Donald Trump keeps rolling along, with new polls (caveat: polls stink) showing him far ahead of the GOP pack in the early primary states of New Hampshire and South Carolina.

Not content with the evidence that he’s connecting with voters, Trump has continued with his signature campaign approach — insulting people. In the past two days, he’s taken to Twitter to trash-talk bête noire Megyn Kelly of Fox and Sen. Lindsey Graham, a fellow presidential candidate who poses absolutely no threat to him.

Trump’s startling affect — half-borrowed from the World Wrestling Federation’s scripted banter and half-stolen from shock-jock disc-jockeys — is a sea change from past elections.

Sure, they featured all kinds of ad hominem attacks jaw-dropping in their ugliness, but previous sophomoric assaults on media figures and other campaigns were the exclusive province of Red-Bull-chugging campaign spokeschildren who all sounded like they were on the verge of failing the eighth grade.

Trump has cut out the middleman. He is his own spokesman, his own opposition-research director and his own campaign hitman.

That’s why he’s so entertaining, and it’s also why most political professionals have found themselves aghast and agog at his rise. Trump is breaking decades of hard-learned lessons about how to minimize risk and maximize effectiveness. He is playing the game in an entirely new way.

Candidates struggle to be consistent, or to explain their changes of opinion if they find themselves making those changes. Not Trump, who was able in less than one minute earlier this week to say he supports a flat tax — in which everyone in the country pays the same rate — and wants rich people to pay at a higher rate.

At any other time in American history, such an answer would make him a laughing-stock. Not Trump. He’s laughing all the way to the polling bank.

So how is this happening? Many say it’s because of his hard line on immigration. Trump believes this. Others, Bill Kristol in particular, have observed cleverly that Trump is the only unrestrained nationalist in the race.

I think there’s something else at play here. Trump has basically declared himself the anti-Obama, an all-American (he still believes Obama was born in Kenya) who has built things and run things and hasn’t just been an egghead and government guy.

In fact, what Trump is promising is simply a different form of Obamaism, and that is what perversely makes him attractive to so many people.

Obama’s astonishing second-term efforts to do an end-run around the constitutional limits of the presidency have given Trump’s approach peculiar resonance with certain conservatives.

They’ve watched in horrified amazement as Obama has single-handedly postponed parts of the Affordable Care Act; unilaterally installed people in federal jobs (at the National Labor Relations Board) that require congressional consent and announced in November 2014 that he’d cease enforcing certain immigration laws and effectively grant protection to 5 million so-called “dreamers” — when it is his constitutional obligation to enforce existing laws passed by Congress.

Trump is, in effect, promising to be a right-wing Obama, to run roughshod over the rules to fix things Obama and other politicians have broken.

It’s easy to see why this is seductive.

Conservatives and others who dislike Obama see him acting with impunity. They believe the media cover for him. They think Republicans in Congress are too weak to challenge him. And so he gets whatever he wants.

They’re largely right about the media, but they’re wrong that he gets away with whatever he pleases.

His immigration scheme was basically thrown in a garbage can by a district judge in Texas only three months after his speech, and his appointments to the National Labor Relations Board were declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court.

Right-wing Obamaism is just as dangerous. The American system is designed to restrain our politicians, not to give them a free hand.

Trump is uninterested in such niceties, and he is canny enough to declare that anyone who disagrees with him is simply too weak or cowardly or too controlled by “political correctness” to see that his strongman tactics are the only way to fix what’s broken.

But the answer to Obamaism isn’t more Obamaism. The answer to a president who acts like a strongman isn’t another strongman. The answer is to restore the proper balance to the American government.