In 1990, during a gap year before college, my son Mark worked in Brazil. I never imagined it would begin my deep engagement with the country and its people, one that has now spanned nearly three decades. I began serving as President Bill Clinton's special envoy to the Americas during the presidency of Itamar Franco. I then enjoyed a particularly long and fruitful working relationship with his successor, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, that has continued to this day.

And I've gotten to know Brazil's business community both during my time in government and through Mark's automotive endeavors, which have grown over the years. My experience has left me with profound appreciation for this incredible country, a nation with a diverse population, a vibrant culture, and a proud history.

Last Sunday, that history entered an unprecedented new chapter when Brazilian voters chose a conservative former military officer, Jair Bolsonaro, as their next president. While Bolsonaro's electoral victory was impressive, he has a long history of statements that are upsetting, and in many cases offensive. Elements of his campaign — which included praise for dictatorship, sexist and anti-LGBT attacks, and remarks targeting the indigenous and Afro-Caribbean communities — were deeply troubling. That many Brazilians enter this new chapter full of fear and uncertainty is indisputable.

Yet it is also indisputable that global markets, along with domestic political institutions, are willing to give the Bolsonaro administration a honeymoon phase. For the sake of his new administration, his country, and its extraordinary people, Bolsonaro must seize this opportunity. On the three key issues of the election — security, prosperity and anti-corruption — he must demonstrate a willingness to govern effectively on behalf of all Brazilians.

Bolsonaro's mandate is especially strong when it comes to fighting crime. Brazil's murder rate is the 12th highest in the world — 5 1/2 times higher than that of the United States — and Brazilians of all political persuasions are frustrated by the persistently high levels of violent lawlessness. Perhaps that explains voters' tolerance for Bolsonaro's apparent endorsement of extra-judicial killings and torture as crime deterrents.

As president-elect, however, Bolsonaro must be careful not to trade one public-safety crisis for another. Through a combination of increased resources, stronger enforcement, and modern policing, Bolsonaro can try to bring the crime rate under control. And by making the most of the legal tools available to him, he can provide the kind of effective leadership Brazilians will welcome on rooted in a deep respect for democracy and human rights.

On the economy, too, Bolsonaro has a chance to start his presidency off on the right foot. While he began his career aligned with pro-state protectionists, he earned himself market confidence by making well-respected investor Paulo Guedes as a top adviser. Now, the president-elect must make good on the promises implicit in Guedes' appointment as "Super Minister." Like previous presidents who moderated after embracing extremist economic policies early in their careers, Bolsonaro has a chance to move to the center and enhance and strengthen Brazil's competitiveness, by reducing the country's infamous bureaucracy, pushing for much needed structural reforms, including pension and tax, and help insert Brazil into the global supply chain through trade liberalization and a focus on improving infrastructure, among other actions.

By liberalizing the economy, privatizing industries in a strategic way, and pursuing long-overdue policies such as pension reform, Bolsonaro can help build his own legacy, growing the world's ninth largest economy while strengthening the kind of middle class that makes Brazil's long-term prospects bright.

Along with the economy and crime, the other issue most responsible for Bolsonaro's election is corruption. After the Car Wash scandal, many Brazilians lost faith in the Workers' Party (PT). Moreover, they lost faith in the broader political establishment. It is largely because of their frustration that Bolsonaro attained such power — and the temptations that come with it. If he can resist those temptations — if he surrounds himself with advisers who govern with honor and integrity, cracks down on corruption from opponents and allies alike, and models ethical behavior himself, voters will be far more open to his leadership in other areas.

There is a final, paramount issue that is uniquely fraught in the case of Bolsonaro: adherence to the rule of law. If Bolsonaro creates a de facto military government through his Cabinet appointments; if he persecutes ethnic minorities or LGBT Brazilians; if he ignores indigenous groups' land rights; if he seeks to pack the Supreme Court or eliminate Brazil's democratic institutions, then his presidency cannot and will not succeed. Voters — not to mention international markets — will not tolerate an administration that turns its back on democracy.

Brazil is an important nation and a unique place, a powerful player in its region and increasingly in the world. With effective, honorable governance, Brazil's potential is limitless. During his acceptance speech, Bolsonaro promised just that — a government that will "defend the constitution, democracy, and liberty," and added, "This country belongs to all of us, Brazilians by birth or by heart, a Brazil of diverse opinions, colors, and orientations."

Yet those were just words read off a printed page. The question is whether Bolsonaro can live by the spirit of those words, even when the stakes are high and there is no script to follow.

Mack McLarty served as President Bill Clinton's first White House chief of staff from 1993 to 1994, and subsequently as counselor to the president and special envoy for the Americas. He is chairman of McLarty Associates. He wrote this column for the Dallas Morning News.

What's your view?

Got an opinion about this issue? Send a letter to the editor, and you just might get published.