The story created a stir in Canada for a few days at the end of November, but the news feeds on fresh stories and we quickly moved on to other things. But in francophone African countries, the victory of Canada (a wealthy North American country) at the Organisation internationale de la francophonie is still seen as a historic humiliation.

So begins a difficult mandate for former governor general Michaëlle Jean.

Since becoming prime minister almost nine years ago, Stephen Harper has never shone brightly internationally. At environmental summits, he was a poor student, and just a minor player at the G8 and G20 (particularly apparent in 2009, when an urgent need for the toilet left him absent from the official summit photo).

And, of course, his humiliating defeat in 2010 when, for the first time in its history, Canada failed to win an elected seat on the UN Security Council.

The Conservative prime minister played his cards superbly last month in Dakar, Senegal, and during the months that led up to the summit of la Francophonie, to allow Michaëlle Jean to become the secretary general of the OIF.

This will remain one of the Harper government’s greatest diplomatic moves.

Canada (and, to a lesser extent, Quebec) went full speed ahead on Michaëlle Jean’s campaign, mobilizing logistical and financial support, personnel — among them Canada’s ambassador to France, Lawrence Cannon — and making big contributions to a number of African countries through international development programs, all before the Dakar summit began.

Without going so far as to say Canada bought the secretary general position, it’s certainly true that Christian Paradis, minister for la Francophonie, did not arrive in Dakar empty-handed and that some African countries gladly accepted Canada’s substantial help.

It was behind the scenes, particularly with the French president, François Hollande, that Canada was most successful.

Once in Dakar, African leaders who opposed Jean’s nomination had to face the facts: the die had been cast.

With an unbeatable hand, Harper played out his gamble during closed-door meetings with the French and Senegalese presidents (who were already familiar with Jean) and with three African presidents who supported their own candidates.

Historically, the secretary general of the OIF has been chosen by consensus, and only went to a vote in the event of an impasse. When the Republic of the Congo and Mauritius refused to withdraw their candidates, Harper called their bluff: “You really want to vote? Very well, let’s go — Canada is ready!”

Moments later, the last adversary threw in the towel and the path was cleared for Jean.

The day before, a rumour — apparently coming from the Swiss delegation — suggested that Canada, the OIF’s second-largest source of funding, might shut the valve in the event of a defeat.

The rumour wasn’t true, but the Canadian delegation did nothing to dispel it, even suggesting that its partner delegations from Quebec and New Brunswick allow it to spread without commenting further.

At the last minute, 30 heads of state representing African countries shut out by “Operation Michaëlle Jean” began a last desperate offensive: Quebec and New Brunswick should not have a vote because they are not countries, the leaders argued.

Immediate outrage from the Canadian delegation: at the OIF, financial contributors are ex-officio members with voting rights. That includes Quebec and New Brunswick, the Canadians noted, emphasizing the size of Canada’s financial contribution.

Jean’s road to the OIF has not been easy, and has been marked by turmoil between federalists and sovereigntists. Former Quebec premier Bernard Landry (of the Parti Québécois) travelled to Paris to openly criticize the nomination of Jean, the former representative of the British crown in Canada.

Landry participated in an event organized for one of Jean’s adversaries, Henri Lopes of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Later, while visiting Canada to get a sense of the support for his candidacy, Lopes was told that his connection with a sovereigntist leader had generally been poorly received.

Several elements could come into play during Jean’s mandate as the head of the OIF. The reaction of African countries opposed to her candidacy will, of course, be crucial.

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Jean’s style, and the fact that she responded in English to a question from a Canadian journalist would have irritated many in Dakar — among them the French minister of foreign affairs, Laurent Fabius, who, unlike his own president, did not support the Canadian bid.

Habitués of the francophonie found Hollande’s role to be strange. Many suspected that he could have supported Jean in exchange for a favour from Canada.

What? We don’t know for sure. But one thing is certain: Canada won big in Dakar, and owes one to Paris, without whom the victory would have been impossible.

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