It’s an uncontested truth that Trump remains historically unpopular among black voters. And there are no signs of this changing, even with Trump’s recent attempts at African American outreach. In one poll this summer, he achieved the remarkable feat of getting zero percent of the black vote in two key swing states, Ohio and Pennsylvania. Though there have been outliers, his unfavorability rating among blacks is bleak—close to 90 percent of black respondents in one recent survey had “very” or “somewhat” unfavorable feelings toward him—and Trump is currently polling between 2 percent and 6 percent with black voters nationally.

But beyond the made-for-TV pastors stumping for Trump or his ever-present hyperbolic media surrogates like spokeswoman Katrina Pierson, one does occasionally run into black people who are voting for the man. The question that follows, then, is just who exactly are these black Trump supporters? The men described in the episodes recounted above provide some anecdotal detail, and our research suggests that they are emblematic of the black voters that constitute his single-digit showing.

The black Trump supporter is likely to be a working-class or lower-middle-class black man, over the age of 35, and interested in alternative approaches to addressing what ails black America. While Trump is only winning over a very small number of such men, there is a reason that the majority of his black support comes from this segment of the electorate. These voters tend to be more receptive to core messages of self-determination, financial success as a function of hard work, and personal responsibility, especially when conveyed in a plainspoken, hypermasculine manner.

While the typical Trump supporter is a white, non-college-educated male who feels voiceless in a nation with changing racial demographics, the typical black male Trump supporter has lost faith in government’s ability to address the plight of black America and believes the key to racial equality is economic empowerment. He thinks the Democratic Party has taken his vote for granted and is animated by the belief that partisan loyalty has not helped black people. Further, he likely has a strong opposition to Hillary Clinton. That’s due to his demographic group bearing the brunt of her husband’s welfare-reform and criminal-justice legislation starting in the 1990s, and the direct challenge she presents to notions of traditional gender roles.

We know that this group of black men is more open to considering Republican candidates than other black voters. They are slightly more likely to vote for candidates who extol hard work over federal programs and who offer economic opportunity as a way to address racial inequality rather than new civil-rights legislation. They are less likely to think social action and constant protest are effective ways of overcoming racial discrimination. The violent-crime rate does not impact their votes in the same way it does black women or more affluent black males. These factors combined make them more amenable to Trump’s theatric masculinity and his mythology of being a self-made billionaire, less put off than others by his law-and-order appeals, and open to his calls for the need to address black youth unemployment. They don’t believe anyone in government has the best interest of black America at heart, so they aren’t deterred by Trump’s racially intolerant remarks. They prefer his crude, straightforward manner to politicians’ disingenuous placations.