President Trump has just become the third president to be impeached by the House of Representatives. In a largely party-line vote, the House majority has sought to hold the president to account for how he has used the powers of his office.

The details of President Trump’s dealings with Ukraine and his purported abuse of power, as taken up in the first article of impeachment by House Democrats, have so far received the bulk of attention. But the second article, for presidential obstruction of Congress, is equally urgent, and a necessary step to reassert the rights and authority of Congress. And as important, this applies not just to this president but also to future presidents who might likewise be tempted to scorn Congress.

The Trump administration has tried to turn the American constitutional framework on its head, and Republican members have signaled their willingness to accept presidential intransigence in the face of efforts by Congress to perform its most basic functions. The White House has claimed that it is not for Congress to question how executive officers are conducting their duties, but rather that it is for the executive to judge whether legislators are performing theirs — and to ignore, stonewall and obstruct Congress when the executive is not satisfied with the answer. In doing so the Trump administration is, in effect, seeking to undo the constitutional checks put in place at our founding.

The administration has made its obstructionist position clear. A letter to the House speaker, Nancy Pelosi, from Pat Cipollone, the White House counsel, stated flatly that the impeachment inquiry was “invalid” and “illegitimate.” The administration instructed current and former officials with relevant information not to cooperate. It has refused to seek an arrangement by which it could voluntarily assist the investigation, and it has refused to comply with subpoenas for testimony and evidence. When pressed, it has pursued litigation meant to run out the clock on any congressional proceedings.