ALBANY – When Keith Wright was hired by a major New York City lobbying firm in 2017, there was pushback: How could the leader of the Manhattan Democratic Party continue to exert political power, critics asked, while also lobbying elected state officials?

Wright has responded that he is not a "registered lobbyist" at the top firm, Davidoff, Hutcher & Citron, so the dual roles didn't conflict.

That argument, however, is now gone according to state lobbying records: Between January and July, Wright registered as a lobbyist for 72 clients with business before state government. Around the same time Wright was asked this month about the lobbying, the firm registered him for 33 additional clients – bringing the total to 105.

Wright, a former longtime Assembly member, was in Albany this past spring alongside one client for a day of lobbying lawmakers. Though Wright says he's never lobbied Manhattan lawmakers, he has lobbied their staff members.

"It is undoubtedly a conflict of interest for Keith Wright to lobby Manhattan lawmakers because of his role as county party chairman," said Alex Camarda, senior policy advisor at government reform group Reinvent Albany. "He has leverage over whether Manhattan lawmakers have a contested primary or general election, or whether they receive funds or other resources from the party."

State law appears to require Wright to file annual financial disclosure forms, but the past two years, he has not. After the Times Union inquiry, Wright said he would promptly submit disclosure forms covering 2017 and 2018. As of of last Friday afternoon, they had not yet been filed.

Davidoff Hutcher's lead partner, Sid Davidoff, said in a statement that "out of an abundance of caution" the firm had now registered every member of its government relations practice for every account – which explains why Wright is listed for 105 clients.

State law also places certain restrictions on the business activities of political party leaders. Davidoff said Wright was in "full compliance" and called him "a tremendously talented professional" who provides "outstanding guidance to the firm and its clients."

Wright represented Harlem for more than two decades in the Assembly, where he was among the chamber's most powerful lawmakers before retiring in 2016. He was chair of the state Democratic Party from 2012 to 2014, and has been the Manhattan Democratic leader since 2009.

Wright is now the "director" of Davidoff Hutcher's "government relations group," with a focus is on a "variety of issues at the city and state level," according to the firm's website.

When Wright was hired as a lobbyist in 2017, he faced a two-year ban on lobbying the Legislature. At the time, he responded to criticism about his dual roles, noting he wasn't a "registered" lobbyist.

When 2019 began, the prohibition ended and Wright became a registered lobbyist for many clients. Still, in a January interview with Manhattan's The Villager, Wright continued to assert he was not a registered lobbyist.

A faction of the Manhattan Democratic Party has pushed since 2017 for a rule change barring paid lobbyists from being the party's leader; the matter was tabled last year by Wright allies. Wright, who is up for re-election as leader this fall, did accede to a slate of other reforms.

Concern about party leaders' outside business dealings goes back to Mayor Ed Koch's third term in the 1980s, which was marred by scandals involving the Democratic political bosses in Brooklyn, the Bronx and Queens. In fact, Wright's current boss, Sid Davidoff, was a close friend of Donald Manes, the powerful Queens Borough president who committed suicide in 1986 before he could face corruption charges.

Since then, the influence of New York City political bosses has waned, but some significant powers remain.

For Wright's 105 listed clients this year, his firm has reported lobbying 16 Manhattan lawmakers, according to disclosure filings. Davidoff Hutcher's lobbying filings are broad – listing more than a dozen lobbyists for each client – a practice that makes it difficult to pinpoint who is doing specific lobbying.

But when members of the United Probation Officers Association took a bus from New York City to Albany on March 14 to lobby legislators, Wright's role was clearer. The Probation Officers' website calls Wright "our lobbyist," and a video montage highlighting the day shows Wright standing with union members in the Legislative Office Building, where lawmakers have offices.

Wright's firm reported lobbying four Manhattan Democrats on behalf of the probation officers during that period: state Sen. Jose Serrano, state Sen. Robert Jackson, Assemblywoman Carmen De La Rosa and Assemblywoman Linda Rosenthal.

According to Serrano's office, a Davidoff associate did send a note requesting a meeting with Serrano's office for the probation officers, which stated that Wright would be attending.

The probation association's president, Dalvanie Powell, attended the subsequent March meeting with a Serrano staffer. So did two men; the Serrano staffer could not recall if Wright was one them. (Serrano himself was not there.)

De La Rosa and Jackson both said Wright had not lobbied them or their staffs.

The union's leader, Powell, did not return a phone call from the Times Union, while Davidoff declined to answer questions about any meetings Wright might have had with legislative staffers.

"As far as the United Probation Officers' Association, he supports this important organization and the excellent work its members do," Davidoff said. "He has advised them on public policy but has not lobbied lawmakers on their behalf."

This spring, Wright lobbied Jason Goldman, the chief of staff for New York City Council Speaker Corey Johnson, on behalf of tobacco company Reynolds American.

Goldman recalled speaking with Wright on the phone a few times about various issues, but never formally about any particular matter, according to a spokeswoman for the speaker's office.

Not only is Johnson's district is in Manhattan, but Wright also played a crucial role in his ascendancy to the speakership, as a key backer during the 2017 process where deals among city Democratic leaders played the decisive role.

The New York Times also recently reported that in May, Wright organized meetings between the tobacco company and New York City Council members – but that Wright was not registered to lobby on the issue at the time.

"I'm glad you pointed it out," Davidoff told the Times. "You'll save us money on additional fines."

Meanwhile, Wright told the Times Union on July 12 that he was unaware of the requirement to file financial disclosures forms as a party leader, but would "of course do so immediately."

On July 16, however, Davidoff said that it was actually "not at all clear to the firm or its counsel" that Wright currently had to file, but that he would anyway "as part of our commitment to full transparency."

Davidoff declined to say what he found unclear about state law, which says a "party leader" in a county of more than 300,000 – elected by a county party's executive committee – must file annual disclosures.

Late last week, a Wright spokesman said the ex-lawmaker was still waiting for unspecified "paperwork" to come before filing the late disclosures with the Joint Commission on Public Ethics.

A JCOPE spokesman declined to comment on Wright's situation. The non-filing had not landed Wright on the ethics watchdog's list of delinquent filers.

Notably in 2017, Wright did file a disclosure report, which detailed his 2016 income as an Assembly member.

Wright was only required to submit the form in 2017 – when he was no longer an Assembly member – because he was the elected New York County Democratic leader. But then, Wright did not submit the disclosures the next two years, the first forms that would show details of his lobbying income.

The party leader still does have some significant powers.

In 2017, Wright along with Brooklyn Democratic leader Frank Seddio handpicked Manhattan Assemblyman Brian Kavanaugh as the Democratic nominee for a vacant state Senate seat, which included parts of both boroughs.

That's even though a substantial majority of Manhattan Democratic County Committee members wanted Paul Newell, a district leader who had pushed reforms.

In the January interview with The Villager, Wright called Kavanaugh an "ingrate" for never calling to thank him for his integral support.

Davidoff Hutcher lobbyists have lobbied Kavanaugh five times for three clients this year, according to the firm's disclosure filings, the most contacts the firm has had with any Manhattan lawmaker.

Wright has not personally lobbied Kavanaugh or his staff, according to a spokeswoman for the senator.

Following the 1980's scandals, the state Public Officer's Law contains a number of provisions limiting the business activities of party leaders – including a prohibition against lobbying on state regulations.

So it's notable that on March 13, Davidoff Hutcher's Nick Antenucci met with officials at the state Workers' Compensation Board about several regulatory matters of concern to the American Association of Payers, Administrators and Networks.

Political party leaders by law may not be paid to work for the "adoption or repeal of any rule or regulation" having "the force and effect of law." But Wright, the "director" of Davidoff Hutcher's government relations team, this year has been registered in Davidoff's filings as one of 21 lobbyists for AAPAN.

According to the firm's website, Antenucci is "senior counsel" to New York government relations team for which Wright is director. The lobbying filings do not say Wright ever personally lobbied anyone for AAPAN.

Davidoff said in response to questions about the filings that Wright is a "salaried employee," and that his work is in full compliance with "any guidelines established with respect to his position in the Manhattan Democratic Party."