Impeachment remains an uneasy vote for some Democrats in the districts where Trump has been most popular. But both recent history and current conditions suggest that the risks of a backlash, while real in some seats, are limited overall.

The members who have shown the most hesitation are predominantly from the 31 districts that voted for the president in 2016. There, they face an argument from Republicans that they are effectively nullifying their constituents’ votes. During Bill Clinton’s 1998 impeachment, Democrats raised that same argument against Republicans occupying districts that voted for Clinton. At the time, there were many more split-ticket districts: 91 Republicans represented seats that backed Clinton in the 1996 race.

Read: The risks of impeachment are overblown

Impeaching him was much less popular with the public than the prospect of removing Trump: While most surveys show Americans divided roughly in half on whether to remove Trump from office, nearly two-thirds of the country opposed Clinton’s removal at every stage of the process. And Trump’s job-approval rating, now in the low 40s, is about 20 percentage points below Clinton’s during his impeachment.

Despite all that, only seven of those 91 Republicans were defeated in the two elections following Clinton’s impeachment. Though Republicans unexpectedly lost House seats in the 1998 midterm elections, they didn’t give up nearly enough to lose control of the chamber, and they held their House majority again in 2000. And Republicans won the White House in 2000 with George W. Bush, whose promise to restore “honor and dignity to the Oval Office” directly targeted unease about Clinton’s behavior.

It creates new anxieties for some swing-district Democrats that Trump himself will be on the ballot in the next election, unlike any of the other three American presidents who faced impeachment. That prospect changes the dynamic from previous impeachments in one crucial way. Neither Gerald Ford, the GOP nominee after Richard Nixon, nor Al Gore, the Democratic nominee after Clinton, argued that the impeachment against their predecessor was unfair or misguided; Trump, on the other hand, is much more likely to attack the impeachment vote itself and portray it as evidence of Democratic extremism. The inevitability of such attacks raises the stakes for House Democrats to prove to voters that they have accomplished more than the impeachment of the president.

Already the overwhelming media focus on the biggest Trump scandals—first, Robert Mueller’s investigation of Russian election interference in 2016, and then the Ukraine affair—has almost entirely eclipsed coverage of the House Democrats’ success at passing key elements of their agenda, and how they’ve done so with a virtually unprecedented level of party unity. As of yesterday, with the prescription-drug legislation, Democrats have passed eight of the nine bills they identified as their top priorities for this year. (Only legislation on infrastructure has yet to be introduced.)