The chief of staff to the former Labor resources minister Martin Ferguson is lobbying for a Norwegian oil giant seeking to drill in the Great Australian Bight.

The release of the government’s new foreign influence register has revealed the lobbying activities of individuals and companies who are otherwise hidden by Australia’s deeply flawed, decade-old lobbyist transparency regime.

The resources giants Woodside Petroleum and WorleyParsons Services both list themselves on the foreign influence register and say they are conducting “general political lobbying” but appear nowhere on the federal lobbyist register.

The foreign influence register also includes Bindi Gove, who headed Ferguson’s office until 2012, and recently began lobbying on behalf of Equinor, the Norwegian oil and gas giant. She also does not appear on the lobbyist register.

Gove placed herself on the foreign influence register because Equinor is majority-owned by the Norwegian government. Equinor is seeking to explore for oil off the coast of South Australia, despite the recent announcement from Norway’s massive $1tn sovereign wealth fund that it would divest from oil and gas exploration companies.

Gove’s lobbying activities listed on the foreign interests register include meetings with the Australian energy minister, the industry minister, shadow portfolio ministers and the National Offshore Petroleum Safety and Environmental Management Authority.

There is no suggestion of any wrongdoing on behalf of Gove, Woodside or WorleyParsons. But the cases again highlight the flaws with the federal lobbyist register, which is supposed to act as the public’s window into the world of lobbying.

The federal lobbyist register covers only professional third-party lobbyists, who are paid to represent the interests of a client. Gove is not required to place herself on the register, or disclose meetings with ministers, because she works directly for Equinor.

Quick guide Political lobbying in Australia: the basics Show Hide What do lobbyists do? Lobbyists attempt to influence government policy or decisions on behalf of either a client or their own organisation. Ethical lobbying is a valuable and important element of a healthy democracy. It helps those who have a stake in government policy to convey their views and expertise. There are two broad types of lobbyists: third-party lobbyists, who are engaged as consultants; in-house lobbyists, who work directly for corporations or interest groups. Who hires lobbyists? For many Australians, lobbying conjures images of powerful corporations working to sway politicians behind the scenes. There is a truth in that. The big banks, mining and energy giants, pharmaceutical companies, casinos, Amazon, Google and Facebook all engage lobbyists. But lobbyists also work on behalf of not-for-profits and community groups, including for veterans, social workers, aged-care staff, school principals and environmental organisations. What is the lobbyist register? The lobbyist register is the public's only window into the world of lobbying. It's a publicly available online list of lobbying firms, individual lobbyists and their clients. The register was a huge step forward when it was introduced in 2008, but remains frustratingly opaque. It doesn't tell us who is lobbying whom, about what, or when. Compare that with the ACT, where lobbyists are required to file quarterly reports on their activities, or NSW, where ministers are required to publish their diaries. The federal register is also completely blind to the activities of in-house lobbyists. What is the lobbyist code of conduct? The code tells lobbyists how they must behave when approaching the government and is designed to maintain ethical standards. But the code is not legislated and has no real teeth. It goes largely unenforced and the punishments are weak. The worst sanction available to authorities is removing a lobbyist from the register. The US and Canada have fines or jail terms for law breaches. Who keeps an eye on lobbyists? Federally it's the prime minister's department that loosely oversees lobbying. It takes on a largely administrative role, rather than an investigative or regulatory one. Its core job is to maintain the register and communicate the code's requirements to lobbyists. It lacks independence, relies on reports of bad lobbying and rarely, if ever, takes enforcement action.

Equinor said Gove was registered as a contractor under the foreign influence transparency scheme because of her previous role as chief of staff for Ferguson.

“In her current role, Bindi is the main contact point for state and federal governments and opposition stakeholders,” the company said in a statement. “Equinor has been present in Australia since 2013 and holds two exploration permits in the Great Australian Bight. As a responsible operator, Equinor has always had a local team member act as the point of contact for government stakeholders since it started working in Australia.”

The failure of the register to capture in-house lobbyists is routinely criticised because it effectively exempts a vast swath of lobbyists from transparency requirements. It is also at odds with comparable nations, such as Canada, and states such as Victoria, where steps have been taken to track the activities of in-house lobbyists.

Other states, such as New South Wales, publish the diaries of ministers periodically, allowing the public to see who is being afforded access to those in power.

The foreign influence register also shows that Equinor used two professional lobbying firms – Barton Deakin and Hawker Britton.

Barton Deakin placed itself on the register because it was “in the room when Equinor officials held discussions with ministerial advisers” about an environmental plan required for Equinor to win approval to explore in the Great Australian Bight. That meeting happened on 14 February. The level of detail Barton Deakin placed on the foreign influence register is far beyond anything it would be required to disclose under the general regime governing lobbying.

The foreign influence register was established this year as part of measures designed to stop foreign states meddling in Australia’s politics.

A grace period to register ended on Sunday, and only nine individuals and entities initially appeared. But the government is continuing to add others to the register.

That includes the recently-added Goldwind Australia Pty Ltd, a wholly owned subsidiary of Xinjiang Goldwind Science & Technology, which has a series of windfarm interests in Australia. The company declared links to the Chinese government and said it may conduct “ad-hoc meetings with members of the federal government”.