Chapter 11 Afterword: Microvariation in Syntax and Beyond

Chapter 10 Addressing the Problem of Intra-speaker Variation for Parametric Theory

Chapter 9 We might should be thinking this way

Chapter 6 The Syntax and Semantics of Personal Datives in Appalachian English

Chapter 2 SO [TOTALLY] Speaker-oriented An Analysis of “Drama SO”

This chapter is an in-depth study of the New England So AUXn’t NP/DP (SAND) construction, in which a sentence like so aren’t you is truth-conditionally identical to so are you (= “You are too”). The SAND construction, which is geographically restricted, is compared to geographically widespread negative exclamatives such as Aren’t you cute! Negative exclamatives, like SAND, have a negative marker but affirmative meaning (≈ “You are very cute”). This chapter shows that these cases fail negation tests but proposes that n’t is nevertheless not a semantically vacuous morphological marking. Instead, it serves a systematic syntactic and semantic function, one that explains pragmatic constraints on such sentences. Both SAND and negative exclamatives involve double negation, which is achieved by syntactically constructing a question-answer pair clause-internally.

Negative Exclamatives and the New England So AUXn’t NP/DP Construction

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