BENEATH a photograph of the queen, flanked by union flags, Britain’s newest citizens pose for an overeager cameraman in the registry office of Newham council. In a short ceremony, officiated by a man who fled the Sri Lankan civil war in the 1980s, six Bangladeshis, two Indians, a Pakistani, an Afghan, a Pole and a Hungarian have just sworn allegiance to the crown, pledging to give their loyalty to Britain and to “uphold its democratic values”. They all stand for the national anthem, a small child blows a loud raspberry, and their new life begins.

The ceremony is emblematic of the best of multi-ethnic Britain, of immigrants promising fealty to their new country and its values. Yet the mere fact that these ceremonies exist is symptomatic of deeper fears that the picture of a happily integrating country might not be so rosy after all. Citizenship tests were introduced in 2002 because of a realisation by the then Labour government that the laissez-faire approach to immigration and ethnocultural diversity had not necessarily led to the integration and social cohesion that had been expected. The tests and ceremonies were to start inculcating a sense of common values that had previously been lacking. Since then, however, a small band of critics has been warning that politicians still remain far too complacent about the problems provoked by Britain’s diverse society.

The most celebrated of these critics is Trevor Phillips, a former head of the Equality and Human Rights Commission, responsible for enforcing non-discrimination laws. Once a supporter of what he calls “organic integration”, the old model described by Roy Jenkins, Labour’s home secretary in the 1960s, as “equal opportunity, accompanied by cultural diversity, in an atmosphere of mutual tolerance”, Mr Phillips has since become one of its fiercest critics. His views carry extra weight because he is black. Now, in his latest, most provocative pamphlet, “Race and Faith: The Deafening Silence”, he warns that Britain is “sleepwalking to catastrophe” because politicians are too squeamish to face up to the threats from the multicultural society.

Mr Phillips’s main complaint is that in the name of multiculturalism, Britain has allowed some minority groups to drift so far away from the mainstream of the dominant majority that they now hold values and ambitions that are far away from Britain’s liberal ideals. This reluctance to tackle the “dark side of the diverse society”, he argues, has encouraged authorities to “shy away from confronting wicked acts for fear of having to address their ethnic or cultural component”. He cites the example of the recent abuse of young white girls in Rotherham by men of mainly Pakistani origin, to which police turned a blind eye.

Indeed, notwithstanding the election of Sadiq Khan as the new mayor of London, it is Muslims, argues Mr Phillips, who seem to have diverged most. Polling that he commissioned for a television documentary showed that, although 86% of Muslims felt a strong sense of belonging to Britain, 32% refused to condemn people who would take part in violence against those who mock the prophet and only 52% thought that homosexuality should be legal. Consequently, Mr Phillips wants Britain to abandon organic integration in favour of a more muscular approach. His calls come as the government, in the Queen’s Speech on May 18th, outlined plans to monitor internet use and new powers of intervention to disrupt extremists’ activities and tackle radicalisation of children (see article).

Whether to take Mr Phillips’s calls seriously depends on how far Britain is actually integrating on present trends. Here the evidence is mixed, and hotly contested. On the positive side, the number of people claiming a mixed-race background doubled, to 1.2m, between 2001 and 2011. There has been a decline in racial prejudice. In terms of residence, the data indicate that every ethnic minority has become less ghettoised, and that the black Africans, who used to be among the most clustered, are spreading out the most quickly.

However, as Eric Kaufmann of Birkbeck, University of London, points out, there is often a movement of minorities towards “superdiverse” areas, such as Newham, where white Britons remain the biggest ethnic group but now make up only 17% of the population. From 2001 to 2011, the proportion of ethnic minorities who live in wards where whites are in a minority rose from 25% to 41%. Indeed, the only exception to the pattern of decreasing segregation for most districts is the white British (see chart), although segregation remains relatively low for this group, too, as it is large and evenly spread throughout most districts. Yet overall, as Mr Kaufmann observes, minorities are entering white areas but whites are often avoiding minority areas, producing a growing number of zones where minorities are relatively isolated from whites.