MONTERREY, MEXICO—City tours are seldom so scandalous. But the newly formed “Corruptour” takes tourists in an open-air Blue Bird school bus to local landmarks allegedly associated with corruption in this industrial city — such as the burned-out remains of the Casino Royale.

The casino was doused with gasoline and torched by Los Zetas gang members in August 2011 after its owners didn’t pay protection money. Fifty-two customers and employees were killed, unable to escape as emergency exits were blocked by slot machines.

The brother of the then-mayor of Monterrey was subsequently spotted in security tapes released by the Reforma newspaper collecting cash from three casinos — which his lawyer called winnings and payments for products from his native Oaxaca state, such as string cheese.

“Casino Royale is an example of how violence is a product of corruption,” says Corruptour spokesperson Miguel Trevino.

The case came to be known as “Quesogate” in Monterrey and stands out as an example of the persistence of corruption in the city and country.

Mexico is ranked 106th in Transparency International’s annual Corruption Perceptions Index, sliding 44 places over the past decade. Transparencia Mexicana estimates the average Mexican household pays 14 per cent of its income on mordidas (bribes colloquially called “small bites”), often to speed up bureaucracy or avoid traffic fines.

Corrupt practices extend into the country’s biggest companies, notoriously Walmart, which a New York Times expose showed bribed local officials for building permits. It also extends into a patronage-based political system, which plies poor people with giveaways every election and cronies with contracts.

“It’s a well-known truth that in state and municipal public works, the construction companies kickback, 20 or 30 per cent of the cost,” Fernando Elizondo, a former Nuevo Leon governor, told the Star.

Corruptour is trying to highlight the crime, corruption and political shenanigans. “On the tour we can give (people) an explanation on what has happened in different government agencies that have their buildings in the city centre and these places that have become icons of tragedy such as the Casino Royale,” Trevino says. “We tell them there: ‘This has its origin in corruption.’”

With its blue bus, horror-flick logo and pictures of politicians depicted as pigs, the tour cuts a controversial course through Monterrey most weekends.

It rumbles past a 36-storey government office building known as the “Administrative Tower,” but dubbed “VIP Tower” for being built over budget and opening late. The audio track tells passengers about how 312,000 license plates disappeared from the department of motor vehicles — when auto thefts were soaring.

The tour’s launch comes as corruption creeps into the national discourse. President Enrique Pena Nieto caused controversy when he called corruption “cultural” — comments pounced upon by commentators as too casual and poorly chosen.

Spokespeople for the Monterrey and Nuevo Leon state governments did not respond to requests for comments on corruption and Corruptour. Gov. Rodrigo Medina dismissed Corruptour as political and meant to influence the 2015 state elections, according to the Monterrey newspaper El Norte.

A non-governmental group known as Via Ciudadana (loosely translated: Citizen Way) covers the costs of Corruptour. The group is critical of the two big parties’ performance in Nuevo Leon and wants to see more independent political candidates. It declines to say exactly where its funding comes from, but its free tours book up quickly.

Challenges include finding a place to park the bus: the original garage owner asked organizers to move, telling them “I don’t want problems,” says Tatiana Clouthier, a Corruptour guide and daughter of former presidential candidate Manuel Clouthier.

Other problems in confronting corruption for Corruptour and others include media outlets, which in most parts of Mexico survive on government advertising and adjust coverage accordingly. Governments at all levels are often major customers for Mexican businesses, causing caution for those wanting to expose corruption. “It’s subtle,” Clouthier says of the pressure. “There are serious consequences for speaking out.”

The tour itself received rave reviews from passengers.

“We went to the (Mexican history) museum, but this was much more interesting,” says Artemio Torres, a hotel employee taking the tour.

“The most incredible thing is that this is already forgotten,” adds his partner, Maria Luisa Belarde.

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But whether the tour makes a difference in Monterrey remains to be seen.

“There’s no generalized expression of discontent,” says Consuelo Banuelos, director of an NGO working in Monterrey’s marginalized barrios, where paying bribes and living in the informal economy is the norm.

“People are trying to survive. Period.”

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