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Ohio Treasurer Josh Mandel, pictured here with his wife, Ilana, says he showed no special attention to indicted political donor Benjamin Suarez. Mandel insists he gives all constituents the same attention.

(Thomas Ondrey, The Plain Dealer)

CLEVELAND, Ohio -- Ohio Treasurer Josh Mandel looks like a patsy.

There's no other way to view his so-called public service in 2011 on behalf of Benjamin Suarez, the owner of a North Canton direct-marketing firm indicted last month on charges of conspiring to funnel illegal campaign contributions to Mandel and Wadsworth Congressman Jim Renacci.

Mandel's efforts to help Suarez were legal. And that is exactly what should trouble Ohioans. Mandel is the perfect example of an elected official who gives special attention to donors and potential donors under the bogus cover that the attention is just normal constituent service.

Ohioans have become numb to the practice. But thanks to media outlets from around the state, most notably the Dayton Daily News, they can see just how accommodating Mandel was. This insight is the perfect wake-up call to demand more from all of our elected officials.

Secretary of State Jon Husted, who received money from Suarez that is not the subject of the federal investigation, also tried to help Suarez, though to a much lesser extent. Husted has said he, too, was just treating Suarez like any other constituent with a concern.

First, I'll talk about Mandel. An ambitious rising star in the GOP, he was running for the U.S. Senate when Suarez reached out for help in defending his company, which has been under fire for its sales and advertising practices.

Suarez's company makes such reputable products as the Dr. Frank Ryan's Abdominal Fat Reducer, which promises to reduce a pot belly without trying; Arthri-Zen, a topical cream that relieves joint pain; and BeePOWER Surge, which promises to improve memory and other health maladies.

Mandel first helped Suarez by writing in March of 2011 to Renacci, a fellow Republican, urging him to support federal legislation limiting damages in deceptive advertising and labeling cases. He enclosed a bill, Mandel wrote, "that has been drafted at the request of Suarez Industries to remedy these issues."

Not long after, Suarez's employees and their spouses started sending Renacci campaign contributions. The federal indictment against Suarez and his chief financial officer says Suarez then reimbursed the donors, a violation of federal campaign finance laws. Suarez vehemently denies reimbursing employees. You can read much more about him and his defense in Plain Dealer reporter Sabrina Eaton's profile of Suarez and his company.

Two months after contacting Renacci, Mandel wrote California State Treasurer Bill Lockyer and sent copies of the letter to the state's attorney general and others. Mandel pressed Lockyer to get California to back off Suarez -- or face potential litigation from Ohio.

Let that sink in for a moment. Mandel is threatening another state on behalf of Suarez. Mandel wrapped the threat in the pro-business, anti-regulation rhetoric he frequently delivered on the campaign stump.

"We must not permit this victimization and attack on Ohio jobs to continue unchecked," Mandel wrote. He never mentioned the victimization and attack on consumers who buy Suarez's products. Or the fact that Mandel's campaign was pressing Suarez for campaign money.

Lockyer's office told The Plain Dealer's Eaton earlier this month that Lockyer was surprised to receive Mandel's letter. Lockyer's office said the letter "read like a letter from an an ill-informed constituent."

Days after Mandel sent the letter to California, Suarez's employees and their spouses started sending checks to Mandel's campaign. The feds believe Suarez also reimbursed these donors, according to the indictment.

Mandel is not in trouble for asking Suarez for contributions or for contacting anyone on his behalf. And his office fully cooperated with federal authorities by providing key documents. Mandel, Renacci and Husted have returned or donated to charity the money connected to Suarez before the indictment.

Mandel has told cleveland.com and others that his actions on behalf Suarez do not amount to special treatment and that he makes the same effort for all constituents.

If you believe that, I have a pill to sell you that grows hair on bald men. Just look at my photo for proof.

I asked Mandel's office for other examples of advocacy in which he took an equally strong stance. His office offered these points: Mandel frequently responds to requests on a variety of matters through the office's constituent affairs department and other departments; Mandel gets action and raises awareness; Mandel does not recall personally writing the letters sent to Renacci and Lockyer; and Mandel did not have contacts in California so it reached out to the state treasurer as a logical point of contact.

Now, Jon Husted.

Also in 2011, Suarez asked Husted to press California Gov. Jerry Brown about backing off his company, which was the target of potential litigation in 10 California counties. Husted, who oversees elections and the paperwork businesses file in Ohio, instead called the office of California Attorney General Kamala Harris. Husted had met Harris earlier at the Aspen Institute in Colorado. An assistant attorney general in Harris' office returned the call and told Husted the dispute with Suarez was a local matter, not one her office was involved in. Husted passed that message to Suarez.

Husted has said these actions do not amount to advocacy on behalf of Suarez. Of course they do. Anytime an elected official puts his name behind a call – that amounts to advocacy. A spokeswoman for Husted told cleveland.com's Jeremy Pelzer that it's "fairly common" for Husted to make inquiries after hearing from constituents.

"Secretary Husted's never afraid to pick up the phone to try to solve problems and work on behalf of the people he represents," she said.

If that's true, I wonder how many Ohio lawmakers he's called on behalf of poor urban voters, who are concerned they will be disenfranchised by lawmakers' attempts to reduce the number of early voting days and require voters to show identification at the polls. (Husted's office responded after the column was published online to point out that he in fact has done just that. Husted has urged lawmakers to drop voter id legislation in Ohio and he remains opposed to such a law.)

Some donors give to politicians they believe will represent the best government. That's great, if that's all they are after. But others, such as Suarez, give to get something more for themselves. Such donors have tripped up both Republicans and Democrats, including former Ohio Treasurer Richard Cordray.

But politicians are supposed to filter out heavy-handed donors' agendas attached to political money.

It's obvious Mandel failed to do so.