For the last couple of years Turkey and Iraq have had a strained relationship, centered on a bitter personal feud between Mr. Erdogan and the Iraqi prime minister, Nuri Kamal al-Maliki. Turkey had supported the Sunni opposition within Iraq, and when Mr. Maliki targeted the former Sunni vice president Tariq al-Hashemi on terrorism charges in late 2011, Turkey gave Mr. Hashemi refuge. In Iraq, Turkish businesses suffered boycotts and Turkish workers found themselves detained for work permit violations, while Mr. Maliki shut down an important route through Iraq for Turkish trucks.

Turkey and Iran have managed to maintain a relationship, if often a strained one, mainly because of energy interests. As a rising economic power but with few of its own sources of energy, Turkey relies on Iran and Russia for natural gas and oil imports. Even so, some Turkish officials see Iran as their greatest rival, and in backing the rebels in Syria, Turkey hoped to remove Syria from Iran’s sphere of influence.

Before the revolts and revolutions of the Arab Spring, Turkey used its economic clout and cultural influence, including from the soap operas that are wildly popular around the region, to expand its reach around the Middle East, even imagining a regional alliance along the lines of the European Union. The civil war in Syria, though, has laid bare the limits of Turkey’s so-called soft power, as it has been the Iranians’ hard power — their commando units and spy services — that have had the greatest impact on the conflict. Turkey’s intelligence agency, historically focused on counterintelligence within the country, has found itself with few capabilities within Syria or Iran, and has come under sharp criticism by the West for allowing weapons to reach extremist jihadi groups fighting in Syria.

For Mr. Erdogan, the missteps and failures of Turkey’s Middle East policy have cost him stature in the region, just as the harsh police crackdown on antigovernment protesters in Turkey last summer tarnished his image, and that of his party, in Europe and the United States.

After a popular uprising ousted the Egyptian dictator Hosni Mubarak, Mr. Erdogan was hailed as a hero in Cairo and his party gave technical and financial support to the Brotherhood, seen as ideological brethren to the Justice and Development Party. Now Mr. Erdogan would probably be forbidden by Egypt’s new military rulers from setting foot in the country. A planned trip to the Gaza Strip by Mr. Erdogan, a visit once seen as a triumphant symbol of his support for Palestinian rights — what had been the source of his popularity on the Arab street — is off indefinitely.

“Erdogan is no longer a hero in the Middle East,” said Kemal Kilicdaroglu, the chairman of Turkey’s main opposition party, the Republican People’s Party. “He believed he could do everything by himself, and design everything himself.”

As an opposition figure, Mr. Kilicdaroglu is expected to criticize the prime minister, but similar sentiments are voiced privately by government officials close to the governing party.