So one can only imagine the consternation caused by yesterday's sensational exposé by Bloomberg, which details the financial assets belonging to the family of China's president-in-waiting, Xi Jinping. Bloomberg was careful to note that no part of their investigation directly implicated Mr Xi, his wife, herself a famous PLA officer-cum-singer, Peng Liyuan, or their daughter, who is reportedly studying at Harvard University under an assumed name. The Bloomberg report suggests that other close relatives of Mr Xi have been blessed with abundant good fortune, to put it mildly. The article ties Mr Xi's sister Qi Qiaoqiao, her husband Deng Jigui, and another brother-in-law, Wu Long, to assets worth hundreds of millions of dollars, or even billions. Their holdings are reported to include stakes in real estate and telecommunications, as well as the sensitive business of producing rare-earth minerals.

The government's response to the Bloomberg report was predictable. Both the Bloomberg and Businessweek websites are currently inaccessible inside China's “great firewall”. Although access to Bloomberg Professional, an essential tool for businesses and China's financial elite, so far remains unaffected.

It is often speculated that families of officials at all levels of Chinese government are benefiting financially from their access to power. In a country where even a state newspaper argues in favour of allowing a “moderate amount of corruption”, should it come as a shock if some of the people in power seek to monetise their positions through favours and largesse?

Probably not, but it's pretty appalling all the same. With social tensionsrising steadily, the public's patience with the extravagance of the official class is wearing thin. Calls for greater transparency—not to be confused with any call for Western-style democracy—are growing louder. Many people in China have come to accept corruption as a fact of life, and feel that there is little that anyone can do to fix it.

Perversely the corruption of officials and their family members can serve as something of a check, as Mr Bo found out earlier this year. It ensures that no one in the system is invulnerable. The situation is like duelling with hand grenades. If everybody in your circle of power is dirty, then it's to your own advantage not to do anything to jeopardise your position, lest the others use what they have against you.

The system also gives those in power precious little incentive to advocate for meaningful political reform. Too many people have too much “skin in the game”. Political openness would threaten not only the Party's grip on power, but also a whole system which provides direct and indirect financial benefits to millions of relatively well-connected individuals. Factionalism abounds of course, but the divide is less between “reformers” and “hardliners” than it is between different political power-brokers and within their networks of patronage. Such competition becomes particularly fierce in the run-up to one of these once-in-a-decade leadership transition, as in 2012.

Given the stakes involved, it would seem Chinese officialdom should have no trouble appreciating a famous admonition made by an American polymath, Benjamin Franklin, some 235 years ago this week: “We must, indeed, all hang together, or most assuredly we shall all hang separately.”

Update, 5.30am GMT: At this hour not only Bloomberg's news sites are blocked in China, but also the page that hosts the article you just read. The rest of our site seems to be unaffected. You can check its status on WebSitePulse. Try inputting www.economist.com alongside:

http://www.economist.com/blogs/analects/2012/06/wealth-and-power to see the difference.

(Picture credit: AFP)