Tacitus — De origine et situ Germanorum



Ⅰ

Germania omnis a Gallis Rhaetisque et Pannoniis Rheno et Danubio fluminibus, a Sarmatis Dacisque mutuo metu aut montibus separatur: cetera Oceanus ambit, latos sinus et insularum immensa spatia complectens, nuper cognitis quibusdam gentibus ac regibus, quos bellum aperuit. Rhenus, Rhaeticarum Alpium inaccesso ac praecipiti vertice ortus, modico flexu in occidentem versus, septentrionali Oceano miscetur. Danubius, molli et clementer edito montis Abnobae jugo effusus, plures populos adit, donec in Ponticum mare sex meatibus erumpat: septimum os paludibus hauritur.



Ⅱ

Ipsos Germanos indigenas crediderim, minimeque aliarum gentium adventibus et hospitiis mixtos; quia nec terra olim, sed classibus advehebantur, qui mutare sedes quaerebant, et immensus ultra, utque sic dixerim, adversus Oceanus raris ab orbe nostro navibus aditur. Quis porro, praeter periculum horridi et ignoti maris, Asia aut Africa aut Italia relicta, Germaniam peteret, informem terris, asperam coelo, tristem cultu aspectuque, nisi si patria sit? Celebrant carminibus antiquis (quod unum apud illos memoriae et annalium genus est) Tuisconem deum terra editum, et filium Mannum, originem gentis conditoresque. Manno tres filios assignant, e quorum nominibus proximi Oceano Ingaevones, medii Hermiones, ceteri Istaevones vocentur. Quidam autem, ut in licentia vetustatis, plures deo ortos pluresque gentis appellationes, Marsos, Gambrivios, Suevos, Vandalios, affirmant; eaque vera et antiqua nomina. Ceterum Germaniae vocabulum recens et nuper additum; quoniam, qui primi Rhenum transgressi Gallos expulerint, ac nunc Tungri, tunc Germani vocati sint: ita nationis nomen, non gentis evaluisse paulatim, ut omnes primum a victore ob metum, mox a seipsis invento nomine Germani vocarentur.



Ⅲ

Fuisse apud eos et Herculem memorant, primumque omnium virorum fortium ituri in proelia canunt. Sunt illis haec quoque carmina, quorum relatu, quem baritum vocant, accendunt animos, futuraeque pugnae fortunam ipso cantu augurantur: terrent enim trepidantve, prout sonuit acies. Nec tam voces illae, quam virtutis concentus videntur. Affectatur praecipue asperitas soni et fractum murmur, objectis ad os scutis, quo plenior et gravior vox repercussu intumescat. Ceterum et Ulixem quidam opinantur longo illo et fabuloso errore in hunc Occanum delatum, adisse Germaniae terras, Asciburgiumque, quod in ripa Rheni situm hodieque incolitur, ab illo constitutum nominatumque. Aram quin etiam Ulixi consecratam, adjecto Laertae patris nomine, eodem loco olim repertam, monumentaque et tumulos quosdam Graecis litteris inscriptos in confinio Germaniae Rhaetiaeque adhuc exstare: quae neque confirmare argumentis, neque refellere in animo est: ex ingenio suo quisque demat, vel addat fidem.



Ⅳ

Ipse eorum opinionibus accedo, qui Germaniae populos nullis aliis aliarum nationum connubiis infectos propriam et sinceram et tantum sui similem gentem exstitisse arbitrantur: unde habitus quoque corporum, quanquam in tanto hominum numero, idem omnibus; truces et cacrulei oculi, rutilae comae, magna corpora et tantum ad impetum valida; laboris atque operum non eadem patientia: minimeque sitim aestumque tolerare, frigora atque inediam coelo solove assueverunt.



Ⅴ

Terra, etsi aliquanto specie differt, in universum tamen aut silvis horrida aut paludibus foeda: humidior, qua Gallias; ventosior, qua Noricum ac Pannoniam aspicit: satis ferax; frugiferarum arborum impatiens: pecorum fecunda, sed plerumque improcera; ne armentis quidem suus honor, aut gloria frontis: numero gaudent; eaeque solae et gratissimae opes sunt. Argentum et aurum propitii an irati dii aegaverint, dubito. Nec tamen affirmaverim, nullam Germaniae venam argentum aurumve gignere: quis enim scrutatus est? possessione et usu haud perinde afficiuntur. Est videre apud illos argentea vasa, legatis et principibus eorum muneri data, non in alia vilitate, quam quae humo finguntur quanquam proximi, ob usum commerciorum, aurum et argentum in pretio habent, formasque quasdam nostrae pecuniae agnoscunt atque eligunt: interiores simplicius et antiquius permutatione mercium utuntur. Pecuniam probant veterem et diu notam, serratos bigatosque. Argentum quoque, magis quam aurum sequuntur, nulla affectione animi, sed quia numerus argenteorum facilior usui est promiscua ac vilia mercantibus.



Ⅵ

Ne ferrum quidem superest, sicut ex genere telorum colligitur. Rari gladiis aut majoribus lanceis utuntur: hastas, vel ipsorum vocabulo frameas gerunt, angusto et brevi ferro sed ita acri et ad usum habili, ut eodem telo, prout ratio poscit, vel cominus vel eminus pugnent: et eques quidem scuto frameaque contentus est: pedites et missilia spargunt, plura singuli, atque in immensum vibrant, nudi aut sagulo leves. Nulla cultus jactatio; scuta tantum lectissimis coloribus distinguunt: paucis loricae: vix uni alterive cassis aut galea. Equi non forma, non velocitate conspicui: sed nec variare gyros in morem nostrum docentur. In rectum, aut uno flexu dextros agunt ita conjuncto orbe, ut nemo posterior sit. In universum aestimanti, plus penes peditem roboris: eoque mixti proeliantur, apta et congruente ad equestrem pugnam velocitate peditum, quos ex omni juventute delectos ante aciem locant. Definitur et numerus: centeni ex singulis pagis sunt: idque ipsum inter suos vocantur; et quod primo numerus fuit, jam nomen et honor est. Acies per cuneos componitur. Cedere loco, dummodo rursus instes, consilii quam formidinis arbitrantur. Corpora suorum etiam in dubiis proeliis referunt. Scutum reliquisse, praecipuum flagitium; nec aut sacris adesse, aut concilium inire, ignominioso fas; multique superstites bellorum infamiam laqueo finierunt.



Ⅶ

Reges ex nobilitate, duces ex virtute sumunt. Nec regibus infinita aut libera potestas: et duces exemplo potius, quam imperio, si prompti, si conspicui, si ante aciem agant, admiratione praesunt. Ceterum neque animadvertere neque vincire, ne verberare quidem, nisi sacerdotibus permissum; non quasi in poenam, nec ducis jussu, sed velut deo imperante, quem adesse bellantibus credunt: effigiesque et signa quaedam, detracta lucis, in proelium ferunt. Quodque praecipuum fortitudinis incitamentum est, non casus nec fortuita conglobatio turmam aut cuneum facit, sed familiae et propinquitates, et in proximo pignora, unde feminarum ululatus audiri, unde vagitus infantium: hi cuique sanctissimi testes, hi maximi laudatores. Ad matres, ad conjuges vulnera ferunt; nec illae numerare, aut exigere plagas pavent; cibosque et hortamina pugnantibus gestant.



Ⅷ

Memoriae proditur, quasdam acies, inclinatas jam et labantes, a feminis restitutas, constantia precum et objectu pectorum et monstrata cominus captivitate, quam longe impatientius feminarum suarum nomine timent: adeo ut efficacius obligentur animi civitatum, quibus inter obsides puellae quoque nobiles imperantur. Inesse quin etiam sanctum aliquid et providum putant: nec aut consilia earum aspernantur, aut responsa negligunt. Vidimus sub divo Vespasiano Veledam diu apud plerosque numinis loco habitam. Sed et olim Auriniam et complures alias venerati sunt non adulatione, nec tanquam facerent deas.



Ⅸ

Deorum maxime Mercurium colunt, cui certis diebus humanis quoque hostiis litare fas habent. Herculem ac Martem concessis animalibus placant: pars Suevorum et Isidi sacrificat. Unde causa et origo peregrino sacro parum comperi, nisi quod signum ipsum, in modum liburnae figuratum, docet advectam religionem. Ceterum nec cohibere parietibus deos, neque in ullam humani oris speciem assimulare, ex magnitudine coelestium arbitrantur: lucos ac nemora consecrant, deorumque nominibus appellant secretum illud, quod sola reverentia vident.

Ⅰ

Sull’orlo di un lago bizzarro che io amo, verde ai due capi, sottile e torto per sinuose gole di colli selvaggi e di montagne tragiche, sereno a mezzo il corso nell’arco di un golfo idilliaco, si affaccia allo specchio maggiore delle acque una densa e signorile corona di ombra. Sovente per le vie solitarie di quell’ombra fui preso dal senso di una bellezza che più si prometta di quanto si sveli. Non la scoprivo intera nel tremolar lucente del lago tra i tronchi, nelle pensose montagne assise a levante del bosco, nelle alte scene lontane, dorate di sole, che mi apparivano tratto tratto a settentrione. Mi sorgeva invece nel cuore e me lo riempiva di sè l’idea di una possibile parola unica nella quale consuonassero tante diverse voci di cose; di una profonda parola di bellezza, tentante e inafferrabile come la parola di accordi musicali che annuncino, preparino una successiva rivelazione di suoni e invece si spengano senza seguito nel silenzio. Così penetrato dall’anima occulta delle cose che mi figuravo desiderosa e incapace di esprimersi a me com’ero io di comprender lei, movevo alla più recondita sede di quel regno di ombra dove i maggiori alberi, fronteggiandosi in giro, congiungendosi a grande altezza in un’ascensione unica, fanno di sè ghirlanda e tempio a un cupo fantasma.

Una giovine donna, bellissima, dai capelli scomposti, dalle vesti cadenti, siede là sopra un alto seggio, piegato il busto gentile in avanti, puntati i gomiti alle ginocchia, strette le guance fra i pugni chiusi, fissi gli occhi tordidi nel vuoto. Il viso rivela una intelligenza forte che affonda nella follia. Nessuna cura stringe più costei nè del mondo nè di sè. Nessun vivente presuma, per esserle stato caro, poterle recar conforto. Ella non torcerebbe un momento gli occhi suoi avidi dalla visione di angoscia che la impietra; e tuttavia ci balena che possa repente balzar dal seggio con uno strido, avventarsi là dove guarda, tanto potente vita spirò nel marmo il grande artista che le pose nome «Desolazione». Si soffre davanti all’alta Dolorosa, e si gode intensamente di soffrire. Ci partiamo pensosi e la visione di lei ne persegue al sole, per le ombre che il vento scompiglia, lungo le rive sonore del lago scintillante. Non ci guasta l’incanto dei colori e dei suoni ma vi spira una malinconia segreta che lo rende più soave, infonde alle voci delle cose un accento nuovo e profondo. Pare che l’enigma di bellezza oscura onde avemmo dianzi turbato il cuore vi ritorni, lo prema più forte, quasi vi si disveli. I susurri del fogliame paiono prima dire dire incalzando e poi dolersi, nel venir meno, di non essere intesi.



Ⅱ

Ma non è nel vento, è sulle labbra silenziose della bella creatura di marmo che ci si disegna la prima parola del mistero. Perchè costei che se fosse viva ci agghiaccerebbe il sangue con la sua vista, ci distruggerebbe l’incanto del giardino, perchè si mesce, fatta visione e opera d’arte, con la bellezza delle cose in un’armonia che ci muove al desiderio e al sospiro, a un turbamento non simile alla pietà, simile piuttosto alle inquietudini dell’amore nascente? S’ella fosse raffigurata nell’atto del pregare o del piangere, di una emozione insomma tenera e calda, si direbbe che l’attitudine sua genera il sentimento nostro; ma non è così. Il dolore e l’amore di lei, compenetrandosi a vicenda, si sono indurati in un’angoscia torva, senza tenerezza, senza fiamma. È forse la leggiadria del volto e del corpo che può tanto sopra di noi? No, la sua bellezza è troppo cupa, troppo sinistro il disordine dei suoi capelli e delle sue vesti. La potenza sua fascinatrice è nella grandiosità del suo dolore impersonale, senza nome. Ella non è una madre, non è un’amante, è il dolore stesso, è l’idea pura, fatta marmo, dell’universale dolore, del dolore che oscura presto o tardi ogni vita umana. Ma se l’idea pura del dolore, sensibilmente rappresentata dall’Arte, ne accende l’anima di pensieri alti e soavi, conviene che in lei si asconda qualche occulta bellezza; e poichè solo ha potenza di commuovere l’opera d’arte che fu creata nella commozione, convien pensare che il creatore di quel marmo abbia concepito con entusiasmo, prima di noi, una occulta bellezza del soffrire. Pure, se io potessi evocare dai morti Vincenzo Vela, l’artefice sovrano, e interrogarlo, egli mi risponderebbe di non avere pensato mai a una bellezza del soffrire.



Ⅲ

Signori, le sorgenti della ispirazione artistica sfuggono alla coscienza stessa dell’artista. Esse si celano in una regione misteriosa dello spirito umano, nelle tenebre inferiori alla coscienza dove giacciono tesori di ricordanze oscurate e lampeggiano meravigliose facoltà del conoscere cui non sono ministri nè i sensi nè il ragionamento. Laggiù sono le inaccessibili fonti della ispirazione artistica insieme alle fonti degli oscuri presentimenti, della malinconia e della ilarità senza causa conosciuta, delle dolcezze mistiche. Di laggiù è balzata in un’ora di emozione creatrice questa mirabile forma cui l’artista, vagheggiandola e meditandola, condusse poi a perfezione squisita; e non è temerità di pensare che nelle ombre del subcosciente un’arcana bellezza del dolore fosse da lui appresa. Non è temerità di pensare che quando erravamo per i viali deserti ascoltando la voce del vento e delle onde colla mente piena della Desolata, una bellezza mistica del dolore fosse appresa da noi stessi, che pur non ne avevamo coscienza. Non esclamate, signori, ch’è temerario innalzare su questa sola pietra la strana dottrina di una bellezza recondita del dolore. No, io ho incominciato col parlarvi di quella pietra perchè il dolore vi si rivela nella sua forma più alta, la sofferenza morale, e perchè altro che dolore la sublime forma non dice; ma evochiamo insieme dalle reliquie dei secoli morti, dalle pagine degli antichi poeti le creature che l’Arte innamorata del dolore partorì nobili di bellezza immortale.



Ⅳ

Esse ascendono in folla al richiamo, turbinano davanti a noi come le anime dolenti nel tenebroso vento che Dante ideò, e Voi tutte le riconoscete al viso, alle vesti, alle attitudini, perchè i loro nomi di gloria vi sono familiari. Io non so come si ardisca insegnare alle turbe in prosa e in rima che la visione artistica del dolore ha origini cristiane, che procede dalla glorificazione di un infame strumento di tortura e di morte, che l’arte antica fu solo una fioritura di bellezza serena e di gioia. Voi tutti sapete che non è vero. Altro che armoniose membra di Veneri caste e di efebi divini, altro che placide maestà di volti olimpici ha dato l’arte antica. Vedete Laocoonte che passa contorcendosi fra le spire dei draghi, levando al cielo ‘clamores horrendos’; vedete il bel guerriero ferito del Campidoglio che reclina tristemente il capo nelle ombre della morte, e se l’una opera e l’altra Vi paiono pensate e condotte dagli artefici a prova della loro scienza e della valente mano, se il dolore fisico Vi sembra predominar troppo in esse sul dolore morale, vedete Niobe che impietrata piange ancora secondo il tragico mito, piange spaventosamente per gli occhi di sasso, Niobe, il sempiterno dolore inflitto alla creatura umana dall’Invisibile, che innamorò di sè l’arte greca e la sua imitatrice latina. Ecco le creazioni dei grandi tragici. Prometeo, che soffre in fiero silenzio mentre i carnefici ne configgon le catene alla rupe e, appena è solo, caccia un urlo, chiama, come il profeta, le genti «Hidesthe me». «Attendite & videte». Ecco la frigia Cassandra, schiava nella reggia degli Atridi, ululante nel suo barbaro linguaggio quale una belva prigioniera. Ecco il dolore disceso fin nelle tombe a invader le ossa dei morti, il fantasma del vecchio re Dareios che piange con Atossa, la compagna sua tuttora vivente, sulle sventure del figlio Serse, e la dolce Elettra singhiozzante sopra una ciocca di capelli sconosciuti, Antigone e Ismene che a vicenda si eccitano al pianto. Ecco Edipo e l’ombra sinistra del Destino. E che è mai finalmente la tragedia greca se non la forma di bellezza onde si vestì un grandioso concetto del dolore e del suo ufficio nel mondo? Il dolore vi è rappresentato come un frutto inevitabile del disordine, come un castigo che persegue il sangue colpevole di generazione in generazione e punisce nell’infante in cuna il delitto degli avi. Lo spettacolo del soffrire fatale, immeritato dagli afflitti avvinse a sè la mente dei tragici di Atene e, per opera loro, il cuore del popolo. Certo quei grandi poeti non videro in esso che crudeli vendette divine e il volere del destino implacabile, non ebbero coscienza di un’azione provvidenziale e salutare del dolore; ma vi divinarono tuttavia la forma di un ordine onde non valevano a penetrare l’essenza. La stessa Iliade prende bellezza e grandezza sovrana dal suo elemento tragico, dal Fato che v’incombe agli uomini e agli Dei e il poeta di Achille non lo ha forse mai tanto amato come quando a lui, salito alle vendette sul suo carro di battaglia, fa profetare dal cavallo Xanto una sinistra profezia di sventura.

Ed ecco tra i fantasmi omerici anche Ulisse pensoso in riva al mare colla cara lontana Itaca nel cuor pesante, e presso a lui Calipso, la triste impotenza dell’amore e della bellezza immortale contro un destino che mostra la felicità e la rifiuta. Ecco passar gemendo con i capelli al vento le creature ahimè troppo verbose della poesia elegiaca, nate dal fascino che il dolore ha esercitato, come soggetto d’arte, sull’anima pagana. Ecco la Musa malinconica e appassionata di Virgilio, una voluttuosa della tristezza, che sentì le lagrime delle cose, e si compiacque di ascoltar i lamenti dei boschi e dei laghi:





che si arrestò sospirando a contemplar gl’insolubili enigmi dell’Universo, il mistero delle cause prime.

Étienne François Dralet « L’art du taupier »

La zoologie range la Taupe dans la classe des mammifères, dans l’ordre des carnassiers, dans la famille des insectivores, dans la tribu des Talpidés, où elle constitue le genre Talpa, placé entre ceux Desman (Myogale) et Condylure (Condylura).

Jusqu’à présent, on connaît trois espèces dans le genre Taupe: la Taupe Woogura, la Taupe aveugle et la Taupe d’Europe, ou commune.

La Taupe Woogura (Talpa Woogura), récemment découverte au Japon, ne diffère de celle commune que par son pelage de couleur fauve sale et en ce qu’elle ne possède que trois paires d’incisives à chaque mâchoire, tandis que les deux autres espèces en ont quatre à la mâchoire inférieure; ses mœurs sont identiques.

« La Taupe aveugle (Talpa cæca) est ainsi nommée, parce que son œil est recouvert par une membrane mince, translucide, percée en avant de la pupille d’un trou très-fin, non dilatable, par lequel on peut voir le globe de l’organe. Quant aux autres points de l’organisation, la Taupe aveugle se distingue peu de la Taupe vulgaire; elle aurait cependant la trompe plus longue, les incisives supérieures plus larges, les lèvres, les pieds et la queue blancs au lieu d’être gris. Son pelage épais et velouté est gris-noir foncé, la pointe des poils étant d’un noir brun; sa taille est la même que celle de la Taupe commune. » (A. E. Brehm, l’Homme et les animaux, t. Ier, p. 756–757.) [Illustration: Fig. 1.—La Taupe commune.]

La Taupe commune ou d’Europe (Talpa Europæa) est un petit mammifère fouisseur, à corps long et cylindrique, à pattes très-courtes, à tête prolongée en avant en forme de groin ou de boutoir, avec des yeux si petits et si bien cachés sous les poils qu’on a longtemps nié leur existence, dépourvue de conque de l’oreille externe, munie enfin d’un simple rudiment de queue. Son corps est recouvert d’un poil fin, serré, court, mou, imitant le velours, de couleur noire avec des reflets grisâtres et rougeâtres; la longueur totale, du bout du nez à l’extrémité de la queue, est de om, 15 à om, 16 chez les adultes.

« La Taupe commune se trouve dans toute l’Europe, à quelques exceptions près, et arrive jusque dans l’Asie centrale et septentrionale. Beaucoup de naturalistes ne voient dans la Taupe américaine qu’une variété de notre espèce. En Europe, le midi de la France, la Lombardie et le nord de l’Italie dessinent sa limite méridionale. De là, elle remonte vers le nord jusqu’à Dovrefjeld; en Grande-Bretagne, jusque vers l’Écosse centrale; en Russie, jusqu’au milieu du bassin de la Dwina. Elle manque complétement dans les Orcades, les Shetlands, la plus grande partie des Hébrides et en Islande. En Asie, elle va du Caucase jusqu’à la Léna. Dans les Alpes, elle monte jusqu’à une altitude de 2,000 mètres. Partout elle est commune et se multiplie d’une manière surprenante, là où elle n’a pas d’ennemis. » (Brehm, ut supra, p. 747.)

Il ne sera pas sans intérêt pour les agriculteurs d’étudier successivement les principaux points de l’organisation et l’ensemble des mœurs de cet animal.

La Taupe est un animal fouisseur: elle ne peut vivre et se reproduire qu’en creusant dans le sol des galeries souterraines, des gîtes et des nids, plus ou moins longs et spacieux. Aussi la nature l’a-t-elle spécialement construite pour ces fonctions; elle l’a dotée d’une clavicule large et courte, supportée par une lame verticale provenant du sternum; l’humérus, très-court, est fortement renflé à ses deux bouts et renvoyé latéralement; le radius est également court et robuste, le cubitus a la forme d’une lame prolongée en avant par un fort onglet transversal qui n’est que la transformation de l’olécrane. Enfin, la courbure, la situation latérale de l’humérus, la disposition des muscles en général et des muscles peaussiers en particulier, élèvent le coude plus haut que l’épaule et amènent la paume de la main en dehors.

La main, et c’est bien véritablement une main, présente une longueur égale à sa largeur. Les phalanges métacarpiennes et digitales sont formées d’osselets courts à têtes articulaires, et se terminent par une phalange onguéale droite, acuminée, convexe en dessus, taillée en bec de flûte en dessous, longue et forte; enfin un fort osselet en forme de fer de serpe, né de l’extrémité du radius, vient s’insérer près de l’ongle du pouce. Cette main merveilleuse sert à fouir, et pour cela, elle est conformée à la fois comme une pioche et comme une pelle, elle est munie d’ongles longs et puissants, elle fonctionne d’avant et de côté en arrière; mais elle sert aussi à la marche et même à une marche rapide, en se plaçant perpendiculairement au sol sur lequel elle s’appuie avec l’extrémité des ongles.

Le membre postérieur se rapproche bien plus, par sa conformation, des membres analogues des autres mammifères. Le bassin est allongé, ouvert par devant et soudé par l’ilium avec les vertèbres sacrées; le fémur est allongé et offre deux fortes têtes articulaires; le tibia est long et fort, et son péroné, développé en haut, se confond avec lui en bas. Le pied est étroit, allongé, placé d’aplomb sous le ventre; il est terminé par des ongles droits, longs et très-aigus; on y trouve, comme à la main, mais plus grêle et à l’état rudimentaire, un petit osselet surnuméraire. Le pied peut venir en aide à la main, dans l’action de fouiller, et servir à pousser la terre de côté; il sert aussi à la marche et se pose sur toute la plante, le membre postérieur donnant l’impulsion principale au corps tout entier.

La main forme pour la Taupe une pioche à la fois et une pelle; mais elle est encore aidée dans ces fonctions par la tête, dont la mâchoire supérieure se termine en museau allongé, en boutoir ou en groin, assez comparable à celui du porc et du sanglier. Ce museau est recouvert par la peau, dont le panicule charnu est très-développé aussi bien que les muscles vertébraux; grâce à cette disposition, la Taupe, douée d’une force énorme pour renverser sa tête en arrière, se sert de ce museau pour soulever le sol après l’avoir désagrégé et l’amonceler à la surface de la galerie ou du nid; c’est à la fois une pince, une tarière et une pelle, organe à la fois de préhension, de fouissage et d’extraction.

Puisque nous nous occupons de la tête, traitons des sens qui y ont leur siége. Au premier rang, il faut placer celui de l’odorat, qui s’est développé aux dépens de celui de la vue. Le mufle s’est allongé et converti en boutoir, presque en trompe; les cavités nasales s’élargissent en arrière, reposant sur un ethmoïde étendu et contenant des cornets volumineux et repliés en nombreuses et fines volutes; les tubercules olfactifs du cerveau présentent un développement inaccoutumé. Dans sa vie souterraine, en effet, la Taupe avait besoin d’un odorat subtil pour se diriger vers sa proie, la guetter, la deviner et l’atteindre.

Le vers de Virgile:

pourrait presque caractériser la Taupe, et longtemps on a considéré cet animal comme privé de l’organe et du sens de la vue; on sait aujourd’hui qu’elle est douée d’un œil très-petit, il est vrai, que cachent les poils, mais qui est un œil véritable et ne différant guère de celui des autres mammifères que par un développement plus restreint. Cet œil présente une pupille elliptique et verticale; la cornée est plus saillante que chez les oiseaux, le cristallin plus convexe que chez les mammifères, ce qui tendrait à constituer un œil myope, bien en accord avec le milieu dans lequel vit l’animal. Nous avons vu que, chez la Taupe dite aveugle, la vision ne s’opère qu’à travers un trou très-fin, ouverture non dilatable, percée dans une membrane très-mince qui recouvre tout le globe oculaire.

Le sens de l’audition vient, pour la Taupe, comme importance, après celui de l’olfaction; il est indispensable à sa sécurité. Il ne paraît point qu’il y ait d’oreille externe; mais s’il n’y a aucun rudiment de conque, on peut remarquer, sous le poil, une ouverture pratiquée à la peau; c’est un méat auditif, l’orifice d’un canal qui, après quelques sinuosités sous la peau, aboutit dans l’oreille osseuse; ce canal à parois musculeuses et cartilagineuses n’est qu’une conque placée intérieurement. C’est encore une adaptation des organes aux milieux.

Quant au sens du goût, le palais présente une vaste surface, et la langue le pouvant recouvrir en entier, palais et langue étant tapissés d’une muqueuse qui ne paraît rien présenter d’anormal, il y a tout lieu de supposer que la gustation s’exerce chez la Taupe comme chez la plupart des mammifères et au même degré.

Muntàrem en la nau. Encara no hi érem, quan al nostre entorn, escampadissa, una boira s’espargí. Era humida i flonja, lleugera com la cendra, flairosa i blanca com un torterol d’aubaïna matinal. Tan espessa era que obturava l’esguard encaradís, i a penes podia veure hom la distància que hi ha de proa a popa. Per espai d’una hora durà aquesta blancura vaporosa. Traspassada la calitja, un esclat de llum ens inundà. I ens semblà veure, lluny, dins la claror viva, tremoladissa de besllums, una terra dilatada i verdejant. Vorejàvem la costa delitosa: ombra de penyals blaus, clara i fresca i regalant, com l’aigua clara; ombra perfumada de brancatges perfumats; el singlot de l’aigua musical en la por inviolada de les coves; volior d’unes grans aus, blanques i lentes, qui amb llur dolçura gutural amoixaven l’aire i coronaven la nau amb una viva garlanda d’ales. En el recés d’una cala, amorosa i rodona com un pit, pura i sonant com una cítara, en l’arena d’or blanca de lliris, posàrem el peu. I ens enfonsàrem en el misteri de la solitud. No hi havia herba sense rou, ni planta sense flor ni branca sense fruita. Per espai de quinze dies vagàrem per aquella deserta amenitat, i ens deixàrem perdre, sota les altes arcades vegetals, entre les soques, damunt l’herba viva intacta, que cruixia sota els nostres peus amb un petit gemec humà. Entre l’escampada verdor de l’herbei, les pedres suaus i llises, que eren gemmes, guaitaven amb pupil·la vària: enormes safirs que ens miraven amb la gran ullada blava; topacis, amb la ullada de foc amorós qui amoixa i no crema. Al terme d’aquells quinze dies ens trobàrem a la vora d’un gran riu. Decorria, ample i solemnial, amb profundes aigues mudes. Per anar més enllà, a l’altra riba, no hi havia enlloc gual ni passatge. Esperàrem el consell de Déu. Un bell home jove i resplendent se’ns mostrà, el qual ens saludà graciosament pel propi nom i després va dir: —¡Siau els benvinguts, servents de Déu, monjos germans! Gran mercè us ha feta el Senyor de mostrar-vos aquesta terra. És aquella terra que cercàveu, que donarà als seus sants. A saber haveu que el riu la migparteix. La meitat n’és aquesta banda on sou. Déu vos en guard però, de passar més envant. Preneu-ho en paciència i tornau-vos-en arrera, allà d’on sou vinguts.- ço digué el donzell; i aleshores un dels monjos qui amb nosaltres eren vinguts gosà demanar-li d’on ell era i quin nom havia. Ell li diu: —Per què em demanes d’on som ni quin nom he? Demana’m més tost noves d’aquesta illa i serà millor. I si ho vols saber, en la manera que ara la veus, és des del començament del món.- I llavors me diu a mi: —¿Tens fretura de menjar ni de beure ni de vestir? Sàpies que ço que et diré és veritat. No tens fam ni set ni t’és mester vestir ni dormir, jatsia que fassi un any que arribares en aquesta illa amb tos germans; i no has menjat ni begut ni la son agreujà tos ulls, ni has vist la nit arribada. A saber has que en aquest lloc no hi ha mai nit, ans sempre és dia; ni mai no hi plou ni mai el cel és entelat de núvol; la fam i la set, la son i la malaltia en són exilades. Aquí hi fa tot temps un bell i fresc estar. Aquí hom no hi envelleix ni hi mor. Una gran llum purpúrea vesteix tota la illa. Aquesta llum no és la rossa del sol ni la blanca i freda de la lluna, ni la celístia vaga dels estels; ans és la llum de Déu Nostre Senyor, del qual naixen tots els béns i totes les gràcies i totes les llums. Ell us ha feta gran mercè, car no tothom és digne de veure i sentir ço que vosaltres heu sentit i heu vist.

‘Vasco da Gama’ by David Corazzi

Entre as causas que espertaram o animo e brio dos portuguezes para se abalançarem á empreza dos descobrimentos, podem apontar-se como principaes: o desejo de dilatar a fé christã em todo o mundo conhecido; a sêde de gloria e de renome; a ambição de grangear fortuna conduzindo para o reino as especiarias, o ouro e pedras preciosas em que abundam as regiões orientaes; e a curiosidade de desvendar os segredos da natureza n’aquellas remotissimas paragens.

E não se julgue que as navegações do seculo ⅩⅤ foram iniciadas sem plano, sem destino. Pelo contrario. Os nossos intrepidos mareantes levavam a sua rota já marcada, e não levantavam ferro sem se aperceberem de todos os conhecimentos e apparelhos necessarios ao cosmographo. A cultura intellectual do povo portuguez attingira o grau de desenvolvimento bastante grande para acompanhar o movimento scientifico e litterario das mais adiantadas nações da Europa, e com as suas viagens n’aquella época teve principio a historia verdadeira das navegações ao longo da Africa. Até ali tudo é vago, indeciso, fabuloso.

Portugal estava mais proximo, que nenhum outro povo, do litoral africano; tinha já tomado Ceuta; dobrara o cabo Bojador; e sabia, em virtude da passagem do cabo da Boa Esperança, que existia communicação entre o Atlantico e o mar das Indias. Por tudo isto nutria no peito a generosa aspiração de levar o nome da patria e do filho de Maria aos paizes em que nasce a aurora. Tal era o desejo, a vontade nacional. Ora, sempre que um povo nutre uma idéa grandiosa, surge de entre a multidão um ‘grande homem’, o qual é—porque assim digamos—a personalisação do sentimento popular. Esse grande homem, esse representante da vontade unica de todos os portuguezes foi Vasco da Gama.

Affirmam os chronistas que elle nasceu em Sines, e que teve por paes a Estevão da Gama e Isabel Sodré; e ainda que pouco escrevam, d’onde possamos inferir como correra a sua infancia e puericia, é comtudo facil presumir que principiou a sua carreira nos mares da Africa, e que sendo encarregado de negocios importantes, d’elles se desempenhou a contento do seu rei. A biographia de Vasco da Gama só é clara quando el-rei D. Manuel o escolheu para levar a cabo a empreza que sonhara. O facto de haver sido eleito pelo monarcha ‘afortunado’ bem mostra que o Gama era navegante experimentado, e de animo feito e capaz de grandes cousas. E assim acontecia. Entre as qualidades que lhe adornavam o espirito, avultavam a energia com que exercia o mando, a constancia nos designios, e a inflexibilidade na administração da justiça.

Assomado de genio, commetteu atrocidades, é certo; mas, se ao lermos a descripção de suas inclemencias e durezas, nos lembrarmos das circumstancias em que foram praticadas, veremos que muitas, se não todas, dictou-as a necessidade de manter a disciplina, ou de domar a aspereza dos inimigos.

Tendo Vasco da Gama acceitado a espinhosa commissão, aperceberam-se os tres navios construidos expressamente para ella: ‘S. Gabriel’, ‘S. Rafael’ e ‘S. Miguel’. No primeiro arvorou Vasco da Gama o pendão de commandante; ao segundo deu por capitão seu irmão Paulo da Gama; e o terceiro, conhecido pela alcunha de ‘Berrio’, ficou sob as ordens de Nicolau Coelho.

Nada faltava á expedição. Abundancia de mantimentos, boa artilheria, velame de sobreselente, medico, botica, presentes para os reis em cujos dominios aportasse, tudo se preparou. A armada partio do Tejo a 8 de julho de 1497 por entre as saudações e as lagrimas da numerosa multidão, que affluira á praia do Restello.

Depois de avistar as Canarias, e de fazer aguada na ilha de Santa Maria, archipelago de Cabo Verde, seguio Vasco da Gama para o cabo da Boa Esperança… Começaram os trabalhos e os perigos. Desencadeavam-se furiosas as tempestades ameaçando submergir a armada inteira, e a esta lucta incessante com os elementos juntava-se a insubordinação dos tripulantes, que não queriam continuar a viagem. Serenadas as tormentas e suffocada a insurreição, chegou a frota no dia 8 de novembro á bahia que tem por nome ‘Angra de Santa Helena’.

Saídos em terra os portuguezes para fazer observações, descobriram dois negros atrás de uma collina. Deram-lhes de comer, e prometteram manjares e contas de cristal a todos os companheiros, que descessem á praia. Os negros accederam ao convite, mostraram-se amigos dos nossos; mas pouco depois revelaram-se traiçoeiros e malfeitores. Em vista da hospedagem que os indigenas lhe offereciam, decidio Vasco da Gama fazer-se novamente de véla, e a 20 de novembro conseguio dobrar o cabo da Boa Esperança. Removeram-se os terrores, com que o afamado promontorio salteava a imaginação dos tripulantes, e começou a empreza a affigurar-se mais auspiciosa.

A sessenta leguas de distancia a armada surgio e fundeou em uma bahia chamada ‘Aguada’ ou ‘Angra de S. Braz’. E como os portuguezes temessem um recebimento igual ao que tiveram na ‘Angra de Santa Helena’, desembarcaram promptos e armados para a lucta. Tiveram com effeito de repellir a violenta aggressão de um enorme bando de negros hottentotes. Estes indigenas são de estatura meã, espadaúdos, e as mulheres têem uma bossa no prolongamento dos rins, que produz um effeito desusado, e que lhes serve para trazer os filhos. Cumpre todavia dizer que esta bossa é ainda mais accentuada nas mulheres ‘bochimans’.

Quando deixaram a ‘Aguada de S. Braz’ padeceram os portugueses uma furiosa tempestade, que os fez quasi desesperar de salvamento; mas, conjurado o perigo, avistaram a 26 de dezembro os ilhéus Chãos, a 27 o ilhéu da Cruz, e chegaram no dia 28 á altura do rio do Infante, ultimo ponto a que chegara Bartholomeu Dias.

Forçado Vasco da Gama a entrar em algum porto onde se abastecesse de agua, aproximou-se da costa, e no dia 10 de janeiro de 1498 descobrio um pequeno rio. Como visse em terra muitos negros de elevada estatura e grande corpulencia, mandou desembarcar o lingua Martim Affonso com alguns brindes para o senhor d’aquelles negros, a fim de colher informações a respeito da India. Estavam os nossos no paiz da Cafraria, cujo chefe, deslumbrado pela formosura dos presentes e pelo incarnado da carapuça com que Vasco da Gama o brindara, recebeu amavelmente a Martim Affonso e ao companheiro, deu-lhes papas de milho e uma gallinha, e enviou ao commandante alguns refrescos.

A tribo da Cafraria que Vasco da Gama visitou, foi a dos zulus. São homens bravos, energicos, intelligentes, de pelle não preta, mas bronzeada. Pertencem á raça designada pelo nome de ‘negroide’. O nauta portuguez chamou á paragem, em que viviam estes cafres, ‘Aguada’ ou ‘Terra da Boa Paz’, e ao rio em que se proveu de agua, ‘Rio do Cobre’.

Proseguindo na derrota, descobrio a 26 de janeiro um outro rio de larga embocadura, no qual vogavam alguns bateis tripulados por homens que pareciam mestiços de ethiopes e arabes. Eram em extremo communicativos, subiam ás naus, recebiam presentes, davam em troca os productos da sua terra, e um d’elles dizia ser de muito longe, e affirmava ter já visto navios do tamanho dos nossos. Contente com taes auspicios, Vasco da Gama baptisou o rio com o nome dos ‘Bons Signaes’, e erigio n’elle um padrão que vinha a bordo do ‘S. Rafael’, e que d’este nome tambem foi appellidado. A alegria porém foi pouco duradoura, porque tendo o commandante resolvido permanecer algum tempo n’aquelle rio, eis que a tripulação adoece ao cabo de poucos dias atacada de escorbuto. O rio era o Zambeze, cujas margens insalubres iam servindo de sepultura áquelle punhado de heroes.

Hermann Heiberg „Todsünden“

Unter den großen Verdiensten, die der Träger dieses vielgefeierten Namens sich erworben, steht nicht in letzter Linie das: in jenen drangvollen Zeiten, als eine kraftvolle Gegenwartskunst mit einer schwächlichen Nachklangskunst zusammenprallte, der neuen Dichtung in den weiteren Kreisen des bis dahin gleichgültig gebliebenen Publikums Bahn gebrochen zu haben.

Es geschah dies durch seine Bücher „Plaudereien mit der Herzogin von Seeland“ und „Apotheker Heinrich.“

Aber wie, Heiberg ein Bahnbrecher? Er war allerdings sehr viel weniger ein solcher, als die, welche das Wort Realismus auf ihre Fahne geschrieben hatten. Er—so wenig wie Theodor Fontane—brach auch keineswegs so ganz mit der Vergangenheit, wie jene es zu thun meinten; er—so wenig wie Theodor Fontane—stellte keine großartigen, langatmigen und langweiligen Programme auf; er—so wenig wie Theodor Fontane—spielte sich als Begründer einer ganz neuen, noch nie dagewesenen Poesie auf. Dafür vollbrachten Theodor Fontane und Hermann Heiberg realistische Thaten; sie waren unter den ersten in Deutschland, welche die Wirklichkeitskunst begründeten. In den siebziger Jahren erschien ganz im Stillen Fontanes „L’Adultera“; Heiberg schrieb 81 seine graziösen, entzückenden Plaudereien und zwar nur, „um seine mißmutigen Gedanken zu töten,“ keineswegs aber, am allerwenigsten, um Belegstücke zu liefern, welche die einzige Berechtigung des neuen Dogmas darthun sollten.

Er schrieb sie freilich gerade in der Zeit, als jener heiße Kampf entbrannte; doch hat das vielleicht nicht so sehr den maß- und geschmackvollen Realismus, der seine Dichtungen kennzeichnet, hervorgerufen, als sein durch seine Vergangenheit geschärfter Wirklichkeitssinn. Er »war« Realist, er wurd’ es nicht erst. Denn er hatte gelebt, und er hatte erlebt, eh’ er die Feder ergriff; er war ein reifer Mann, als er sein erstes Buch schrieb; er erfüllte buchstäblich die Forderung der Concourts, (wenn ich nicht irre, waren es die beiden Brüder, welche sie aufstellten,) daß man erst vierzig Jahre zählen müsse, bevor man sich Realist nennen dürfe. Aber Realist! Meines Wissens hat sich Heiberg nie so genannt, und da seine Bücher nicht „die einzige Berechtigung des Realismus“ beweisen wollten, da er sich nicht auf ein einseitiges Dogmenverkünden und Dogmenbeweisen kapriziert hatte, sondern in Wahrheit nichts anderes als wirken, nämlich die Sinne und die Seele des Lesers nach seinem Willen regieren, sie mit den Bildern und Vorstellungen, welche seine Ideen forderten, füllen wollte—etwas, was bis jetzt alle Dichter seit Homer, ohne Ausnahme, erstrebten —, so nahte seinen Büchern das Publikum sich unbefangen und ohne jegliche Voreingenommenheit. Dem Publikum ist es nämlich in der That ja ganz gleichgültig, wer vor ihm steht, ob es ein Idealist, Romantiker, Realist oder was immer sei—als ob überhaupt die Wirklichkeit diese Gegensätze so scharf begrenzt anseinanderhielte!—es will nur eins: es will bezwungen sein; der Leser wünscht zu fühlen, daß der Künstler Gewalt über ihn habe, er will sein Gefangener sein… Heiberg bezwang das Publikum; er fesselte es mit Rosenguirlanden in seinen entzückenden Plaudereien; aber aus seinen folgenden Büchern—ich denke hier besonders an den „Apotheker Heinrich“—langte es mitunter zugleich wie ein Paar grauer Schattenarme, die sich Einem unvermerkt um den Hals schlangen, fester und fester… und die uns mit unheimlicher Gewalt tiefer und tiefer in das Buch und seine Geschichten hineinzusehen zwangen, bis langsam sich die Spannung löste und ein hinreißender Humor uns den Alp von der tiefaufatmenden Brust wälzte… Was sag’ ich? in das Buch? In das Leben, in das Leben, wie es ist! In allen seinen folgenden Arbeiten, wenn auch in einzelnen bisweilen die Kraft des Dichters nachzulassen schien, steckte ein Element der Ursprünglichkeit, ein naives, leidenschaftliches Ergreifen der Dinge, wie es Einem lange nicht vorgekommen. Und dabei doch wieder: man fühlte sich so wohl bei Heiberg; er hat etwas Aristokratisches, Vornehmes, Weltmännisches; bei ihm vereinigte sich Weltton mit Frische, heitere Laune mit einer schneidenden Satire. Auch seine berückendsten Schilderungen waren durch einen goldechten Humor verklärt. Dieser Humor gerade ist das Auszeichnende der schriftstellerischen Persönlichkeit Heibergs: nicht viele Dichter der gegenwärtigen Zeit können sich zu diesem Erlösungsmittel durchringen, sie werden immer zwischen den schmerzvollsten Gegensätzen hin und her geschleudert, und erleichtert seufzen sie auf, wenn ihnen ein Begünstigter begegnet, und horchen auf ihn, um zu lernen, wie man das schwere Leben leicht nimmt.

Und dringender wurde nun allgemach das Fragen: Wer ist dieser Mann? Wo kommt er her? Nicht müßige Neugierde blos war es, die so forschte. Denn, um es mit einem groben und beschränkten Wort zu sagen: Was Einer ißt, das ist er. Meine Leser verstehen sicher, was ich meine.



Man erfuhr nach und nach folgendes

Hermann Heiberg ist am 17. November 1840 in Schleswig, der jetzigen Provinzialhauptstadt, als Sohn eines Rechtsanwalts geboren. Die Heibergs, eine angesehene Patrizierfamilie, spielten in der kleinen Stadt seit langem eine große Rolle. Heibergs Mutter, die noch lebt, entstammt dem gräflichen Hause Baudissin-Knoop. Er verlebte eine sehr glückliche Jugend, man ließ ihm als Knaben Luft und Licht … und er war ein frischer, fröhlicher Junge, kein Stuben- und Ofenhocker. Seine Jugend wirft denn auch einen lichten, lachenden Schein in all seine Bücher,… er ist einer der größten und naturwahrsten Kinderdarsteller der Gegenwart, ebenso wie er die Kleinstadt, in der eben seine Jugend dahinfloß, meisterhaft zu vergegenwärtigen weiß. Nachdem Heiberg das Gymnasium seiner Vaterstadt durchlaufen hatte, wollte er das Studium der Rechte ergreifen; doch verhinderten die damaligen Wirrnisse in Schleswig-Holstein und andere Umstände die Ausführung dieses Entschlusses. Heiberg ward Kaufmann und zwar Buchhändler. Seine Lehrjahre, die er später im „Januskopf“, diesem vortrefflichen Buchhändlerroman, geschildert hat, absolvierte er in Kiel. Dann übernahm er in Schleswig die selbständige Leitung einer von seinem Vater begründeten, aber bisher von fremder Hand verwalteten Buchhandlung, die er wenige Jahre später, nachdem er inzwischen ein Jahr in Köln gewesen, als Eigentum an sich brachte. Nach dem Krieg von 1866 verkaufte er sein aufblühendes und mit einer eigenen Druckerei versehenes Geschäft, um nach Berlin zu übersiedeln. Hier ward er vorerst geschäftlicher Leiter der Nordd. Allg. Ztg., dann der Spenerschen Zeitung, doch bald wurde der energische und tüchtige Mann in die Direktion der Preußischen Bankanstalt berufen. In seiner neuen Stellung sammelte er die vielseitigsten Erfahrungen, zumal sie ihn zu häufigen und ausgedehnten Reisen durch Deutschland, die Schweiz, Holland, Belgien, Dänemark, Frankreich und England veranlaßte. Wo ist ein Schriftsteller mit einer so eigentümlichen und bewegten Vergangenheit, ein Schriftsteller, der als thätiger Mann im Leben stand, nicht es als müßiger Zuschauer beobachtete?… Die Bank liquidierte; er stellte sich auf eigne Füße und beschäftigte sich vorwiegend mit der Einleitung zur Finanzierung von Eisenbahn- und Tramway-Unternehmungen; erhielt auch einige male allein oder im Verein mit anderen bedeutsame Vertretungen—so war er z.B. einmal vorübergehend Bevollmächtigter der chinesischen Regierung für eine Finanzierung in London —, zog sich aber endlich doch, mehrfach um die Früchte seines Fleißes und seiner Geschicklichkeit gebracht und grenzenlos angewidert von allem, was „Geschäft“ heißt, zurück. Im Jahre 1881 schrieb er dann, „um meine mißmutigen Gedanken zu töten,“ wie er sagt, jene reizenden „Plaudereien mit der Herzogin von Seeland.“ Der große Erfolg, den dieses anmutige und originelle Buch fand, ermunterte ihn zum Weiterschaffen, und so lebt er denn noch jetzt als Schriftsteller in Berlin W., an der Seite einer liebenswürdigen Frau, mit der er sich 1865 vermählt hat, umgeben von einem blühenden Kinderkreis, rastlos und erfolgreich thätig.

Hiermit legt der Verein der Bücherfreunde der deutschen Leserwelt sein neuestes Werk vor.

Francis Henry Gribble “Lausanne”

Though Lausanne is so near Geneva, its history, in historical times, has been widely different from that of the neighbouring town. Geneva enjoyed a modified independence from an early date, and became completely independent early in the sixteenth century. Lausanne, until nearly 300 years later, endured the domination, first of Savoy, and subsequently of Berne. ❡ The early history is obscure and full of vexed questions as well as unfamiliar names; but the central fact is that the Counts of Savoy—they were not promoted to be Dukes of Savoy until later—took possession of the Canton of Vaud, as well as of the Chablais and the lower Valais, after the death of the last of the Zaeringen, at the beginning of the thirteenth century. For the next 300 years they exercised overlordship, limited by the charters of the towns, and, in the case of Lausanne, by the jurisdiction of the Bishop—a complicated state of things which the Swiss historical societies may be left to unravel. ❡ It seems clear, however, that the Savoyards were no hard taskmasters. ‘The country of Vaud,’ says its historian, Louis Vulliemin, ‘was happy and proud to belong to them. They exacted little from it, and accorded it their powerful protection. The various States used to assemble at Moudon, the central town, summoned by the Council of Moudon, or by the Governor of Vaud, acting as the representative of the Prince. There was no palace. They met in an inn, or in the house of one of the citizens of the neighbourhood. Often they assembled in such small numbers that, for lack of a quorum, no decision could be taken… No burdensome or unduly progressive measures were adopted. As a rule, the good old customs were confirmed. When a departure from them was resolved upon, it became law by receiving the sanction of the Prince. The business of the herald was to see that it was proclaimed, in the proper places, in a loud and intelligible voice. The Prince had sworn an oath to impose no new legislation that was not in accordance with the will of the nation as expressed by the estates of the realm.’ ❡ The most notable of the Governors was Peter of Savoy—the same Peter of Savoy whom we meet in English history, fighting in the civil wars of the days of Simon de Montfort. His headquarters were in the Castle of Chillon, where he not only dispensed justice, but also amended the criminal law. It was the barbarous rule of the time that an offender who had been fined for a misdemeanour should have his nose cut off if he were unable to pay; Peter compelled even the Bishops to abandon that cruel custom. For the rest, to quote Vulliemin: ‘He received his vassals in the great hall of the Castle, where their coats of arms hung on the wall around that of the House of Savoy. The blowing of a horn announced that the meal was served. The ladies arrived in their emblazoned best. The chaplain read the grace from a volume bound in violet and gold—the precious depositary of Divine law and ecclesiastical ritual. After the feast came the hour of merry recreations. The Court fool and the minstrels took their seats by the side of the Prince, and the nobility thus passed their lives in junketing.’



This is the same writer’s picture of the lives of the burghers:

‘At Lausanne the three estates met in the month of May. In 1398 they submitted to a fresh drafting of the “Plaid général,” which defined the respective rights of bishop, canons, and burghers. Three days were devoted to the hearing of suits. On the fourth day the Plaid, accompanied by elders, went the round of the streets, and ordered the necessary repairs. All the citizens were required to follow, carrying axes or stakes, so as to be able to lend a hand when required. The Bishop regaled the artificers with bread, wine, and eggs. In return, the blacksmiths had to shoe his horses, the saddlers to provide him with spurs and bridles, and the coachbuilders to supply him with a carriage. Three times a year the Seneschal passed in front of the cobblers’ shops, and touched with his rod the pair of boots which he selected for his lordship. In time of war the prelate’s army had to serve the Prince for a day and a night without pay, and as much longer as they might be wanted for wages. The Bishop’s business was to ransom prisoners, protect the citizens from all injustice, and go to war on their behalf if necessary.

‘Each district of the town had its special privileges. The fine for assault and battery was sixty livres in the city where the Bishop resided, sixty sous in the lower town, and only three sous outside the walls. The Bishop could not arrest a citizen without informing the burghers, or hold an inquest on the body of a dead man. The citizens of the Rue de la Bourg sat in judgment on criminals without assessors. Whenever they heard the summons, though they might be at the dinner-table, glass in hand, or in their shops measuring their cloth, they had to run off and give their opinion on the case. In return, they were exempt from certain taxes, had the sole right of placing hucksters’ barrows in front of their shops, of using signboards, and of keeping inns.’

It was the Reformation that terminated this primitive state of affairs. A succession of weak Governors had allowed the hold of the Dukes of Savoy over the country to be relaxed. It was impossible for them to maintain their authority when the people were indoctrinated with the new ideas. The end came when the Duke of Savoy threatened Geneva, and the Bernese marched through Vaud to the rescue, captured Chillon, delivered Bonivard, and kept the Canton for their reward.

From the capture of Chillon onwards, Lausanne, like the rest of Vaud, was a Bernese dependency. Bernese governors (or baillis) were established in all the strong places, and Protestantism became the national religion.

The conversion of the inhabitants was chiefly effected by Viret, a tailor’s son, from Orbe, an excellent man, and a persuasive rather than an eloquent speaker. In 1536, after the fashion of the times, he, Calvin, and Farel challenged the Catholic theologians to a great debate. The monks, recognizing him as a formidable antagonist, had previously tried to get rid of him by surreptitious means. One of them had assaulted him at Payerne, and another had attempted to poison him at Geneva. At Lausanne they were obliged to argue with him, and failed still more conspicuously. The argument lasted for a week, and, at the end of the week, the populace, considering that the Protestant case was proved, proceeded to the cathedral to desecrate the altars and smash the images, while the governors confiscated the Church property and offered it for sale. ‘It was thus,’ writes Vulliemin, ‘that Jost de Diesbach bought the church and vicarage of St. Christophe in order to turn the one into a baking house and the other into a country seat, and that Michel Augsburger transformed the ancient church of Baulmes into a stable for his cattle.’





⁂



English

“Copyright Act of 1790” the United States government



§ 1

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from and after the passing of this act, the author and authors of any map, chart, book or books already printed within these United States, being a citizen or citizens thereof, or resident within the same, his or their executors, administrators or assigns, who halt or have not transferred to any other person the copyright of such map, chart, book or books, share or shares thereof; and any other person or persons, being a citizen or citizens of these United States, or residents therein, his or their executors, administrators or assigns, who halt or have purchased or legally acquired the copyright of any such map, chart, book or books, in order to print, reprint, publish or vend the same, shall have the sole right and liberty of printing, reprinting, publishing and vending such map, chart, book or books, for the term of fourteen years from the recording the title thereof in the clerk’s office, as is herein after directed: And that the author and authors of any map, chart, book or books already made and composed, and not printed or published, or that shall hereafter be made and composed, being a citizen or citizens of these United States, or resident therein, and his or their executors, administrators or assigns, shall have the sole right and liberty of printing, reprinting, publishing and vending such map, chart, book or books, for the like term of fourteen years from the time of recording the title thereof in the clerk’s office as aforesaid. And if, at the expiration of the said term, the author or authors, or any of them, be living, and a citizen or citizens of these United States, or resident therein, the same exclusive right shall be continued to him or them, his or their executors, administrators or assigns, for the further term of fourteen years; Provided, He or they shall cause the title thereof to be a second time recorded and published in the same manner as is herein after directed, and that within six months before the expiration of the first term of fourteen years aforesaid.



§ 2

And be it further enacted, That if any other person or persons, from and after the recording the title of any map, chart, book or books, and publishing the same as aforesaid, and within the times limited and granted by this act, shall print, reprint, publish, or import, or cause to be printed, reprinted, published, or imported from any foreign Kingdom or State, any copy or copies of such map, chart, book or books, without the consent of the author or proprietor thereof, first had and obtained in writing, signed in the presence of two or more credible witnesses; or knowing the same to be so printed, reprinted, or imported, shall publish, sell, or expose to sale, or cause to be published, sold or exposed to sale, any copy of such map, chart, book or books, without such consent first had and obtained in writing as aforesaid, then such offender or offenders shall forfeit all and every sheet and sheets, being part of the same, or either of them, to the author or proprietor of such map, chart, book or books, who shall forthwith destroy the same: And every such offender and offenders shall also forfeit and pay the sum of fifty cents for every sheet which shall be found in his or their possession, either printed or printing, published, imported or exposed to sale, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, the one moiety thereof to the author or proprietor of such map, chart, book or books, who shall sue for the same, and the other moiety thereof to and for the use of the United States, to be recovered by action of debt in any court of record in the United States, wherein the same is cognizable. Provided always, That such action be commenced within one year after the cause of action shall arise, and not afterwards.



§ 3

And be it further enacted, That no person shall be entitled to the benefit of this act, in cases where any map, chart, book or books, hath or have been already printed and published, unless he shall first deposit, and in all other cases, unless he shall before publication deposit a printed copy of the title of such map. chart, book or books, in the clerk’s office of the district court where the author or proprietor shall reside: And the clerk of such court is hereby directed and required to record the same forthwith, in a book to be kept by him for that purpose, in the words following, (giving a copy thereof to the said author or proprietor, under the seal of the court, if he shall require the same). “District of —— to wit: Be it remembered, that on the —— day of —— in the —— year of the independence of the United States of America, A. B. of the said district, hath deposited in this office the title of a map, chart, book or books, (as the case may be) the right whereof he claims as author or proprietor. (as the case may be) in the words following to wit: [here insert the title] in conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, intituled ‘An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, chart, and book, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the time therein mentioned.’ C. D. clerk of the district of ——.” For which the said clerk shall be entitled to receive sixty cents from the said author or proprietor, and sixty cents for every copy under seal actually given to such author or proprietor as aforesaid. And such author or proprietor shall, within two months from the date thereof cause a copy of the said record to be published in one or more of the newpapers printed in the United States, for the space of four weeks.



§ 4

And be it further enacted, That the author or proprietor of any such map, chart, book or books, shall, within six months after the publishing thereof, deliver, or cause to be delivered to the Secretary of State a copy of the same, to be preserved.



§ 5

And be it further enacted, That nothing in this act shall be construed to extend to prohibit the importation or vending, Reprinting or publishing within the United States, of any map, chart, book or books, written, printed, or published by any person not a citizen of the United States, in foreign parts or places without the jurisdiction of the United States.



§ 6

And be it further enacted, That any person or persons who shall print or publish and manuscript, without the consent and approbation of the author or proprietor thereof, first had and obtained as aforesaid, (if such author or proprietor be a citizen of or resident in these United States) shall be liable to suffer and pay to the said author or proprietor all damages occasioned by such injury, to be recovered by a special action on the case founded upon this act, in any court having cognizance thereof.



§ 7

And be it further enacted, That if any person or persons shall be sued or prosecuted for any matter, act or thing done under or by virtue of this act, he or they may plead the general issue, and give the special matter in evidence.





⁂



In CONGRESS, July 4, 1776.

A DECLARATIONBy the REPRESENTATIVES of theUNITED STATES OF AMERICA,In GENERAL CONGRESS assembled.

WHEN in the Courſe of human Events, it becomes neceſſary for one People to diſſolve the Political Bands which have connected them with another, and to aſſume among the Powers of the Earth, the ſeparate and equal Station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them, a decent Reſpect to the Opinions of Mankind requires that they ſhould declare the cauſes which impel them to the Separation.

We hold theſe Truths to be ſelf-evident, that all Men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among theſe are Life, Liberty and the Purſuit of happineſs— That to ſecure theſe Rights, Governments are inſtituted among Men, deriving their juſt Powers from the Conſent of the Governed. That whenever any Form of Government becomes deſtructive of theſe Ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to aboliſh it, and to inſtitute new Government, laying its Foundation on ſuch Principles and organizing its Powers in ſuch Form, as to them ſhall ſeem moſt likely to effect their Safety and Happineſs. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long eſtabliſhed ſhould not be changed for light and tranſient Cauſes; and accordingly all Experience hath ſhown that Mankind are more diſpoſed to ſuffer, while Evils are ſufferable, than to right themſelves by aboliſhing the Forms to which they are accuſtomed. But when a long Train of Abuſes and Uſurpations, purſuing invariably the ſame Object, evinces a Deſign to reduce them under abſolute Deſpotiſm, it is their Right, it is their Duty, to throw off ſuch Government, and to provide new Guards for their future Security. Such has been the patient Sufferance of theſe Colonies; and ſuch is now the Neceſſity which conſtrains them to alter their former Syſtems of Government. The Hiſtory of the preſent King of Great-Britain is a Hiſtory of repeated Injuries and Uſurpations, all having in direct Object the Eſtabliſhment of an abſolute Tyranny over theſe States. To prove this, let Facts be ſubmitted to a candid World.

He has refuſed his Aſſent to Laws, the moſt wholeſome and neceſſary for the public Good.

He has forbidden his Governors to paſs Laws of immediate and preſſing Importance, unleſs ſuſpended in their Operation till his Aſſent ſhould be obtained; and when ſo ſuſpended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

He has called together Legiſlative Bodies at Places unuſual, uncomfortable, and diſtant from the Depoſitory of their public Records, for the ſole Purpoſe of fatiguing them into Compliance with his Meaſures.

He has diſſolved Repreſentative Houſes repeatedly, for oppoſing with manly Firmneſs his Invaſions on the Rights of the People.

He has refuſed for a long Time, after ſuch Diſſolutions, to cauſe others to be elected; whereby the Legiſlative Powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exerciſe; the State remaining in the meantime expoſed to all the Dangers of Invaſion from without, and Convulſions within.

He has endeavored to prevent the Population of theſe States; for that Purpoſe obſtructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refuſing to paſs others to encourage their Migration hither, and raiſing the Conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.

He has obſtructed the Adminiſtration of Juſtice, by refuſing his Aſſent to Laws for eſtabliſhing Judiciary Powers.

He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the Tenure of their Offices, and the Amount and Payment of their Salaries.

He has erected a Multitude of new Offices, and ſent hither Swarms of Officers to haraſs our People, and eat out their Subſtance.

He has kept among us, in Times of Peace, Standing Armies without the conſent of our Legiſlature.

He has affected to render the Military independent of and ſuperior to the Civil Power.

He has combined with others to ſubject us to a Juriſdiction foreign to our Conſtitution, and unacknowledged by our Laws; giving his Aſſent to their Acts of pretended Legiſlation:

For quartering large Bodies of Armed Troops among us:

For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from Puniſhment for any Murders which they ſhould commit on the Inhabitants of theſe States:

For cutting off our Trade with all Parts of the World:

For impoſing Taxes on us without our Conſent:

For depriving us, in many Caſes, of the Benefits of Trial by Jury:

For tranſporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended Offenſes:

For aboliſhing the free Syſtem of Engliſh Laws in a neighboring Province, eſtabliſhing therein an arbitrary Government, and enlarging its Boundaries ſo as to render it at once an Example and fit Inſtrument for introducing the ſame abſolute Rule in theſe Colonies:

For taking away our Charters, aboliſhing our moſt valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:

For ſuſpending our own legiſlatures, and declaring themſelves inveſted with power to legiſlate for us in all caſes whatſoever.

He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection and waging war againſt us.

He has plundered our ſeas, ravaged our coaſts, burned our towns, and deſtroyed the lives of our people.

He is at this time tranſporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, deſolation and tyranny, already begun with circumſtances of cruelty and perfidy ſcarcely paralleled in the moſt barbarous ages, and totally unworthy of the head of a civilized nation.

He has conſtrained our fellow citizens taken captive on the high ſeas to bear arms againſt their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themſelves by their hands.

He has excited domeſtic inſurrections amongſt us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the mercileſs Indian ſavages, whoſe known rule of warfare, is undiſtinguiſhed deſtruction of all ages, ſexes and conditions.

In every ſtage of theſe oppreſſions we have petitioned for redreſs in the moſt humble terms: our repeated petitions have been anſwered only by repeated injury. A prince, whoſe character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

Nor have we been wanting in attention to our Britiſh brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legiſlature to extend an unwarrantable juriſdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumſtances of our emigration and ſettlement here. We have appealed to their native juſtice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to diſavow theſe uſurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correſpondence. We muſt, therefore, acquieſce in the neceſſity, which denounces our ſeparation, and hold them, as we hold the reſt of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends.

We, therefore, the repreſentatives of the United States of America, in General Congreſs, aſſembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority of the good people of theſe colonies, ſolemnly publiſh and declare, that theſe united colonies are, and of right ought to be free and independent ſtates; that they are abſolved from all allegiance to the Britiſh Crown, and that all political connection between them and the ſtate of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally diſſolved; and that as free and independent ſtates, they have full power to levey war, conclude peace, contract alliances, eſtabliſh commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent ſtates may of right do. And for the ſupport of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes and our ſacred honor.



Signed by Order and in Behalf of the Congress,

JOHN HANCOCK, President.