Re: Zionism and World Wars Quote: 1900 , Zionists foresaw no "warcloud" if Israel established

"the scheme is financed by the wealthiest men of the world."

The Sunday Chronicle - Sep 16, 1900



[email protected] : 1900, Zionists foresaw no "warcloud" if Israel established

Quote: Zionist Negotiations with the Sultan

Herzl knew that Palestine is our unforgettable historic homeland. They very name would be a marvelously effective rallying cry.  He believed the best way to do this was to obtain a charter from the Ottoman Empire. Let us express it in a single word: A Charter! Our efforts are directed at obtaining a Charter from the Turkish government, a Charter under the sovereignty of His Majesty the Sultan. Only when we are in possession of this Charter, which will have to include the necessary guarantees under public law, will we be able to begin large-scale practical settlement. In return for granting us this Charter we shall secure great benefits for the Turkish government. 



Nevlinski, Herzls main contact with the Turkish Sultan, told the Sultan that If the Jews cannot obtain Palestine, they will undoubtedly turn to Argentina in June of 1896, doubtless thinking this might worry him over the possible loss of finances. But it was clear from public Jewish sentiment and the words of Zionist Congresses that they wanted Palestine, and would do quite a lot to get it.





Buying a State  Negotiations with the Turkish Sultan



Herzls hope was to essentially buy a state from the Ottoman Empire. In exchange for the Jewish consolidation of the Empires debt, the Jews would receive autonomy (and, hoped Herzl, independence) in Palestine. The Turkish Sultan was sent greetings by the First Zionist Congress. Though they were not formally acknowledged, Herzl believed that the Sultan sent a representative/spy to that first Congress . But the Sultan acknowledged the telegram sent during the Second Zionist Congress (1898), something which Herzl never counted on. 



Several routes to the Sultan were attempted. Arminius Vambery, a Hungarian traveler with the Sultans ear who Herzl called uncle, promised a meeting with the Sultan in exchange for payment, though his initial attempt failed. Philip Michael Von Nevlinski, a Polish count, was sympathetic and also had the Sultans ear. He guided Herzl in his 1896 visit to Constantinople, the first of five. When he was in Constantinople, Herzl willingly bribed Ottoman officials in attempts to gain an audience with the Sultan himself . Though he was summoned repeatedly by Constantinople (the last of which came in 1902 ), he often was not received by the Sultan himself. Nonetheless, Herzl continued going and talked to anyone he was able to. He believed that to drop Turkey was to drop everything. 



In his first trip to Constantinople, undertaken in 1896, Herzl did not meet the Sultan. He stated at one point that he had no intention of going unless he was assured of an audience  and he thought Nevlinski had already arranged one. Despite the lack of an audience with the Sultan himself, the trip was not an absolute failure. He was able to speak with several of the Sultans advisors, and Nevlinski was able to discuss the issue with Abd al-Hamid. On 18 June 1896, Herzl spoke with the son of the Grand Vizier, Djavid Bey, who was a young State Councillor. Djavids first objection was Jerusalem, leading Herzl to state in his diary that he believed we must ultimately concede that Jerusalem shall remain as it is.  Herzl also told Djavid he believed Palestine could form a vassalage to the Ottoman Empire, already showing his willingness to make concessions as necessary to get a form of autonomy if not full sovereignty. When Djavid asked Herzl what typed of government the Jewish community would be and Herzl told him An aristocratic republic, Djavid roundly disapproved: Say whatever you please to the Sultan, but not the word Republic. People here are mortally afraid of it. They fear the spread of this revolutionary form of government, like an epidemic, from one province to another.  On 19 June in speaking to Khalil Rifat Pasha, Herzl had the impression that he not only looked with disfavor on the project but distrusted it. 



On 19 June, Nevlinski spoke with Herzl about the Sultans opinion of the matter. The Sultan told Nevlinski: "if Mr. Herzl is your friend in the same measure as you are mine, then advise him not to go a single step further in the matter. I cannot sell even a foot of land, for it does not belong to me but to my people. They have won this Empire and fertilized it with their blood. We will cover it once more with our blood, before we allow it to be torn from us. Two of my regiments from Syria and Palestine allowed themselves to be killed to a man at Plevna. Not one of them yielded; one and all remained, dead, upon the field. The Turkish people own the Turkish Empire, not I. I can dispose of no part of it. The Jews may spare their millions. When my Empire is divided, perhaps they will get Palestine for nothing. But only our corpse can be divided. I will never consent to vivisection."



Herzl was culturally aware enough not to write a manifesto to the Sultan, admitting his to be a typically English notion, instead desiring a private negotiation . He finally got his desired private negotiation in 1901, thanks to Uncle Vambery. The meeting that took place on 19 May was long and political. Herzl and the Sultan, through an interpreter, meandered between topics of small talk and implicit statements. After the obligatory salaamiks and greetings, though, Herzl was able to get to the point. The thorn, as I see it, is your public debt. If that could be removed, the vitality of Turkey, in which I have great faith, would develop new strength." The Sultan makes no explicit promises, though referred to himself as a friend of the Jews and promised them his lasting protection if they sought refuge in his lands.  For now, though, Herzl would send the Sultan a capable financier who could create new resources for the country  and wait for the consolidation plan. In return, he requested a pro-Jewish pronouncement at a moment [Herzl] would designate [he] was thinking of the Congress) All this was promised [him].



In 1901, Izzet came to Herzl with the plan for consolidation of the public debt, but it was a thieves plan on the fact of it. Herzl felt like the Turks were simply trying to bleed the Jews, but he played the game in hopes of achieving what he desired. In February 1902, Herzl was once again summoned to Constantinople. He did not see the Sultan. Once again, he felt played, as Concessions were offered him for the exploitation of mines, the establishment of a pro-government bank, and the creation of a land company for settling Jewish immigrants  but, as expressly stipulated, not in Palestine. He soon had convincing proof that the whole performance was staged in order to play him off against a French financial and political combine, headed by the French Minister of Finance, Maurice Rouvier, who got nowhere either  but perhaps not so fast as Herzl. 



Herzls last trip to Constantinople was full of assurances of continued interest and good will, but he once again left empty-handed.  That was in 1902 . In 1904, Herzl died, having been fully disenchanted from his belief that he could simply buy a state. In the year before his death, he negotiated for mere settlement in the sanjak of Acre . Still, the Ottomans refused. From the Zionist standpoint, the repeated refusals seemed illogical: the Ottoman Empire desperately needed funds, yet would not take them, even though Herzl only ever used language of the desire for agricultural land with the Sultan. Abd al-Hamid was convinced that they wanted their own government (which was a fully justified fear) . His ambassador in Berlin, Ahmed Tewfik Pasa, believed we must have no illusions about Zionism. Although the speakers at the Congress dwelled upon vague generalities such as the future of the Jewish people, the Zionists, in effect, aim at the formation of a great Jewish State in Palestine, which would also spread towards the neighbouring countries.  The Ottomans did not wish to deal with another nationality in their borders. In short, they did not desire their own Jewish Question.





Begging for a State  Seeking International Support



Initially, Herzl believed the charter for a Jewish state or autonomous region must come from the Ottoman Empire, as they were the undisputed authority over the Palestinian region. It quickly became clear, though, that this would not happen easily. So even as he pursued negotiations with the Turkish Sultan, Herzl talked with other powers in the world in an attempt to get them on board. He hoped that other nations might put pressure on the Ottoman Empire, which was increasingly feeling pressure from Europe.



The hope of European pressure on the Jews behalf in Palestine came before the idea of Zionism. In 1863, Ha-Magid, a Hebrew Journal, included a belief that "if the House of Rothschild and Sir Moses Montefiore stood at its head, together with the leaders of the Board of Deputies of British Jews and the Alliance Israelite Universelle, and other notables who have the strength to stand in the courts of kings and speak for their brothers, then the Society would, with the help of God, reach its goal; then the government of Turkey would, at the request of the kings of Europe, protect those of our brothers who work at the land of their fathers."



The most influential country in regards to the Ottoman Empire, and the one that Herzl had the most contact with, was Germany. The Ottomans were weak militarily and Germany was the foremost military power in Europe . As Germanys influence grew, it penetrated Turkey and the Kaiser had an incredible amount of power in the Ottoman Empire. Herzl made the following five points to Eulenburg, a close confidant of Wilhelm IIs and a German diplomat:



1. In various countries Zionism might lessen the danger of socialism, since it was often dissatisfied Jews who provided the revolutionary parties with leaders and ideas.

2. A reduction in Jewish numbers would weaken anti-Semitim.

3. Turkey stood to gain from the influx of an intelligent and energetic element into Palestine. Large sums of money injected into her economy and the increase in trade would improve her finances.

4. The Jews would bring civilization and order back to a neglected corner of the Orient.

5. A railroad from the Mediterranean to the Persian Gulf was a European necessity. The Jews could and must build this great road of the nations which, if undertaken otherwise, might call forth the most serious rivalries.



Eulenburg agreed, and the Emperor came around to this way of thinking as well, at least verbally. On 28 September 1898, Herzl received a letter from Eulenburg stating:



His Majesty would discuss the matter with the Sultan in a most emphatic manner and will be pleased to hear more from you in Jerusalem. The Kaiser has already issued orders to the effect that no obstacle is to be placed in the way of the [Zionist] delegation.



In conclusion, H.M. wishes to tell you that he is very much prepared to undertake the protectorate in question. His Majesty, naturally, counts on your discretion in conveying this information.



In his meeting with Herzl, the Kaiser asked him to Tell me in a word what I am to ask of the Sultan. Herzl replied A Chartered Company  under German protection. 



In a letter to his uncle, the Grand Duke, dated 29 September 1898, Wilhelm II said:



"I am convinced that the settlement of the Holy Land by the wealthy and industrious people of Israel [Volk Israel] will bring unexampled prosperity and blessings to the Holy Land, which may do much to revive and develop Asia Minor. Such a settlement would bring millions into the purse of the Turks and of the upper class and effendis and so gradually help to save the Sick Man from bankruptcy. In this way the disagreeable Eastern question would be imperceptibly separated from the Mediterranean The Turk will recover, getting his money without borrowing, and will be able to build his own highways and railways without foreign companies and then it would not be so easy to dismember Turkey. And besides, would it not be an immense achievement for Germany, if the world of the Hebrews looked to her with gratitude?"



Though German sentiment was not static or fully consensual (Wilhelmstrasse stated that intervention by Germany in favour of Herzls Jewish State would inflict irreparable damage on all our other interests in Turkey ), the Kaiser told the Ottoman Sultan The Zionists are not dangerous to Turkey, but the Jews are everywhere a nuisance we should like to be rid of.  The Sultan disagreed, becoming ever more fearful of European influence as time went by and European power grew. During Wilhelm IIs 1889 tour of Jerusalem, Tewfik Pasa told him that the Sultan would have nothing to do with Zionism and an independent Jewish Kingdom, and that Zionism would assure the ruin of Turkey. The Kaiser withdrew support, not wishing to injure the goodwill of the Sultan.



Despite his attempts, Herzl failed to obtain a charter from the Ottomans or any other country.





Bibliography



Batmaz, Sakir. Illegal Jewish-Immigration Policy in Palestine (Periods of 1st and 2nd Constitutional Monarchy). Turkish Studies: International Periodical For the Languages, Literature and History of Turkish or Turkic 3(1) Winter 2008.

Friedman, Isaiah. 1977. Germany, Turkey, and Zionism 1897-1918. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Hertzberg, Arthur, ed. 1959. The Zionist Idea. Philadelphia.

Herzl, Theodor. Lowenthal, Marvin, ed. and trans. 1956. The Diaries of Theodor Herzl. New York: The Dial Press.

Oke, Mim Kemal. 1982. The Ottoman Empire, Zionism, and the Question of Palestine (1880-1908). International Journal of Middle East Studies 14(3 Aug 1982), 329-341. Cambridge University Press.

Vital, David. 1975. The Origins of Zionism Oxford: Clarendon Press.

------. 1982. Zionism: the Formative Years. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

------. 1987. Zionism: the Crucial Phase. Oxford: Clarendon Press.





Rebecca in Israel: Zionist Negotiations with the Sultan Quote:



Max Nordau was the co-founder of the World Zionist Organization together with Theodor Herzl.

He told the 6th Zionist Conference in 1903 , that there would be a "world war":

"Let me tell you the following words as if I were showing you the rungs of a ladder leading upward and upward: Herzl, the Zionist Congress, the English Uganda proposition, the future world war , the peace conference - where with the help of England a free and Jewish Palestine will be created."

sources A B C



[email protected] : In 1903 Zionists knew there'd be a world war 11 years later a world war actually started, lasted 4 years and ended with the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire and a British mandate in Palestine...





Quote: Prince Orhan Aal Othman, a descendant of the former ruling dynasty of the Ottoman Empire, is quoted in an interview blaming Theodor Herzl, the founding father of modern Zionism, for the collapse of his family firm. As the Prince expresses himself, The Ottoman state did not collapse in a year or two, or even ten or twenty years. It began when Sultan Abdulhamid made his decision in his meeting with Dr. Herzl. Herzl made several requests to meet Sultan Abdulhamid, and he was refused  once, twice, and three times. The fourth time, he met him, and [Herzl] prepared the ground he asked him for land in Palestine, to serve as a place for settlement of the Jews. When the Sultan rejected this request  that was the beginning of the fall of the Ottoman state. A decision was made that there should no longer be an Ottoman state, a caliphate, or a sultanate.

Check out the clip from MEMRI .





Ottomans Blame Zionists for Collapse | Via Meadia Last edited by kazan188; 01-23-2013 at 01:12 PM .