If there was one principle that used to unite conservatives, it was respect for the rule of law. Not long ago, conservatives would have been horrified at wholesale violations of the norms and traditions of our political system, and would have been appalled by a president who showed overt contempt for the separation of powers.

But then, as if on cue, most of the conservative media fell into line, celebrating President Donald Trump's abrupt dismissal of the FBI director, James Comey, and dismissing the fact that Comey was leading an investigation into the Trump campaign and its ties to Russia. Given the enthusiasm of the president's apologists, it is likely that much of Trump's base will similarly rally to him as it has in the past.

Perhaps most important, we saw once again how conservatism, with its belief in ordered liberty, is being eclipsed by something different: Loathing those who loathe the president. Rabid anti-anti-Trumpism.

With Trump in the White House, conservative principles were no longer the point. "How many times during the campaign did I warn everybody Trump is not a conservative? Multiple times a day," Rush Limbaugh said in a monologue this month. "How many times have I told you: 'Do not expect Trump to be a conservative? He isn't one.' "

He went on to emphasize that the campaign was not about conservatism, because that's not what Trump is about.

That was a remarkable admission, but it is also a key to understanding what is happening on the right. While there are those like Sean Hannity who are reliable cheerleaders for all things Trump, much of the conservative news media is now less pro-Trump than it is anti-anti-Trump. The distinction is important, because anti-anti-Trumpism has become the new safe space for the right.

Here is how it works: Rather than defend Trump's specific actions, his conservative champions change the subject to (1) the biased "fake news" media, (2) over-the-top liberals, (3) hypocrites on the left, (4) anyone else victimizing Trump or his supporters and (5) whataboutism, as in "What about Obama?" "What about Clinton?"

For the anti-anti-Trump pundit, whatever the allegation against Trump, whatever his blunders or foibles, the other side is always worse.

But the real heart of anti-anti-Trumpism is the delight in the frustration and anger of his opponents. Trump's base is unlikely to hold him either to promises or tangible achievements, because conservative politics is now less about ideas or accomplishments than it is about making the right enemies cry out in anguish.

Trump's most vocal supporters don't have to defend his specific actions as long as they make "liberal heads explode," or as Sarah Palin put it so memorably, "It's really funny to me to see the splodey heads keep sploding." If liberals hate something, the argument goes, then it must be wonderful and worthy of aggressive defense. Each controversy reinforces the divisions and the distrust, and Trump counts on that.

For many in the conservative movement, this sort of anti-anti-Trumpism is the solution to the painful conundrum posed by the Trump presidency. With a vast majority of conservative voters and listeners solidly behind Trump, conservative critics of the president find themselves isolated and under siege. But, as Damon Linker noted, anti-anti-Trumpism "allows the right to indulge its hatred of liberals and liberalism while sidestepping the need for a reckoning with the disaster of the Trump administration itself."

This is also a much sounder business model than airing doubts about the president. Conservative media is, of course, a business that relies on ratings, and few things generate ratings more quickly than bashing liberals. In this case, it is a far better business model for talk show hosts to play down Trump's failures while piling on his enemies.

The ad hominem argument is rightly regarded as a logical fallacy because it substitutes personal attacks for a discussion of the argument someone is making. But on many talk shows, including Limbaugh's, nearly every argument is ad hominem. Instead of offering statistics and building a case, it is easier to simply make fun of a Trump critic like Rep. Maxine Waters, or shrug off a negative report because it came from the "lamestream media."

Not surprisingly, the vast majority of airtime on conservative media is not taken up by issues or explanations of conservative approaches to markets or need to balance liberty with order. Why bother with such stuff, when there were personalities to be mocked and left-wing moonbats to be ridiculed?

What may have begun as a policy or a tactic in opposition has long since become a reflex. But there is an obvious price to be paid for essentially becoming a party devoted to trolling. In the long run, it's hard to see how a party dedicated to liberal tears can remain a movement based on ideas or centered on principles.

Conservatives will care less about governing and more about scoring "wins" — and inflicting losses on the left — no matter how hollow the victories or flawed the policies. Ultimately, though, this will end badly because it is a moral and intellectual dead end, and very likely a political one as well.

As the right doubles down on anti-anti-Trumpism, it will find itself goaded into defending and rationalizing ever more outrageous conduct just as long as it annoys CNN and the left.

In many ways anti-anti-Trumpism mirrors Donald Trump himself, because at its core there are no fixed values, no respect for constitutional government or ideas of personal character, only a free-floating nihilism cloaked in insult, mockery and bombast.

Needless to say, this is not a form of conservatism that Edmund Burke, or even Barry Goldwater, would have recognized.

Charles J. Sykes, a former talk show host in Wisconsin, is the author of the forthcoming "How the Right Lost Its Mind."

© 2017 New York Times