LONDON — Brexit could yet save Jeremy Corbyn from a Labour split — or at least delay the breakaway.

Weeks of reports about Corbyn's participation in a memorial ceremony for Palestinian militants, about his closeness to terrorist groups and about deep-rooted anti-Semitism in the party have taken their toll on Labour MPs who were not supporters of the leader but had reluctantly accepted he is in charge.

A significant number have now concluded he is a national security threat who has created a safe space for hatred of Jews in the party, three MPs opposed to the leadership told POLITICO.

But many of the MPs who are most vociferously opposed to Corbyn are also the most passionately opposed to Brexit. Their aim is to keep Britain as close to the EU as possible — or even stop Brexit altogether.

Splitting the party now, these MPs say, risks dividing opposition to Prime Minister Theresa May at the most critical point in the Brexit process, potentially putting Britain on course for a harder exit than almost all Labour MPs are prepared to accept.

If Labour can stick together and present a united front on Brexit, that will increase the pressure on May — as leader of a divided party with fragile parliamentary support — to tack toward a soft Brexit to get a deal with Brussels through the House of Commons. If Labour splits apart, May could have more room for maneuver as she aims to wrap up the terms of Britain's departure from the EU.

Anti-Corbyn MPs say the glue keeping them bound to the Labour Party for now is Brexit.

The three leading anti-Corbyn MPs who spoke to POLITICO on condition of anonymity said as many as a few dozen are now seriously considering resigning from the Labour group in parliament to sit as independents until the next general election.

Others put the figure far lower, at 10 or just a handful. But two MPs have already gone on record to warn — in coded terms — about a breakaway.

"There is no doubt that most Labour MPs are as horrified as I am by the anti-Semitism which has been exposed in the party in recent months," declared Chuka Umunna, the former shadow business secretary. "Many feel that they are being pushed to breaking point." Umunna said some MPs are keeping quiet because they fear Labour activists would not select them as candidates for the next general election if they speak out against the leadership.

Veteran backbencher Mike Gapes said he would “consider his position” in the party if anti-Semitism is not dealt with.

But anti-Corbyn MPs say the glue keeping them bound to the Labour Party for now is Brexit.

“Nobody wants to do anything which makes it easier for the Brexiteers,” said one leading Corbyn critic, an MP on the right of the party, who is considering leaving the Labour group in parliament. But, the MP added, the atmosphere within the party is so acrimonious that a single incident could be the final straw that triggers a breakaway.

“The problem is, it's so bad right now anything could spark it off. If a Jewish colleague comes back in September and says 'I can’t take it' and leaves, what am I going to do? Send them a text saying I’m sorry? I’m not sure I could. Once one goes, you don’t know what will happen,” the MP said.

Some MPs say they have been so appalled by the news over the summer that they will be morally unable to recommend Corbyn to the country as a potential prime minister at the next general election.

But a second leading Corbyn critic on the Labour backbenches — a prominent MP with leadership aspirations who has decided he will not join any walkout — warned of a public backlash if rebels break away in the coming months.

“Do you think people would forgive them if it looked like they were playing games at one of the most critical points in British politics? Nobody wants to be blamed for Brexit when it happens,” the MP said.

Flashpoints ahead

Yet, given the dire state of relations within the party, few of the Labour MPs, aides and senior trade union officials canvassed by POLITICO are confident a split could be contained if it does happen— even before Brexit. One Labour shadow minister said the atmosphere is “unbelievably grim.”

A series of potential flashpoints looms in the coming weeks. Any one of them could tip the party into open civil war.

First, on August 30, come the results of elections to Labour’s ruling executive (the NEC). That will reveal whether controversial Corbyn loyalist Peter Willsman has made it onto the party's ruling body. Willsman was forced to apologize for dismissing claims of anti-Semitism in the party by British Jews and accusing them of being Donald Trump supporters.

Five days later, on September 4, the new NEC will meet, potentially discussing new compromise proposals to end the row over how to define anti-Semitism that rocked the party over the summer.

A day later, on September 5, MPs will meet to vote to adopt the full International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition of anti-Semitism regardless of the NEC’s decision — potentially putting them on course for a showdown with the leadership ahead of the party conference, lasting four days from September 23.

At the conference, a host of reforms to the Labour Party rule book will be debated and voted upon, including proposals for “mandatory reselection” of MPs, giving local activists the chance not to pick their current MP as their candidate at the next general election.

Those close to Corbyn dismiss the Labour rebels’ rationale that Brexit makes it harder for them to break away.

The conference will also debate how to respond to calls for a referendum on the terms of Britain's withdrawal from the EU. The party leadership is not keen on the idea and a rejection by the conference would further alienate anti-Brexit Labour MPs.

Other flare-ups could happen at any moment, including the proposed review of boundaries of parliamentary constituencies. This will redraw the political map in the U.K., cutting the number of constituencies from 650 to 600 — potentially giving some Labour MPs further reason to walk away from the party if they feel they have no chance of being part of the next parliament anyway.

These flashpoints could all come before the parliamentary vote on whatever final deal May is able to negotiate with Brussels — or even a potential snap election before Britain’s exit from the EU in March.

Corbyn camp skeptical

Those close to Corbyn dismiss the Labour rebels’ rationale that Brexit makes it harder for them to break away.

“That seems like the kind of excuse-making for people who haven’t really got a plan,” said a leading Corbynista, a Labour official with ties to the leader. “They would vote in a certain way on Brexit whether they had the Labour whip or not.”

The Labour MP who told POLITICO he is considering leaving the party's parliamentary group admitted that, by delaying any breakaway for now, the anti-Corbyn camp risks missing their moment and handing the initiative back to the leader.

But that does not mean all Corbyn supporters are complacent about the prospect of a split. Some fear a breakaway faction could pick up enough support in a general election to deprive Labour of a majority — just as the last party to break away from Labour, the Social Democratic Party, undermined Labour’s chances of power in the 1980s.

However, other Corbyn supporters are far less fearful of a split.

“Are there worries about it? Yes. It has potential big issues, but I don’t think every scenario where it plays out is a negative one," said the Labour official with ties to Corbyn, suggesting the rebels could be seen as selfish careerists. "They have to have a moral cause. For them to be painted as self-interested, career politicians — well, obviously, they are not going to get any votes."