BERLIN — Europe’s “anchor of stability” is breaking loose.

The most recent example: Germany’s surprise decision at an EU meeting to back a five-year extension for glyphosate, a controversial weedkiller.

The decision was cheered by farmers and industry groups in national capitals around the Continent. But the way it was delivered has heightened concerns among many in the EU that Berlin is becoming increasingly unpredictable, just as the bloc faces a number of strategic decisions on issues ranging from Brexit to the eurozone.

After previously abstaining on whether the pesticide should continue to be allowed, German Agriculture Minister Christian Schmidt surprised his EU counterparts in Brussels by voting in favor of it.

What shocked Brussels is that Schmidt, a member of Chancellor Angela Merkel’s conservative bloc, did so against the objections of the Social Democrats (SPD) — junior partners in the caretaker government — and without consulting the chancellor.

Even France was taken aback, with Agriculture Minister Nicolas Hulot expressing surprise that Germany “was not more solid.”

Had this been an isolated incident, the episode might have been quickly dismissed as the escapade of an eccentric minister, best known until this week for campaigning against veggie burgers.

Yet it was the second time in a week that a senior German official was accused of going rogue in Brussels, appearing to act against the wishes of the chancellor.

The first came during last week’s vote on the future location of the European Banking Authority (EBA). Michael Roth, a Social Democrat state secretary in the foreign ministry, was instructed by Berlin to back Dublin if Frankfurt’s bid failed.

After analyzing the results, Merkel’s Christian Democrats concluded that Roth used his secret ballot to instead back Paris, which won. Roth has declined to comment on the matter.

Alarm to angst

If Germany’s European partners were unsettled by the country’s difficulty in forming a government, the events of the past week have left them genuinely worried.

“If this becomes a precedent, it could affect any number of issues in the coming months,” one EU official said.

Widespread frustration over Germany’s inability to engage on EU reform blueprints put forth by French President Emmanuel Macron and the European Commission has been superseded by a more immediate concern: how will Berlin navigate its interregnum?

The caretaker government under Merkel will likely remain in place at least until Easter. That means many important EU decisions — whether on the Brexit negotiations or on the leadership of the Eurogroup — will be taken with Berlin effectively on the sidelines.

The danger is that, as with glyphosate, longstanding divisions within the coalition could be laid bare, as each side pursues its own agenda. The debate over the weedkiller pitted the pro-pesticide agriculture ministry — headed by Schmidt, a member of the conservative Christian Social Union — against the environment ministry, led by Social Democrat Barbara Hendricks.

Brexit is another area of concern. The chancellery fully backs the course set by Michel Barnier, the Commission’s lead negotiator. But Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel, a Social Democrat, has taken a more strident position, aligning himself more closely to the French. Any mixed signals out of Berlin could throw the difficult talks into disarray.

Peter Altmaier, Merkel’s chief of staff, has described the government’s approach to handling European strategy as “constructive restraint.” But from outside the chancellery, it’s starting to look more like a mutiny.

Merkel’s decision not to fire Schmidt, who claims he acted within his purview as a minister, has been seen by many in Berlin as a sign of weakness and diminished authority.

“Imagine if someone had tried that with a Chancellor Helmut Schmidt, Helmut Kohl or Gerhard Schröder,” Stephan-Andreas Casdorff, editor-in-chief of Berlin daily Tagesspiegel, wrote Wednesday.

The loud cries of indignation that have emerged from the SPD over the glyphosate episode may be largely tactical, as the party jockeys for position ahead of coalition talks. But even so, the episode underscores the difficulty Merkel will have managing an increasingly complicated partnership, even if she manages to cobble together another "grand coalition" between Germany's two biggest parties to secure a fourth mandate.

The turbulence between her conservatives and the SPD may be just beginning. The Social Democrats have made no secret of their support for Macron’s grand vision on European integration. Merkel, whose backbench is wary of any moves that could lead to transfers from Berlin to the rest of the EU, has been more circumspect.

Supporters of deeper EU integration insist that despite the current challenges, a renewal of the grand coalition will ultimately be in the EU’s interest. The big question is whether the SPD will make a great European leap forward a condition for joining Merkel in government again.

They may have an opening: During her failed negotiations with the Free Democrats and the Greens, Merkel insisted on not ruling out some form of budget for the eurozone, a key Macron priority, which he and many economists believe would put the eurozone on a sounder footing.

The chancellor could have difficulty convincing the rest of her party to endorse anything more than a token sum for such a fund, but any movement by Germany would be widely welcomed in Paris and Brussels.

“I believe there will be real reform,” said Thorsten Benner, director of GPPi, a Berlin-based think tank. He added that the current difficulties will fade away as soon as Germany has a government. “Unfortunately, Europe will have to be a bit patient,” he said.