UPDATED on July 6th, 2019: Original title: “More misleading information from Bloomberg’s Everytown for Gun Safety on guns: ‘Analysis of Recent Mass Shootings,’ Showing how mass public shootings keep occurring in gun-free zones” Originally posted on September 9, 2014.

While the first part of the discussion here goes through each mass public shooting from 2009 to 2014 discussed in the Bloomberg report. At the end of the post, we have a response to Everytown’s response to our post.

We have since updated our information up through May 30, 2018.

Data on cases

An Excel spreadsheet that lists all the mass public shootings from 1998 through April 30, 2018 is available here: Case by case discussion of which cases have been in gun-free zones. UPDATED: Broader and updated information on these shootings from 1998 to June 2019 is available here. The report by Bill Landes at the University of Chicago and John Lott on gun-free zones that covers earlier years from 1977 to 1999 is available here (the raw data used in this study is available in a STATA file, though the sums by state and year are available here). We used the cases identified by the New York Times that are discussed in Lott and Landes for years prior to 1977 (series is discussed here, though the web version doesn’t have the chart that lists out each case). A case by case discussion on the New York Times cases can be found at the bottom of this page.

Definition of mass public shooting. We used the traditional FBI definition of mass public shootings in all our posts on this (e.g., here, here, and here). There are several parts to this definition. The official FBI definition of public shootings (both mass public shootings and active public shootings) excludes “shootings that resulted from gang or drug violence” or that occurred in the commission of another crime such as robbery. The reason for this is pretty obvious: the causes and solutions for gang shootings over drug turf are dramatically different than the types of mass public shootings that we see at schools and malls where the point of the attack is to kill as many people as possible. The FBI also includes only shootings in “public places” such as: commercial areas (malls, stores, and other businesses); schools and colleges; open spaces; government properties (including military bases and civilian offices); houses of worship; and healthcare facilities. The reason for this is clear: for example, if the attack is in a home, the attacker is much more likely to know if a gun is owned in the home and who might have access to it. By contrast, when an attack occurs in a public place, the attackers don’t know who they have to be concerned might have a gun to stop them. [Residences were included in the FBI’s total deaths only “where casualties occurred inside a private residence before a shooter moved to a public area, those incidents were categorized at the location where the public was more at risk.” For example, their cases would involve a residence and then a school.] This also has been the breakdown of data in academic studies (see point 3). From 1980 to 2013, the original FBI definition of “mass killings” had been “four or more victims slain, in one event, in one location,” “within one event, in at least one or more public locations, such as, a workplace, school,” and the offender is not included in the victim count (CRS, July 30, 2015). In 2013, the definition was changed to “three or more killings.” The vast majority of academics have continued to use the four or more definition. This includes researchers such as James Alan Fox. See also studies years ago such as Grant Duwe, Tom Kovandzic, and Carl Moody, “The Impact of Right-to-Carry Concealed Firearm Laws on Mass Public Shootings,” Homicide Studies, Nov. 1, 2002. Adam Lankford, “Public Mass Shooters and Firearms: A Cross-National Study of 171 Countries,” Violence and Victims, January 2016. Lott and Landes, 2001 and John Lott, “More Guns, Less Crime,” University of Chicago Press, 3rd edition, 2010. Even groups such as Bloomberg’s Everytown, which Snopes cites approvingly, have recently used the four or more definition. The other organization that Snopes cites approvingly, Mother Jones, also has used the four or more definition for most of the period and has only recently well after we did this report started using the three or more definition.

These points were also originally used in the 1999 and 2001 versions of research on mass public shootings by William Landes and John Lott. Of course, it is hard to ignore the statements from some of these killers about why they pick the targets that they do (more details on this in Lott’s book available here ).

Gun-free zones are defined as places where general citizens couldn’t carry guns.

— Places where only police or military police are classified as gun-free zones.

Stationing a uniformed police officer or security guard in a public area often only gives a false sense of security. Knowing that the uniformed officer is the only person with a gun makes things quite simple for attackers. They need only kill him first. It is the equivalent of having them with a neon sign saying “shoot me first.” The media fact checkers seem unwilling to accept is that concealed handgun permit holders take away that strategic advantage from the killers.

— Places, where it is illegal to carry a permitted concealed handgun, are classified as gun-free zones.

Depending on the state bans on carrying in certain areas.

— Places that are posted as not allowing permitted concealed handgun. A few examples:

— Places where by law permit holders were banned. A few examples:

— Places where general citizens are not allowed to obtain permits. Permits are either not issued at all to citizens or to only a very tiny selective segment (so-called may issue laws), usually judges, prosecutors, deputy sheriffs or very wealthy individuals. Compare to the 8.5% of adults outside of California and New York who have a concealed handgun permit.

ORIGINAL POST: Why does anyone pay attention to Bloomberg’s claims on guns? Take their previous discussions on mass public shootings. As we have previously pointed out, Bloomberg’s groups have made serious errors on the number (see also here) and trends of school shootings. Well, that hasn’t stopped the media from sympathetically covering Everytown for Gun Safety’s recent report on mass shootings (see also here).

Everytown for Gun Safety’s recent report on mass shootings contains many errors. In addition, it muddies the discussion on mass public shootings by including shootings in private homes along with ones in public places, and the vast majority of the cases they include are in private homes. But there is a distinction between what motivates mass public shooters who are committing their crimes to get media attention and those who engage in attacks in private residences.

There are seven mass public shootings since at least 1950 that have not been part of some other crime where at least four people have been killed in an area where general civilians are allowed to have guns. These are the International House of Pancakes (IHOP) restaurant in Carson City, Nevada on September 6, 2011, the Gabrielle Giffords shooting in Tucson, Arizona on January 8, 2011, [UPDATE] the Dallas shooting of police on July 7, 2016 that left five dead, [UPDATE] the Kalamazoo shooting on February 20, 2016 where four people died in one attack at a Cracker Barrel restaurant and two others in another one (while the Cracker Barrel restaurant didn’t ban guns, Uber does ban its drivers from carrying guns and the killer was on the job when he did the shootings and the shooting was done while he was in his car); Las Vegas shooting on October 1, 2017 that left 58 dead [UPDATE]; Melcroft, Pennsylvania attack that left four dead on January 28, 2018 [UPDATE]; and the First Baptist Church in tiny Sutherland Springs, Texas, on November 5th, 2017 claimed 26 lives [UPDATE]. With the new data through June 2019, there are now eight shootings in gun-free zones [UPDATE]. We had previously missed the Radisson Hotel killer on December 30, 1999.

Thus, while CPRC’s research and that by Landes and Lott looks at Mass public shootings focuses on the killings where the point of the attack is simply to kill as many people as possible, Bloomberg’s numbers overwhelmingly involve killings that have occurred within residences.

The FBI definition of mass public shootings excludes “shootings that resulted from gang or drug violence” or that were part of some other crime. The FBI also defines “public” places as “includ[ing] commercial areas (divided into malls, businesses open to pedestrian traffic, and businesses closed to pedestrian traffic), educational environments (divided into schools [pre-kindergarten through 12th grade] and IHEs), open spaces, government properties (divided into military and other government properties), houses of worship, and health care facilities.” For almost thirty years, the FBI defined mass shootings as involving four or more people killed. A complete discussion of the definition and the history of it is available here.

Here are some general points about how to classify mass public shootings that have occurred in gun-free zones.

1) A lot of work is involved in obtaining information on whether the attacks occurred in gun-free zones. This includes calling the businesses or other facilities involved. But many times those organizations are uncooperative and in those cases much time is spent contacting individuals in the area of the attack and asking them if they can provide pictures or other information on the facilities. Indeed, the media virtually always refuses to mention whether the attack occurred in a gun-free zone. Unfortunately, Everytown for Gun Safety/Mayors Against Illegal Guns did not do this work, and they have also inaccurately stated, ignored, or simply missed facts that are readily available in news stories. 2) What motivates mass public shootings where the killer is trying to kill or injure as many people as possible to get publicity is quite different from what motivates robbers or gang fights (see Lott and Landes). The solutions to these two types of attacks are also vastly different. The issue of gun-free zones is particularly important for mass public shootings. 3) The word “public” is also key to these cases. Shootings that occur in people’s homes will often involve killers who know if guns are owned in the home. And if there is a gun in the home, the killer will know who has access to it. The FBI also defines “public” places as “includ[ing] commercial areas (divided into malls, businesses open to pedestrian traffic, and businesses closed to pedestrian traffic), educational environments (divided into schools [pre-kindergarten through twelfth grade] and IHEs), open spaces, government properties (divided into military and other government properties), houses of worship, and healthcare facilities” (p. 12). 4) There is also the distinction between right-to-carry and may-issue laws. If virtually no one, especially general civilians, is allowed to get a concealed handgun permit as occurs in most may-issue jurisdictions, the area is essentially a gun-free zone.

Our past work has also collected information on which schools are gun-free zones and which ones are not.

Cases Bloomberg’s Everytown organization incorrectly reports as mass public shootings in gun-free zones

The Bloomberg discussions are indented and put in block quotes. After the quotes there is an explanation for why they shouldn’t be counted as mass public shootings. The Bloomberg report doesn’t number these events, but we will assign numbers just to make them easier to reference.

1) Terrell, TX, 10/28/13: The shooter shot and killed his mother, his aunt, two acquaintances, and a store clerk in a spree of attacks before he was captured by police. He killed the first four victims in their respective homes and the final one — the clerk — at Ali’s Market on W. Moore Avenue, apparently in an attempt to rob the store.

Shooter Name: Charles Everett Brownlow Jr.

Gun details: Unknown

Ammo details: Unknown

Gun acquired: Unknown

Prohibiting criteria: The shooter had a criminal record that prohibited him from possessing firearms. He was convicted of burglarizing a vehicle in 1996, a Class A misdemeanor, and convicted of felony burglary in 1997. In 2008 he was served a three-year sentence for unlawful possession of a firearm and in 2011 he was convicted of misdemeanor assault against a family member.

Not a gun-free zone: The manager of the Ali’s Market reported that customer’s are allowed to carry firearms in the store.

FACTS: There was not a mass public shooting at Ali’s Market. Only one person was killed at that store. Permitted concealed handguns can deter many attacks from occurring and can limit the harm that does occur. But permit holders aren’t expected to limit the harm for those attacks that do occur to zero. Permitted concealed handguns deter mass shootings because they can limit the harm and take away the incentive that these killers obtain from their warped desire to get media attention.

2) Washington, DC, 9/16/13: The alleged shooter, who was a civilian contractor and former non- combat military, killed twelve and wounded three more in an attack on Building 197 at the Navy Yard.

Shooter Name: Aaron Alexis, 34

Gun details: The shooter arrived with a shotgun and also obtained a handgun from one a security guardthat he killed.

Ammo details: Unknown

Gun acquired: Two days before the incident the shooter passed a National Instant Criminal Background Check System (NICS) at the licensed gun dealer Sharpshooters in Lorton, VA, and purchased the shotgun.

Prohibiting criteria: The shooter had been arrested at least three times including: in September 2010 in Fort Worth, Texas for shooting a firearm into a neighbor’s apartment; in August 2008 in Dekalb County, Georgia for disorderly conduct; and in 2004 in Seattle, Washington for shooting out the tires of another man’s vehicle. But court records do not indicate he was convicted in any of these cases, and this record did not prohibit him from buying guns. He had also received treatment for mental health conditions at two VA hospitals beginning in August, 2013 following an incident where he called Newport Rhode Island Policeto report hearing voices. But these incidents did not rise to the level of prohibiting from buying guns. And during his military service he was reportedly cited on at least eight occasions for misconduct ranging from traffic tickets and showing up late for work to insubordination, extended absences from work, and disor- derly conduct. On account of this the Navy sought to offer him a “general discharge” but he was ultimately honorably discharged through the early-enlisted transition program in January 2011.

Not a gun-free zone: There were armed guards at the Washington Navy Yard, and the shooter was familiar with the premises, so he did not select it as a target on the presumption he would not faced armed resistance. In fact, the shooter reportedly used a gun that he took from a guard after killing him.

FACTS: Whether one is looking at the attacks at the Washington Navy Yard or Fort Hood, letting military police carry guns is much different than letting other soldiers protect themselves. While military police tend to be at the entrances to military bases, they largely patrol the rest of the base in the same way that police patrol a city. One no more expects military police to instantly arrive at the scene of a mass public shooting than one expects police to arrive at one. In Alexis’ attack, since he worked at the Navy Yard, he knew what entrance to go to that would have only one guard and that is where he went. For related discussions see here and here.

3) Crab Orchard, TN, 9/11/13: The shooters killed a woman and three teenagers, apparently during an attempted robbery during a marijuana exchange. The victims’ bodies were discovered in a car parked along the side of the road in the Renegade Mountain resort community near Crossville.

Shooter Name: Jacob Allen Bennett, 26 and Brittany Lina Yvonn Moser, 25

Gun details: Handgun

Ammo details: Unknown

Gun acquired: Unknown

Prohibiting criteria: Bennett was prohibited from possessing firearms. In 2010 he received a 6-year prison sentence for charges of theft, forgery, and possession of a handgun during a felony, but was paroled on March 4, 2013. The Cumberland County sheriff’s office estimated they had previously arrested Bennett five times.

Not a gun-free zone: We could find no evidence that permit holders were prohibited from carrying guns in this area. In Tennessee, concealed weapons would be prohibited only if the county or municipality declared itself a gun-free zone.

FACTS: This shooting was part of another crime, a robbery of illegal marijuana (see point 2 in the introduction). It was not a mass public shooting where the point of the crime was to kill as many people as possible so as to obtain media coverage.

4) Herkimer, NY, 4/13/13: The shooter killed two people and critically wounded one at John’s Barber Shop and then killed two more people at Gaffey’s Fast Lube, a car care facility. He was killed by responding officers.

Shooter Name: Kurt Myers, 64

Gun details: According to the police superintendent, Myers used a shotgun. Additional guns and ammunition were found by emergency crews after Myers set fire to the apartment.

Ammo details: Unknown

Gun acquired: Unknown

Prohibiting criteria: There is no reason to believe Myers was prohibited him from possessing a gun. He was arrested in 1973 for drunk driving.

Not a gun-free zone: Gaffey’s Fast Lube does not have a specific policy prohibiting guns and allows per- mit holders to carry concealed weapons on the premises. John’s Barbershop did not reopen following the shooting but the owner of a neighboring business did not recall the barbershop having any explicit firearm policy or ban, which would have been required to prohibit customers from carrying guns on the premises.

FACTS: New York is a may issue state, not a right-to-carry state. We don’t yet have the number of civilian concealed carry permits, but they seem to be extremely rare. The possession of a handgun in New York State requires a NYS Pistol Permit. In 2012 there were only 154 permits issued to own a pistol in Herkimer county. Over the previous five years, there were 667 permits issued, though not all over those permits own a handgun would have been active at the beginning of 2013 (that implies that there were less than 1.39% of the adult population that even legally owns a handgun). When talking to the pistol permit office, Lott was told that there were zero restricted licenses that allowed people to carry for business purposes (concealed carry licenses that allow a business owner to carry in the course of doing business) and zero restricted for self-defense purposes (e.g., a woman who is being actively stalked).

Report from February 2013: At this point, the Everytown for Gun Safety report mainly repeats cases previously discussed by Bloomberg’s Mayors Against Illegal Guns on MASS SHOOTING INCIDENTS, JANUARY 2009-JANUARY 2013. An earlier report on the problems with their claims about the attacks not being in gun-free zones was never corrected. Here is the analysis of these previous cases.

5) Geneva County, AL, 3/10/09: The shooter killed ten, including four members of his family, before killing himself.

Shooter Name: Michael Kenneth McLendon, 28

Gun details: Bushmaster AR-15, SKS Rifle, Shotgun, and .38 Pistol

Ammo details: Police recovered additional ammunition from his vehicle after the shooting.

Gun acquired: Unknown

Prohibiting criteria: The shooter had no criminal record and there is no indication he was prohibited from owning a gun.

Not a gun-free zone: It was lawful to carry a firearm in the public intersection and gas station where two of the individuals were shot.

FACTS: Nine people were killed by McLendon. In the first shooting in a house on Pullum Street, five people were killed. There was also a second shooting in another home that left two people dead. Neither were public places. It is true that two individuals were killed in separate public places as McLendon was driving along, but that is not a multiple victim public shooting in which at least four are killed in a public place. However, MAIG’s report implies that all these shootings occurred in a public places.

5) Bulington, Washington, September 23, 2016: mall shooting

6) Orlando, Florida, June 5, 2017: 5 killed at office

More detailed information on other cases

There are a few other cases that we have collected that we will link to here.

For those who object to the New York Times list of mass public shootings, the very beginning of this post also shows a graphic for the last twenty years and the rate of shootings in gun-free zones is also high. Given that very few states had right-to-carry laws prior to 1977, to the extent that the New York Times missed attacks, our numbers will likely underestimate the rate of attacks in gun-free zones.

UPDATE: Everytown provides a response to our post here. Regarding the count of whether mass public shootings occurred in gun-free zones, Everytown brings up a total of four cases. — Two of the four cases that they raise were cases that we agree with and clearly listed as cases where a shooting had occurred where general citizens were able to have guns: The IHOP shooting in Carson City and the Tucson, AZ shooting with Giffords . — On the Oak Creek case note what we pointed out above that Everytown didn’t respond to (from Fox News): “No guns [were] allowed in the temple,” Kulbir Singh, an attendee of the Sikh Temple of Wisconsin, told FoxNews.com. “Everyone knows that it’s not allowed, anywhere in the temple.” — On the Herkimer county case, note what we pointed out above that Everytown didn’t respond to: there were zero restricted licenses that allowed people to carry for business purposes (concealed carry licenses that allow a business owner to carry in the course of doing business) and zero restricted for self defense purposes (e.g., a woman who is being actively stalked). Even less than 1.4% of the adult population even owns a handgun in the country. A license to own a handgun is not the same being able to carry it.

Why ignore our points in writing up their responses? If Everytown had responses, you would think that they would provide them.

=4/251

UPDATE: A new report titled “ Firearms on College Campuses: Research Evidence and Policy Implications ” claims on page 10 that there were a few other cases that we supposedly missed.

William Hudson’s rampage that claimed six lives at the Tennessee Colony campsite — This attack occurred while people were on their own private property (see here for a discussion). Christopher Harper-Mercer’s shooting spree that claimed nine lives at Umpqua Community College in Roseburg, Oregon — See here for a discussion. Syed Rizwan Farook and Tashfeen Malik’s attack that claimed fourteen lives at a holiday party being held at the Inland Regional Center in San Bernardino, California — given that this occurred in a government workplace in California, there is little question that this was a gun-free zone.

Biker gang fight in Texas May 2015. Gang fight doesn’t meet FBI criteria.

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CPRC original research, mass public shootings, Michael Bloomberg

By johnrlott

