Unless the world ends before Saturday, most assessments of President Trump’s first 100 days will include a mix of the good, the bad and the ugly. The emphasis will reveal more about those doing the grading than Trump himself.

If you liked him from the start, you can cite real progress, such as growing economic confidence and Trump’s successful meetings with foreign leaders. He is trying to keep faith with his campaign promises, though he failed at repealing ObamaCare.

If you were immune to his message and the messenger from the beginning, you still are. You see stumbles that suggest White House incompetence, doubt whether Trump fully separated himself from his businesses and worry he’ll start World War III with a tweet.

Yet the polarized reaction following a polarized election is not the whole story. Because we are not yet at the juncture where anything involving Trump can be taken for granted, the 100-day ritual has special meaning. To understand my point, let’s go back to the beginning — to the wee hours of November 9th.

When Trump and his family took a Manhattan hotel stage to claim victory, they looked as shell-shocked as the rest of the world. He was scoring a smashing upset by flipping six blue states and adding 100 electoral votes to the 206 Mitt Romney won four years earlier.

The jubilation among his supporters offered a stark contrast to the weeping and wailing of Hillary Clinton’s. She had called Trump to concede — we learned later she did so only after President Obama insisted — but kept out of sight in the crushing end to her quest.

Or was it? For within hours, her supporters took their anger to the streets, denouncing Trump as “Not My President” in cities across America. The demonstrations continued for days, and some were punctuated by violence.

Legal efforts to overturn the election also began. One, led by Green Party candidate Jill Stein, focused on demanding recounts in three states Trump narrowly won — Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania. Stein looked to be a stalking horse, and Clinton’s team quickly joined the effort.

A separate challenge to the results focused on persuading Electoral College delegates in red states to switch from Trump to Clinton or even to abstain, in hopes of denying him the necessary majority of 270.

The desperate feeling in the air cut both ways — the odds against overturning the results were long, but given the shock of Trump’s upset, there was a sense that anything could happen. The pressure felt enormous and the wheels of American democracy might come flying off.

Clearly, Clinton’s camp held out hope it could steal the election. Her big margin in the popular vote became a rationale, even as she now looked shameless after denouncing Trump during the campaign for his refusal to promise that he wouldn’t contest the results.

Then the Russians came, or rather the Obama administration unleashed a flood of leaks suggesting Trump’s team had colluded with Russia to tip the election. In December, Obama issued sanctions against officials and firms and expelled 35 Russians from the US while ordering his intelligence chiefs to produce a report within a month — while he was still in office.

That report concluded that Vladimir Putin directed propaganda outlets and hackers to sabotage the election and discredit Clinton, with the goal of helping Trump. January also brought the sensational Russian dossier on Trump, which looked like a bombshell until it was exposed as a dud.

No matter, the hothouse talk of impeachment grew, and social media carried numerous posts about assassination. Madonna talked of blowing up the White House and others spoke ominously of “stopping” Trump.

Each outrage was quickly replaced by a new one, with shadowy stories about the Trump team’s contact with Russia appearing on the eve of his inauguration. With violence rising in Washington’s streets even as the historic ceremony began, it seemed possible the handover of power might not be peaceful. The next day, massive women’s marches took place in major cities to protest the new president.

Yet here we are, and Donald J. Trump is still America’s 45th president. His survival is the biggest story of his first 100 days.

Trump has sometimes been very good — Neil Gorsuch is on the Supreme Court — but he has been spectacularly lucky in his enemies, with the Democratic Party determined to destroy itself in a spiral of vicious radicalism. A new poll says 67 percent of Americans think the Dems are out of touch with their concerns, making Trump’s historically low approval rating of 42 percent look respectable.

The media, of course, is still biased and, after failing to elect Clinton, turned on Trump with savagery and cartoonish exaggerations. One New York Times story actually said his cabinet met in the dark because nobody knew how to turn on the White House lights. Oh, please.

At some point, the president will not be gifted with such low expectations and hapless opponents. We are probably close to that phase when the world comes to accept as fact Trump’s presidency.

That doesn’t mean everything will be normal, but it does mean he will be judged by customary standards: whether he is earning the trust of more Americans and getting big things done with Congress.

If he does, and I remain optimistic, he will be a consequential president who made America better and safer.

And if he’s really, really good, he might even make it great again. We should all want that.

De Blasio is all bluster

The Post’s front page depicting Mayor Bill de Blasio as a Thanksgiving Parade balloon captures the hot-air nature of his re-election campaign. He’s tossing out big ideas he has no money to pay for or any real intention of implementing.

His goal is simply to be seen as having a vision and a rationale for pushing endless tax hikes.

“I’m not going to be held back by our current reality,” he said.

Meanwhile, back on Earth, the mayor has no time for fixing the important things of daily life — like the unfair, byzantine property tax system, rotten public schools and the swelling tide of homelessness.

See, he’s a big-picture guy. Details are for little people.

Macron fits many labels

What’s in a label?

French presidential front-runner Emmanuel Macron is a “centrist” to the press, but calls himself a “progressive” and served as economic minister in the current Socialist government. He’s also a former banker who supports tax cuts.

In short, he’s whatever you want him to be.

When will the media call out Obama’s lies?

Reports that President Obama made additional concessions to Iran, including a prisoner swap that angered prosecutors when Obama downplayed the crimes of 21 Iranians, is more evidence that the deal was sold on false claims.

But don’t hold your breath waiting for the liberal media to call Obama a liar. That word is reserved for Trump.