Like a profligate, Baba Ramdev blew it away. Last Sunday, he was handed a winning situation on a platter: the government ordered a police raid on the Ramlila grounds to evict him and hundreds of followers.

The result was unthinkable: Baba won the support of not just his believers but also his detractors. The public outcry had UPA running for cover.

Eight days later, it is Ramdev who wishes he could hide. Right now, he is recovering in Dehradun’s Himalayan Institute of Medical Sciences. Doctors say he is stable, though speaking with difficulty. No longer in the intensive care unit, he has been shifted to a VIP room to recuperate. But Ramdev’s campaign continues to be in deep trouble.

Sages say what comes easy goes faster. The wave of support came too easy for Ramdev. He did little to earn it. The public sentiment was more anti-government than pro-Ramdev.

Perhaps this is why he couldn’t handle it. The campaign suddenly became bigger than Ramdev or his aides had conceived. Earlier last week, many expected him to put final touches to a victory. Instead they found him floundering: unable to handle the media or garner support on his home turf.

A combination of both factors derailed Ramdev’s plans. The jury is out on his financial probity, his trusts and his companies. But the very fact that such questions were raised seemed to disqualify him as a leader of a campaign against corruption. ET on Sunday analyses how Ramdev unravelled his own game with blow by blow accounts from his ashram Patanjali Yogpeeth, Haridwar

Naïve Comments to the Media

It began to go downhill on Wednesday. During one of his customary public appearances at the yogyashala, an open-air auditorium, Ramdev claimed he would launch an 11,000-strong force for self-defence. It was unclear if he meant an ‘armed’ force.

But Ramdev did claim constitutional backing for the right to self-defence: “We all have this right. Don’t people across the country learn judo and karate? This is perfectly legal. We will raise a force of young people like that.” He added: “We will not assault any one. But neither will we be assaulted.”

And then came a statement which exemplified his naivete: “I know my media friends won’t twist my words. I have full confidence in them.” Whether twisted or not, the channels reported those words widely.

Pushed to be Defensive

By Thursday, events turned farcical. Everyone had been told that Baba and Acharya Balkrishna would address the media, till then both had been relatively inaccessible. At about 6.15 pm, they appeared together.

In contrast to Ramdev, who is more comfortable talking to large supporters, Balkrishna seemed more media savvy. Dressed in white (the garb of a brahmachari), he constantly viewed news channels to be updated on developments at the Centre. Balkrishna wanted to be ready with the next move even while talking on the mobile phone.

But the acknowledged financial brain of Ramdev Inc was not prepared for some media questions, particularly about how many passports he held. A journalist had heard that the Acharya’s passport was fake. “After the press conference I will give you photocopies of my passport. Everything is above board,” he pleaded, before leaving the presser to run to the comforts of his room, chased by a horde of cameramen.

The ignominy of being forced to distribute dozens of photocopies of his passport to prove his bonafides must have been unbearable for a man who, just a week earlier, was supping with cabinet ministers at posh Delhi hotels. It also highlighted the Achilles’ heel in Ramdev’s strategy: he had no tactical tools to counter media’s probing questions.

Any PR hack, fresh out of school, could have told the acharya that once he reached the point where he had to explain and justify himself repeatedly, he had pretty much lost the battle for credibility.

The problem was that Ramdev needed the media to be a friend. Having been chased out of Delhi, it was the chief conduit for spreading his message to his followers. Of the few thousand people who had turned up at Delhi’s Ramlila ground, only 20-25% followed him to the ashram. As days passed, the numbers dwindled, as people broke their fast and headed home. But the media wasn’t playing ball. It was asking questions not part of the script — questions about Baba’s business empire.

Balance Sheet Details Left Out

The Acharya was forced to give details of the trusts in which a substantial chunk of Baba Inc ’s assets were held (see table). The details were interesting, but what about the companies?

This was where the Acharya clammed up: “We felt obliged to give you details about the trusts because this information is available nowhere else. But the details of the companies are with the registrar of companies, and any other details are available through the RTI Act. You can get it from there,” he said. He refused to talk about how many company directorships he holds. Or how many companies comprise the Ramdev group.

Irrespective of whether the records are clean, holding back details roused suspicion among all. Predictably, the media, when reporting the press conference, focused on the Acharya’s refusal to talk about his companies, not his attempts to be transparent about the trusts.

Those around the Acharya told ET on Sunday that he admits to the existence of only two companies, Patanjali Ayurved , which manufactures herbal remedies, and Divya Pharmacy. But reports claim the Acharya manages or owns at least 34 companies, including Vedic Broadcasting , which manages Aastha, the religious channel.

Feelers From RSS

The Acharya was asked a seemingly irrelevant question: “What is your stand on the Babri Masjid demolition?” Neither Ramdev nor his acolytes had ever taken a position on the demolition, but questions have persisted about his links with the far right.

Balkrishna tried to dodge the Babri question: “I was not witness to it.” Pressed, he added: “We don’t agree with violence.” But he refused to take a firm position on the event. That and visitors from the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh sent out a different signal. Sadhvi Ritambhara had turned up at the Ramlila ground and Ashok Singhal made an appearance at Patanjali. Both were at the forefront of the Babri Masjid destruction. BJP leader Sushma Swaraj too visited Ramdev, but she claimed to do so as leader of the opposition.

Stranger on Home Ground

The questions on Ramdev’s integrity may have been countered if Baba’s supporters based in Haridwar had thrown their collective weight behind him. Extensive arrangements had been made for them: counters to register letters of support, a bigger pandal for people to sit more comfortably, drinking water facilities and LCD screens for better viewing of the stage. The problem: not enough people came. Ramdev’s support base extends from Houston to a Scottish island Little Cumbrae, but closer home, he draws a blank.

On Tuesday night, 60% people present (of about 300) were supporters. By Friday, 60% of the crowd comprised tourists to Haridwar and Rishikesh who had stopped over at the ashram for a darshan. They totalled about 500. The question: where were the residents of villages around the ashram?

Most continued with their daily routine. This attitude may be attributed to Ramdev’s seeming indifference to their troubles. For instance, Shantersham, a village one-and-a-half km behind the ashram, shows all signs of poverty: mud houses and small broken lanes. The villagers grow crops like wheat, bajra, sugarcane and mustard and sell some of the produce in the Roorkee mandi, and Ikbalbur cane market. Shantersham has one primary school and a small health centre with just one nurse. Worse, the villagers have to pay for the treatment they receive at the Yogpeeth.

Says an official at the nearby Anandmahima ashram in Konkhol: “What has happened to all the crops that were grown in that area currently owned by the Ashram or the people who worked there? How can Ramdev encourage people to strike work if he is committed to the country? It’s a blind following.”

Devanghu, a picture postcard seller on the ghats of Har Ki Pauri says: “Ramdev cannot even garner support in Haridwar. He was unable to get it during the Kumbh too. His work and philosophy raises several suspicions.”

As Ramdev lies in a hospital bed, an isolated protagonist in an unexpected denouement, perhaps this is what he should introspect. His clique is not responsible for his public stature. It is the faith of his followers. The only way to strengthen his position is to engage with the people. Maybe then they will listen to him.

Acharya Balkrishna:

The managerial and financial brains behind the organisation. Reported to hold substantial stakes in as many as 34 companies which comprise the Ramdev group.

Swami Muktanand:

A key business brain and close aide. Is a shareholder and board member of Patanjali Ayurved, and Vedic Broadcasting, along with Acharya.

Shastriji:

Sister’s husband and crisis manager. Spends most of his time at an ashram in Rajasthan. Went to Delhi for the fast at his supporters’ behest. Two years ago, mediated in a dispute between local villagers and Ramdev’s staff, many villagers were beaten up by ashram guards.

Sampurnanand:

Has some differences with Baba’s ways but holds his cool. Has become a close friend of the media. He and Baba studied together at ashrams in Haryana. Now runs a gurukul there. Not officially involved in any trusts or business.

Sudhir:

Ramdev’s secretary and the core team’s ‘civilian’ component. In a button- opened half sleeved white shirt, looks like a bouncer. Speaks in a heavy Haryanvi accent. Follows Baba like a shadow who is called upon for everything, to handle media query to a glass of water.

Ajay Arya:

Another ‘civilian’ aide who was injured in the Ramlila grounds last Sunday. Also holds shares in, and is on the board of Vedic Broadcasting. Is on the board of Patanjali.

Heard in Haridwar

“I can’t comment. I wasn’t there to witness it.”

- Acharya Balkrishna, on being asked for his views on the Babri Masjid demolition.

“There is a difference between the emotion you perceive for a person and the way you treat them. A man may feel the same emotion [love] for his wife and his daughter, but he would treat them differently. Similarly, the emotion felt by Baba for all the trust members is the same: one of love. But he treats certain types of members differently.”

- Siddharth, (an aide to Baba) on why higher paying members get better facilities and conveniences than others

“Even Sachin Tendulkar is anti-national and takes money to compromise his country. This is evident from the fact that he is a campaigner for egg-eating, having appeared in ads that proclaim ‘ande hi ande, Sunday ho ya Monday’

- One of the speakers at Ramdev’s sabhas in Patanjali, addressing Baba’s followers about the evils of eating non-vegetarian food.