Every president ends up as a lame duck, but none has pursued that fate as voraciously as Donald Trump. Barely eight weeks into his presidency, pundits were already saying it was over. We should “stick a fork in Trump because he’s done,” wrote radio host Dean Obeidallah at CNN.com in March. Trump’s stretch already resembled “the lame-duck period of a president’s second term,” said conservative columnist Jonah Goldberg in April. Today, with Obamacare looking safe and all attempts to repeal it appearing doomed, the duck looks lamer than ever. So what should you feel about the fade-out of Trump’s presidency? Relief? Disappointment? Rage? Fear? Hope? The answer depends on your political leanings, of course, but let’s zoom in.

For Trump’s most policy-conscious deplorables, despair works. Those who wanted a border wall are unlikely to get it. Democrats are determined to stop it, and Trump doesn’t know how to sell it. Those who wanted trade tariffs are unlikely to see them, either. Trump’s own party won’t go along with him on such measures, and they’re incompatible with a desire to project power abroad—a desire that Trump seems to harbor. This brings us to foreign policy. Here, lame-duck status matters less, but Trump seems to have reversed himself on most of his commitments to self-containment. To the extent that Trump has the power to use or threaten military force, he’s likely to use it to do the opposite of what much of his base elected him to do.

Anger fits, too. Despite all the people opposed to his agenda, Trump had the pulse of many voters and could have achieved some of his most popular goals, using those to boost his less popular ones. The new book Devil’s Bargain, by Bloomberg Businessweek’s Josh Green, reveals that the idea of a bipartisan infrastructure bill terrified Chuck Schumer. Rightly so. Independent-minded economist Glenn Loury saw in it a dream of a “kind of pragmatic, trans-partisan mobilization” that might even offer $20-an-hour employment for any American “willing to show up at seven o’clock in the morning and go home at four.” This jibed interestingly with the ideas of some of Trump’s most ardent fans, including one who told the Daily Caller that Trump’s virtue was an indifference to ideological purity and a willingness, amid polarization, “to build a coalition by outlining a goal.” Instead, Trump aimed a howitzer at his feet and, from day one of his presidency onward, kept shooting.

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At the risk of digression, one of the most striking facets of Trump is that he learns only from his own mistakes, and usually not even from those. Time and again, hubris and impulsivity and deaf ears have undone him. Throughout the first months of his run for office, Trump ignored talk of a “ground game” in Iowa, waking up to it only after he lost the caucuses. For his first debate with Hillary Clinton, one of the most important tests of his candidacy, he ignored entreaties that he prepare for it and performed catastrophically. Facing the Senate, a famously uncontrollable body, Trump told Green that there was nothing to worry about, because he had dealt with “killers” in business, and politics was a category that was “like 19 levels lower.” We must be thankful that he at least seems to believe the warnings that nuclear war would be bad.

For Trump’s enemies, lame-duck status for the president looks a little better. Here, relief enters the picture. The repeal of Obamacare will no longer happen, saving millions of Americans from the loss of health coverage. A border wall is unlikely to take shape, which will stymie efforts to get control of immigration flows but please those who consider the effort immoral or who just wish to see Trump fail. Protectionist measures are unlikely to go far, placing increasing pressure on the embattled manufacturing sector but pleasing most members of Congress and many in the world of business and finance. A halt on the expansion of NATO or a revisiting on defense commitments will face too much opposition to proceed, pleasing most traditional U.S. allies and a bipartisan establishment.