Even before special counsel Robert Mueller hands in the findings of his investigation, his inquiry has already left its mark on the nation’s capital.

Washington is a different town today than it was when Mueller was appointed nearly two years ago to investigate whether the Trump campaign colluded with Russia. Long-ignored laws are being made great again—and bad behavior long accepted and tolerated in the D.C. swamp is sending people to prison.

Take one of Washington’s more enduring traditions: lying to Congress. Nobody took this crime very seriously until Michael Cohen, Trump’s former lawyer, pleaded guilty to charges of lying to the Senate about his efforts to erect a Trump Tower in Moscow during the 2016 campaign. More recently, Roger Stone, Trump’s longtime political adviser, was indicted on charges of lying to the House Intelligence Committee about his connections to WikiLeaks. Before that, only six people had been successfully prosecuted for perjury or related crimes before Congress in the previous 60 years, a 2007 law review article found. (Not counted in that total are people like Elliott Abrams, President Trump’s special envoy to Venezuela, who received a pardon after pleading guilty in 1991 to misdemeanor counts of withholding information from Congress during the Iran-Contra hearings.)

It used to be that people could lie with impunity. Baltimore Orioles first baseman Rafael Palmeiro tested positive for steroids in 2005, just six weeks after telling a House committee under oath “I have never used steroids. Period.” No perjury charges were filed. (The committee “couldn’t find any evidence of steroid use prior to his testimony,” the chairman said.) But that was then. Today, telling lies to Congress could be the crime that could lead to Trump’s impeachment. That hinges on if—and it’s a big if—Cohen confirms reporting by BuzzFeed that the president directed him to lie to Congress about Trump Tower Moscow. Cohen is testifying before Congress again this week, including a public hearing before the House Oversight Committee on Wednesday.

Thanks to Mueller’s inquiry, D.C. is also confronting big changes to one of its sleaziest business models: lobbying for foreign governments. The indictment of Paul Manafort, Trump’s former campaign chairman, on charges of acting as an unregistered agent of Ukraine—a crime that’s almost as frequently neglected in federal law enforcement circles as lying to Congress—sent K Street lobbyists scurrying to bring themselves into belated compliance with the law requiring agents of foreign governments to register with the Justice Department. Filings nearly tripled from 550 in 2016 to an estimated 1,302 today. This burst of transparency also revealed that foreign governments paid their U.S. agents nearly $850 million since 2017, according to the Open Secrets’ Foreign Lobby Watch.