Kaine has been appearing practically everywhere online as he heads into the final week before the Nov. 6 election, part of an aggressive digital media strategy meant to overwhelm his Republican opponent, Corey A. Stewart.

On YouTube, Kaine shows up discussing health care. On Facebook, he talks about job training. And on Instagram, Hulu or Spotify, the senator paints Stewart as a divisive figure in Virginia politics.

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“Corey Stewart doesn’t represent Virginia values,” says the narrator in one Kaine ad that highlights the controversies that Stewart, chair of the Prince William Board of County Supervisors, has faced over ties to white nationalists.

The approach continues a shift toward digital political ads that gained traction during Barack Obama’s 2008 presidential campaign — when he used Twitter to reach younger supporters — and shifted into high gear during the 2016 campaigns of President Trump and Hillary Clinton, when Facebook became a major platform for political messaging.

Kaine, who has outraised Stewart $21.7 million to $2.3 million while leading the Republican by nearly 20 points in some polls, has so far poured $1.6 million into digital messaging that relies heavily on personal details about voters. The campaign plans to spend an additional $500,000 on digital ads by Election Day.

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The effort complements the $4.4 million that Kaine has spent on traditional television and radio advertising.

By contrast, Stewart has spent $18,900 on digital advertising so far, with plans to spend at least $100,000. Stewart’s campaign aired its first television ad of the Senate race — a $400,000 commercial attacking Kaine on immigration — last week, just 12 days before the election.

“Every dollar that we raise now is going into radio, TV and digital,” Stewart said.

Most of Stewart’s digital ads have been on Facebook and YouTube, with vitriolic attacks against Kaine in the hope of turning out more conservative Republicans. The Stewart campaign has been trying to reach voters in Southwest Virginia and, to a lesser extent, the Eastern Shore. Stewart has kept up a steady stream of Twitter and Facebook posts that characterize Kaine as weak and ineffective.

But he hasn’t been able to compete with the scale and the sophisticated design of Kaine’s digital advertising.

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The Kaine campaign said its digital ads target voters by Zip code, demographics and social media groups to which they belong, with appeals tailored to themes that are likely to concern them.

The campaign has also sent out 1 million smartphone texts to potential supporters, many of them with links to videos of Kaine talking about whatever issue they said resonated with them most when they met campaign organizers at their doorsteps.

Part of that approach is meant to peel away moderate Republicans and independent voters, the Kaine campaign said.

The ad that highlights Stewart’s ties to white nationalists — with footage of Stewart boasting that he was “Trump before Trump was Trump” — was seen by 115,000 Republicans who have said that they dislike the president, the campaign said.

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Another Kaine ad targeted people who identify as “religious progressives.” That one shows him as a young Jesuit missionary in Honduras and then singing in church.

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“Our country is only as strong as the individuals who make it so,” Kaine says in the ad seen by an additional 115,000 voters.

Ian Sams, Kaine’s spokesman, called the digital effort “a blueprint for the future” in that its targeted messages are more effective than social media blasts or TV and radio ads, which are more of a scattershot approach.

“It shows a road map of what other campaigns can do next year or in 2020,” he said. “If you’re a voter and you are hearing from the campaign, we’re streamlining it across all platforms.”

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Darrell M. West, a director of Governance Studies at the Brookings Institution who has written about technology’s impact on politics, said there are bound to be even more nuanced approaches in the future.

“All the new technologies are providing information that is more highly targeted, and that allows candidates to really home in on specific people with very individualized messages,” he said.

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But there is also a risk that voters will grow annoyed by all the online messages, in the same way they do with television and radio ads, West said.

That hazard pales in comparison with worries most candidates have that not enough is being done to reach voters, said Stephen Farnsworth, a political science professor at the University of Mary Washington in Fredericksburg.

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“A campaign is not designed to leave a lot of money on the table,” Farnsworth said. “You spend what you have because you don’t ever want to be in a position of thinking something is a done deal and then be surprised when the votes are being counted.”

Brian Schoeneman, former editor of the Bearing Drift conservative blog in Virginia, said he realized the extent of Kaine’s online efforts when he began seeing the Democrat’s ads on YouTube.

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Schoeneman, a fiscal conservative, has been a frequent online critic of Trump and Stewart. So it made sense for him to see Kaine pop up on his laptop with a pitch for his support.

“I’m impressed,” said Schoeneman, who nonetheless does not plan to vote for either candidate.

But, in what was maybe a glitch, Schoeneman’s son Nick, 8, has also been receiving Kaine ads, while on YouTube to play video games.