If members of a single ethnic group comprising a mere 14 percent of the population were the only ones allowed to vote for United States lawmakers, we'd call it a travesty. In South Africa, they call it a democratic election.

The 5 million whites who control the destiny of their 32 million black, mixed-race and Indian countrymen choose a new parliament last week. The 3 million "coloreds" and 1 million Indians held segregated elections to choose powerless representatives.

But the 28 million blacks had no way to express themselves other than to strike or stage protest marches, and millions did.

For their troubles, black South Africans were rewarded with whips, tear gas and shotguns. By the end of election day, an estimated 25 of them lay dead and more than 100 injured after clashes with the police.

The violence was an ominous portent of worse things to come. The ruling Nationalist Party, which has held power for more than 40 years by enforcing a strict policy of racial segregation, or apartheid, lost 30 -- or nearly one- fourth -- of its seats in parliament to parties who are right and left of it on the political spectrum.

Most troubling were the gains scored by the far-right Conservative Party, which considers the Nationalists traitors to the cause of white supremacy. The Conservatives nearly doubled their strength to 39 by winning 17 seats from the dominant party.

The Democratic Party, which wants to end apartheid but retain some privileges for whites in a black-majority government, wrested 13 seats from the Nationalists and now holds 33. It was the best showing ever for an anti- apartheid slate.

The National Party still holds 93 seats and its leader, F.W. de Klerk, is expected to be named this week to a five-year term as president, but the election showed that South African politics are becoming increasingly polarized.

De Klerk has said he intends to work toward limited political participation for blacks within five years. But he rejects the notion of one-man, one-vote and plans to maintain segregated schools and neighborhoods. De Klerk must resist the temptation to out-demagogue the radical right as he assumes the mantle of retired P.W. Botha. Instead, he should be reaching out to the disenfranchised majority that has shown it is willing to risk death in order to participate in government.

He should make a positive symbolic start by quickly releasing Nelson Mandela, long-jailed leader of the African National Congress, from prison. He also should lift the three-year-old state of emergency under which blacks' civil rights have been routinely trampled.

Stubborn old Botha never could bring himself to take these necessary steps. If de Klerk truly wishes to rehabilitate his nation both in the eyes of the world and the great majority of the people he claims to lead, he should make these his first official acts.