“AU NOM de l’amitié” (“In the name of friendship”), proclaimed banners at the weekly Pulse of Europe demonstration in a Berlin square, a week before France’s presidential election. Edith Piaf songs burbled from giant speakers. Amid a sea of blue-and-yellow European Union flags, the 1,500 marchers gushed about the European project. “I love Europe, it’s my home,” said Oli. “I want my children and grandchildren to experience, study and travel in Europe,” added Sabine, who was attending her fifth Pulse of Europe event. Then they all belted out the “Ode to Joy”, the EU’s official anthem.

There is nothing novel about support for the EU. In most European countries the political mainstream backs the union and spouts nice words about continental collaboration. But lately something different has been going on: a surge, in certain quarters, of emotional, flag-waving, integrationist Europhilia. The Pulse of Europe, which started in Frankfurt in November and now holds regular rallies in some 120 cities across the continent, is one manifestation. Another is the success of a number of emphatically pro-European political outfits, the most striking example being Emmanuel Macron’s victory in France.

Such political groups fall into three categories. The first consists of Mr Macron and Alexander van der Bellen, the former Green leader who became Austria’s president in January. Both triumphed in two-round electoral systems in which the mainstream centre-right and centre-left candidates were knocked out, leaving a nationalist (Marine Le Pen in France, Norbert Hofer in Austria) to face a pro-European liberal. Neither Mr Macron nor Mr Van der Bellen won an unambiguous mandate; many of their voters simply opposed the far-right alternative. But both are part of “a steadily building trend of election victories for the idea of Europe”, says Josef Lentsch, a political scientist in Vienna.

Second, in parliamentary systems pro-European parties have been making gains. At the Dutch election in March the two big winners were the liberal-federalist D66 party and GreenLeft, which rose from 8% to 12% and 2% to 9% respectively. “Being overtly pro-EU is no longer something to be ashamed of,” says Michiel van Hulten of the London School of Economics.

Finland’s most emphatically pro-EU party, the Green League, rose from its usual score of around 8% to 12% in local elections last month. In Sweden, the liberal Centre Party, which has recently sharpened its anti-nationalist identity, is polling near 12%, double its result in the last election. In Britain the Liberal Democrats have enjoyed a modest revival as anti-Brexiteers, moving into double digits in polls. Both Poland and Spain have spawned new parties that wear their pro-Europeanism on their sleeve: Nowoczesna, which soared last year before being consumed by scandal; and Ciudadanos, which has hit new poll highs of 17% in recent weeks.

Third are extra-parliamentary campaign groups. Apart from Pulse of Europe, other movements have brought flag-waving pro-Europeans into the streets: in protests against the forced closure of the Central European University in Hungary; in rallies against the Eurosceptic government in Poland; and in the anti-Brexit movement in Britain.

Who is gravitating to this sort of politics? Supporters are often young, urban and well educated—the political wing of the “Erasmus generation” of cross-border European students. In Austria, for example, 58% of those aged under 29 backed Mr Van der Bellen. But Mr Macron’s vote was evenly spread across age groups, and the Pulse of Europe crowds are similarly multi-generational. Ciudadanos voters are more likely to have degrees than supporters of any other Spanish party. In the Dutch election, if only university polling stations had counted, D66 and GreenLeft would have had a majority.

The new Europhilia is partly a backlash against the wave of nationalism evinced in the Brexit vote and Donald Trump’s victory in America. There is also anger at mainstream parties who adopt nationalist and populist positions. In Sweden the Centre Party has pointedly attacked the centre-right Moderates for flirting with the far right. Mr Macron has attacked his own former party, the Socialists, for caving in to nationalist proposals to revoke the French citizenship of dual citizens convicted of terrorism. Jesse Klaver of GreenLeft urges fellow politicians: “Be pro-European…You can stop populism.”

Asked about their success, Guillaume Liegey, one of the early brains behind Mr Macron’s campaign, and Martin Radjaby, Mr Van der Bellen’s campaign manager, offer similar recipes: sophisticated targeting of voters, door-to-door campaigning and a progressive sort of patriotism. Indeed, the Europhiles have learned some lessons from their populist nemeses. Like Ms Le Pen and Mr Hofer, they have adopted techniques from their counterparts in other countries, and ratcheted up pressure on mainstream parties to back their positions.

Even if small Europhile groups do not win elections, they can influence bigger parties. In Poland the Civic Platform (PO) party has moved into space opened up by Nowoczesna, adopting the EU as a symbol of opposition to the government. When Donald Tusk, European Council president and former PO leader, arrived in Warsaw on April 19th he was greeted at the train station by crowds brandishing EU flags. Martin Schulz, the centre-left candidate for German chancellor, has aligned himself with the Pulse of Europe movement. One lesson of Europe’s populist wave is that small but emphatic groups can change the agenda. Along with Mr Macron’s win, that should give Europhiles hope.