syrian Civil Coalition (Tamas) to “raise the civil voice and turn it into a pressure card that plays a pivotal role in the decision-making process for Syrian affairs,” according to the coalition’s statement. The statement was issued following the conference to launch the coalition that took place in Beirut in early May. The coalition is part of a series of initiatives that have appeared recently, specifically after the failure of the Geneva II negotiations to set “a realistic moderate” discourse and shift interests from direct political work to focused developmental and civil work.

Mufti noted that the line separating civil work from political work stirred wide controversy in the conference.

“Civil work is not only about relief and humanitarian aid. We are seeking to empty civil work from its political content, but we are working from a political perspective that is different from that of the other parties to create a political environment that harbors peaceful disagreement,” she noted.

“The provocative discourse will not effect change today,” she added, asking, “Why did the revolution break out in the first place? Didn’t it strive for democracy, justice and human rights? A political solution in the absence of an active civil community that raises the voice of citizenship and rights is senseless.”

In the same context, Syrian researcher Hassan Abbas noted, “Civil work in dictatorial societies can only be an act of political opposition.” He underlined the importance of common grounds among civil forces, saying, “Given the peak of political divisions devastating the revolution, the people aspiring for a democratic civil country need to agree on some basic points. The coalition does not have to express a unified perspective, given the existing division and the lack of civil experience, but it has to create a common framework.”

Return to civil action

Syrian opposition member Assem Hamsho described Syrian civil society as follows, “At the top of the pyramid, there is a class of political opponents who mostly disagree with the public. At the bottom of the pyramid, there’s the public that includes tribes and inhabitants of poor ghettos. In between, there is civil society, which was established during the revolution (after having made a humble appearance in the past) and which was represented by the coordination committees of neighborhoods and their local councils.”

Hamsho thinks that the regime mainly targeted the civil revolutionary groups, thus leading to their gradual disappearance and their involvement in relief due to the widespread and grave violence.

These groups that were active on the field were eliminated, and they paid a high price due to the regime’s oppression. Then, the elite opposition and the emerging jihadist groups stole the spotlight.

With the tightening grip of opposition political action, there has been an inclination to replenish Syrian civil society by using a systematic approach that is closer to that of nongovernmental organizations [NGOs], rather than field political work.

The Syrian Civil Coalition is working on four axes, which are peacemaking, peace-building and national unity; generating and spreading knowledge-based references; fulfilling the humanitarian and developmental needs; and activating governance in the civil society sector. The coalition is using the NGO discourse about empowerment, governance and resolving conflicts. These axes, however, do not seem to reflect the Syrian reality.

Although the coalition’s statement emphasized the need to commit to clear and open stances regarding each party that violates rights and freedoms and causes social destruction and devastation, the discourse on violations does not clearly reflect reality, nor does it specify the political demands. Some think that focusing solely on the human rights’ virtues empties the change discourse of its political depth.

The coalition is not seeking to shift from a common framework to political action, but it is trying to stop marginalization and bring civil forces back into the political picture without falling in the trap of conflict.

“The Syrian Civil Coalition will not be a political party, but given its nature as a uniting body that tolerates different perspectives, it might create a new work dynamic for the crisis by giving it a civil dimension,” Abbas said.

Meanwhile, Hamsho said that a coalition that does not have a clear stance regarding the regime and extreme Islamist forces does not represent him. Thus, this raises questions about the ability of the moderate discourse to attract large categories of field activists.