Here’s a story you haven’t seen for a while: Congress is working — well, sort of. Better than it had for the previous six years, anyway.

The difference? Harry Reid is no longer running the Senate — and Republican Mitch McConnell has made the place far less dysfunctional.

Just last week, the Senate cast breakthrough votes on a sex-trafficking bill and the confirmation of attorney-general nominee Loretta Lynch.

The bipartisan trafficking bill was delayed awhile by Reid-style partisanship: Democrats held it up to score “War on Women” points over no-federal-funds-for-abortion language that’s been routine in such legislation for decades.

McConnell broke that logjam by refusing to allow a vote on Lynch until Democrats quit playing games.

Meanwhile, members of both parties are cooperating, particularly on the committee level.

Sens. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) and Orrin Hatch (R-Utah) got a key trade bill moving; Bob Corker (R-Tenn.) worked with Democrats to pass the bill asserting Congress’ role in overseeing any Iran nuclear deal.

Reid, by contrast, regularly stomped on committee chairmen who dared compromise with Republicans.

Under his “leadership,” gridlock was the order of the day. He refused to bring many House-passed bills to the Senate floor — sometimes to protect Democrats from having to cast a tough vote, sometimes to avoid exposing the lack of Democratic support for Obama policies.

Reid also severely limited the ability of the minority to amend legislation — leaving Republicans no

way to dissent except the filibuster. McConnell has given Democrats far more ability to amend than Reid did with the then-GOP minority.

The next test may come this week, when the Senate tries to take up that trade bill — giving the president “fast-track” authority to negotiate a major agreement with 12 Pacific nations.

Last year, Reid blocked a vote. This year, left-wing darling Elizabeth Warren vigorously opposes it — as does New York’s senior senator, Chuck Schumer, Reid’s successor-in-waiting.

The Democratic minority has the votes to filibuster the bill to death — and dealing a president of their own party an embarrassing defeat.

That, of course, would be final proof of which party is to blame for gridlock.