Note from Editor: I am very pleased to present this special edition of Progressive Activists Voice which describes the recent visit of a Russian friend and professional colleague, Alevtina (“Alya”) Rea. She gives us an excellent snapshot of life in Russia today, something one could never get in the West from corporate media.—Thomas Baldwin

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“Haven’t you heard, it’s a battle of words …

And who’ll deny it’s what the fighting’s all about?”

Pink Floyd, “Us and Them,” 1973

As far as other cultures are concerned, basically, we deal with “ultimately unknown reality,” and the lack of either direct involvement or mere curiosity on our part is manna from heaven to our respective governments. It is exactly why a bunch of arrogant and ignorant politicians – at least some of those who serve the ignominious interests of global domination – feel free to manipulate their constituencies without the slightest twinge of conscience. One of my favorite philosophers, Jacques Ellul, said, in his book On Freedom, Love and Power, “We live as if the reality we have come to know and live is reality itself, minus some details yet to be discovered and lived. … In other words, we have extrapolated what we know and live to include, in principle, all of reality, thereby leaving no place for anything that is radically ‘other.’” As in Plato’s parable about the cave, political manipulators are only eager to cast shadows on the back wall of our “caves” to draw our attention away from the immense world outside of our voluntary “imprisonment.” And we are the ones who allow confining ourselves in a Procrustean bed of distorted reality thus “leaving no place for” – or not accepting – “anything that is radically other.”

Given the prevailing Russophobic mood that took hold in the West in the last few years, one may wonder how to really wade through the thick propaganda layers, and the constant lies being mounted on Russia and its leaders. How should one make sense of something that if not entirely “other” is still is not quite “our” way of life? Obviously, the best way to find truth is go to the source, so to speak – to visit this country and talk to people who live there, find out their views and thoughts on what is transpiring nowadays, as far as their lives are concerned. During my trip to Russia this June-July, I was curious to see with my own eyes how the Russians handle the impact of economic sanctions imposed by the West. I was in Moscow in the summer of 2014 and saw how happy and prosperous the Muscovites were back then. But one year later, what has changed under harsh pressure on Russia, in an effort to bend the country politics to the Western politicians’ will?

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pon my immediate arrival, still at the airport, I had a chance to speak with the head of a young family standing behind me in the customs line. The three of them – a husband, wife, and their son – were coming back after living in the United States for four months. The young man was a computer tech who had a chance to work at Microsoft in Seattle. He was quite excited to go back home. They definitely seemed to miss Russia. I was curious to hear his opinion about the effect of the sanctions and what he thinks about the current U.S.-Russian confrontation. The guy was very clear – he himself and all his friends support Russia and its president, Vladimir Putin. Obviously, they noticed the economic effect of the Western bullying – the prices on some food items soared – but all in all everyone copes. Most of what the sanctions caused, he said, is to unite the Russians – they understand the unfairness of it all and, for the most part, they are disappointed in the West’s stand, especially in the U.S. It is quite obvious to all who is the mastermind of a current hostility. “Americans, as a people, they are ok,” he said. “But we don’t like the Obama administration!”

Incidentally, my arrival in Moscow on June 12th had happened on a big Russian holiday – the Russia Day. The celebration on the Red Square, the fireworks, the throngs of happy people everywhere – I guess, it was all predictable and expected, to some degree, but still very pleasant to see. One year later, despite the sanctions, the economic hardship that followed, and in spite of the Obama administration dedicated efforts to cause some harm to Russia, its people are still happy and they know how to enjoy life!

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n the next few weeks, the conversations with people of various ages in Moscow and elsewhere demonstrated that they had more or less accepting attitudes toward the sanctions while feeling a kind of indignation toward the West, mostly [and quite deservedly] the United States. Yes, the prices were soaring and they noticed that their money was much easier to spend these days, but, at the same time, they do ok. For the most part, they all support Russia, condemn American “exceptionalism” and hypocrisy so brazenly put on display by the U.S president – while all sorts of gangsterism is being committed by his country around the globe – and they support Vladimir Putin. It was way overdue for Russia to have such a strong and wise president, one who puts Russia’s interests first—broadly aligned with humanity’s— and who has brought a lot of stability and – for many – even economic prosperity, especially in big cities such as Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kazan, and others. However, a few voiced their concern that while they are proud of the Russian international stand, they think that, definitely, there is not enough being done to improve the lives of ordinary Russians. The misuse of public power for personal gain is rampant, especially where public funds are concerned. [This is hardly unique to Russia, as in America most tax moneys are wasted and stolen in wars and in corporate chicanery of all conceivable sorts. —eds.)

For example, in the city of Cheboksary, the capital of the Chuvash Republic, one year ago I was told that a public school would be built by a cluster of the new fancy houses that popped up by the Volga River in the last few years. The place for the school was allocated, the plans were all in place –and the school was really needed for all the local kids around. But here I am, 12 months passed, and where is the school, or at least any sign of the construction? The sight is still the same – the shallow ravine, the aspen grove, and things have not budged an inch. What are the people saying? They think that the money was embezzled by the officials. I was told, “If they managed to steal 92 billion rubles (or $1.8 billion) from the new cosmodrome project in the Far East, no wonder the funds for the school were missed.” For those who don’t know about this reference, Vostochny Cosmodrome is an ambitious $3 billion government project intended to guarantee Russia’s independent access to space. Earlier this year, it became public that more than half of this money has been apparently embezzled. So, you get the picture. Unfortunate as it is, corruption is still an ever-humming leitmotif in Russian life, especially when the governmental funds are concerned. And it appears the people are well aware of it.

Were there any real critics of Putin’s Russia, one might wonder? Frankly, I have encountered only three of those who offered a harsh criticism. There was an older gentleman in his 80s, who just cannot forgive Putin’s attempt to destroy Chechen terrorists wherever they were found, including in toilets. Since then, this gentleman projects his dislike of Putin’s words to any of his actions, whether in Russia or abroad. When, back then, Putin promised “to pluck out the remaining terrorists from the bottom of a sewer,” it didn’t fare well with some of Russian people. However, while I condemn any violence that was exhibited on both sides – the Chechen and the Russian – it seems to me that the Chechen excessive violence toward the civilian population in Russia was an urgent issue to deal with at that time. Perhaps the cruel means of suppression were the only ones workable given the circumstances, especially since the Chechen insurgents were trained and otherwise supported by the United States.

Furthermore, the situation in Chechnya back then was different than in Ukraine today. After all, the self-defense forces of the Donbass region do not commit any atrocities against Ukrainian civilians; they do not hold any kids and women as hostages; they don’t impose an economic blockade on civilians; and they did not even start this military conflict – it is the current Kiev regime that started the so-called anti-terrorist operation against the “separatists and terrorists” residing in the east of Ukraine, without even making any effort to negotiate with them; it is the Kiev junta and its president, Mr. Poroshenko, who have ordered the use of shells, mortars, and even rocket launcher fire (plus aviation) while dealing with residential areas. So, while judging Putin’s decisions on the Crimea and Ukraine in general, I would not hold the Chechen war against him.

Two other critics belonged to a younger generation, and their denunciations of Putin were also of a more or less personal matter. The middle-aged man was disappointed that there is not enough attention given in the present day to the victims of Stalin’s repressions. [Stalin’s “repressions” are one of the most divisive topics not only in Russia but worldwide, as the subject is wrapped in thick layers of almost a century of vicious propaganda and strong subjective feelings. Furthermore, the nonstop, deliberate demonization of Stalin was and remains a way for the West to block any advance in people’s minds toward a socialist, egalitarian alternative to capitalism.—eds). If in the past it was a dangerous enterprise to research the topic and publish the results, nowadays, there is almost palpable disinterest to reveal all the details. It is not needed, many say. <>

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he third critic was incensed because of the “anti-gay propaganda” law prohibiting “the promotion of non-traditional sexual relationships” as far as the Russian children and youth are concerned. The young woman in her early 30s thinks that there are detrimental effects to this law. Many young people of “non-traditional” orientation have neither a place to go, to meet with like-wise friends, nor the opportunity to share their frustrations and worries. In consequence, they feel as outcasts and, as she said, the suicide rate among the LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) youth is high.

As reported by Wikipedia, “Although same-sex sexual activity between consenting adults in private was decriminalized in 1993, same-sex couples and households headed by same-sex couples are ineligible for the legal protections available to opposite-sex couples and there are currently no laws prohibiting discrimination regarding sexual orientation.” Whereas I don’t have much to offer in terms of evaluation of this law, I regret if the banning of the promotion of “non-traditional” sexual relations has resulted in the lack of services offered to LGBT population, in outlawing of almost any expression of support for gay rights, and in cases of harassment. However, as it is the case with Chechnya, I won’t hold Putin personally accountable for this unfortunate state of affairs.

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hat said, it is also possible that the reaction to this law is overly exaggerated in the West. For example, as Jack Hanick writes in his article, “The U.S. Media are Failing in Their Reporting on Russia” (published by Russia Insider), “The punishment for breaking this law is a fine of less than $100. Double-parking a car in Moscow carries a heavier fine of $150. Nonetheless the reaction was overwhelming against Russia. The boycott of the Sochi Olympics was the West’s way of discrediting Russia. Russia saw this boycott as an aggressive act by the West to interfere with its internal politics and to embarrass Russia. Sochi was for Russians a great source of national pride and had nothing to do with politics.” Here we go, as some of us see it again and again, the distortion of reality is blatant and shameless.

Ordinary tribulations

At the end of June, I had a chance to visit Kazan, a capital of the Tatar Autonomous Republic. Also, Kazan is one of the Russian cities where the FIFA competitions ought to run in 2018, provided that Russia will retain its right on this prestigious championship. The first glance at the city shows that this capital is richer and better tended than, for example, the neighbor-city Cheboksary, a capital of the Chuvash Republic. Incidentally, it is not such a surprise because the Republic of Tatarstan has more money, due to the simple fact that it has a plenty of oil and gas. “Money-money-money, money makes the world go around, of that we can be sure …,” as the song in the film Cabaret goes.

The architecture around the downtown area is quite impressive and makes the walk on the streets of the city quite an aesthetic adventure. Kazan is definitely the city where the East meets the West. On the territory of the Kremlin, the Islam mosque is located next to Christian churches, symbolizing the peaceful co-existence. Per Wikipedia, “originally, the mosque was built in the Kazan Kremlin in the 16th century. It was named after Qolşärif, who served there. Qolşärif died with his numerous students while defending Kazan from Russian forces in 1552. … Since 1996 the mosque has been rebuilt in the Kazan Kremlin (a fortified citadel), although its look is decisively modern. Its inauguration on July 24, 2005, marked the beginning of celebrations dedicated to the Millennium of Kazan. It can accommodate 6,000 worshipers. Several countries contributed to the fund that was set up to rebuild Qolşärif Mosque, namely Saudi Arabia, and United Arab Emirates. Qolşärif is considered to be one of the most important symbols of Tatar aspirations.” [Any Saudi insertion in Russia’s home sphere should be regarded as suspicious if not downright dangerous, given the nature of the Saudi regime, its extremist and treacherous criminality, often in support of Islamic jihadists; its almost unlimited financial power, and overt alliance with Washington, Russia’s number one enemy.—eds.)

Not too far from the Kremlin is a pedestrian Bauman Street, located in the heart of the city. Beside the architectural delight of the buildings fencing the street on both sides, there are such landmarks as the church and the bell tower of the Epiphany, Shalyapin monument, the building of the National Bank, a drama theater, a monument to the Cat of Kazan, the zero meridian, Catherine’s coach, alley of national stars, and even a huge stature of Gulliver that dwarfs any of the bystanders. Also, there are many boutiques, which are, obviously, not for the average folks. Passing by one of those stores, my eyes caught an attractive summer dress displayed in the window-shop. I peeked in, if only out of curiosity. “How much does this dress cost?” I asked. The answer cooled off my expectations – it went for 54,000 rubles, or approximately $1,000. Ok, I thought, if not this dress but maybe this necklace, made of multicolor opaque glass? Well, its price was 27,000 rubles, half of the dress. Just to give you an idea about its “accessibility” for ordinary people, it is important to know that the minimum pension in Russia is about $6,000-7,000 rubles – depending in what region people live. As to those who work, I was told that some of the hard-working people in Chelyabinsk, for example, earn only 7,000 rubles per month. Chelyabinsk is located beyond the Ural Mountains, in the Asian part of Russia. People who live in the European part of Russia are better off, as it seems, but just slightly so. One of the locals in Kazan, my friend and a former classmate in the university, earns only 17,000 rubles a month – and she is a lead nurse, thus, earning more than most of her co-workers. To buy such a dress, they’d have to work almost four months – meanwhile, not paying for anything else.

My cousin, who works in one of the banks in Ulyanovsk – a home of Vladimir Lenin – fares better than my nurse friend. Her monthly wage is 40,000 rubles. So, the way I see it, the financial sector provides a much more lucrative career than vocation in the medical field. The educators are somewhere in between. For example, an academic in Chuvash State University earns only 25,000 rubles. Whereas the Soviet times were marked by more or less even distribution of wealth – the doctors, bank employees, and educators earned enough money for a decent life – the capitalism in Russia has a predatory face.

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ife in Russia under Putin has improved significantly – as recent IMF data indicates, “From 2000 to 2006, the Russian middle class grew from 8 million to 55 million. The number of families living below poverty line decreased from 30 percent in 2000 to 14 percent in 2008.” But still, the state sector has meager remunerations compared with the private field. Those who work for private companies and business owners themselves are markedly better off than the rest of the Russian population. The way I see it, the disparity in earnings and the style of life is a prominent feature of modern Russian society. Definitely, there is a chasm between the rich, the poor, and those in between. Most of the average folks live ok, though, provided that they have families to support one another. Therefore, the family connection and the support of friends are a must.

Ukraine and the Ukrainians: “the demolition of false pretenses”

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s far as Ukraine is concerned, the concerted efforts of western governments and their minions in the mass media led to the fact that “what passes for truth” —as many of us know by now—is very often utterly false, or at least distorted to such a degree that it seems ludicrous to those in the know or to those immediate participants who didn’t let themselves be inebriated by excessive propaganda. As Zygmunt Bauman once said, “How quixotic to debunk the distortion in the representation of reality once no reality claims to be more real than its representation.” Nevertheless, the debunking of the distortion is what I strive for.

My recent trip to St. Petersburg was marked by a fascinating conversation about Ukraine, Russia, and beyond. My train companions were three young, husky guys. As I discovered later, all three of them were from Ukraine, from the Kherson region but from different towns. Obviously, I was curious to talk to them about the situation in Ukraine, so I was the one who initiated the chat. First, I was curious if they are tired to be asked about Ukraine all the time. But they didn’t mind, and, as it seemed to me, they were even glad to share their thoughts. Oleg, Valera, and Kolya – those were their names. Kolya was the most talkative one. He said that he got summons to the army, but he escaped to Russia, almost immediately. The declaration of hostility against his brother Slavs in the east of Ukraine didn’t sit well with him. People from his hometown – even some of his friends – asked him, why he didn’t go to war in the Donbass. But he was very clear about it. “Why should I?” he said. “For whose interests and for whom should I go there, for the greedy oligarchs? I don’t want to kill!”

Oleg and Valera were in the same boat – they were drafted and they also didn’t want to fight against their own people. Basically, all three of them have become fugitives: they cannot live in their respective towns anymore, they had to leave behind whatever life they had before the Maidan (the February 2014 coup) and start their careers anew. Luckily, they found a good job in Russia – they are part of a roofer team (where three of them met one another and became friends), travel from one place to another, and build new roofs for their employer. They are well taken care of – their employer pays for their rent in whatever city they work and for transportation between the cities, when they travel to their next destination. For example, their train tickets were paid for, the taxi fare to their apartment in St. Petersburg will be paid when they arrive, and they don’t need to worry about the rent. Three weeks in St. Petersburg – and they will earn about $1,000 (about 55,000 rubles each – which is much more than some university professors earn). Not such a bad arrangement.

All in all, they like their new life – after all, they have a chance to send enough money to their families in Ukraine to support their loved ones. Back home, people struggle to survive, they said. Utilities went up ten to fifteen times. All prices have skyrocketed. Not enough work too. Some of the coal mines are held in conservation, because there are not enough funds to develop them. Every three months, these young Ukrainians have to take a risk by going back home – the current Russian law allows them to work in Russia only for three months, but then they have to re-enter the country. “Aren’t you afraid you will be snatched up and sent to the army?” I asked. “No,” Valera said, “We could always pay a bribe – $250 can buy the path to freedom.” Also, he thinks that those who went to the army were from the country side, not educated, and they were threatened into submission. He, for one, is well educated (a degree in jurisprudence) and he knows his rights. Because he served in the army already, he could be sent to the army only when Ukraine imposes martial law. Because this hasn’t happened yet, he is sure that no one can make him fight for the sake of the oligarchs.

“What do you think about the Right Sector (notorious neo-Nazi group, marked by extreme violence)?” I asked. Kolya was very quick to answer – “Bastards!” he blurted out. These monsters were in the Kherson region for a while and brought a regime of terror to his town. “They are all well paid,” he said. “For money, they are ready for whatever.” – “Did they kill in your city?” – “I don’t know about killing, but they beat some people severely. And I know about it not from some people but I felt it on my own skin.” Frankly, I didn’t feel comfortable to probe for more information in this regard, but my understanding was that he was badly beaten himself. However, he said that lately the situation has become less out of control – whoever was in charge of these neo-Nazis, it seemed they sent them to another place. And why? Because, if they were to continue with their tactics of terror and intimidation, then the whole south of Ukraine would rebel – and then all hell would break loose for sure.

“What is your opinion of Putin and Russia?” I was curious to hear. The answer was positive regarding either. “We like Putin,” Kolya said. “I have heard that Putin has proposed to extend the three-month stay to one year,” which would be very good for all Ukrainians who work in Russia. Then, they don’t have to risk going back home every three months. As to Russia, this young man thinks that these two peoples, Ukrainian and Russian, are brother-nations. Why should one fight for the oligarchs’ sake? As to the United States, these guys think that people in Ukraine are not hostile to Americans in general, but they know well that the U.S. politicians are the ones who ignited the flames of hatred and warfare and who are planning to grab the black soils of Ukraine (Monsanto’s planning to get hold of their fertile soils). Also, they know that the West doesn’t care about the common folks in Ukraine – they follow the money, so to say, and they act according to their interests only. At the same time, Kolya said that they hate Yatsenyuk (currently, Ukrainian prime minister and also he is one of the Maidan instigators) and Co., the U.S. puppets who are selling Ukraine to the Western companies and make profits themselves while doing this ignominious deed. All in all, they fill their pockets with money at the expense of the people.

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was also curious to hear their opinion about Bandera (the Nazi collaborator during WW II) and why he is so popular in Ukraine. Kolya said that it is very simple, “People don’t think and they believe what they are told. Someone said that Bandera is a hero and, when it is repeated many times, people tend to believe that. No one knows the real truth anyway,” he said. “We don’t even know what to believe in anymore.” Silence descended on the group after this statement. I was thinking that I cannot even offer an adequate answer to this lack of beliefs. The young generation of Ukraine is definitely confused and even tired of the lies being piled up by all the corrupt politicians they had all their lives, basically. Kolya broke the silence at last. “My granddad went through World War II, until Berlin, and he was wounded only once, not too seriously. However, he fought for three years after the war, he fought against the Bandera bands in Ukraine, and he was wounded three more times even if, officially, the war was over.” He was proud of his grandpa, and I was proud of him keeping the memory of his hero-grandfather and also understanding what the latter was fighting against, as well as keeping his head together in the current times of turmoil and confusion and not willing to fight against his own people in the Donbass. Before Maidan, Kolya had his own business back home, but he lost everything and started his new life by escaping the rabid nationalism and Russophobia of current Ukrainian politicians, earning money in Russia, and helping his family the best way he can.

This time, he asked me, “Do you know how the Maidan started?” No, I had to admit. Kolya said that there was a group of students who came out with the banners for Euro-integration. But they were brutally dispersed. Who gave such an order? Who were those people who beat them up back then? Perhaps those were the Special Forces militants in disguise and perhaps this was a false flag operation, he said. Somehow, he knew that later on, when the crowds converged on the Maidan, they were all paid good money. Those who were in the front rows were paid handsomely, 2,000 hryvnias per day (back then, it was almost $800 or even more). Who paid this money? The West, Kolya thinks. He himself was offered 800 hryvnias to be on the Maidan and participate in the protests. But why, he said. “I didn’t want to sell my country!” But those who did? “They are as a flock of sheep. They don’t care – they get paid, and they don’t care what will happen next.”