A Hillary Clinton Hillary Diane Rodham ClintonJeff Flake: Republicans 'should hold the same position' on SCOTUS vacancy as 2016 Momentum growing among Republicans for Supreme Court vote before Election Day Warning signs flash for Lindsey Graham in South Carolina MORE and Donald Trump Donald John TrumpUS reimposes UN sanctions on Iran amid increasing tensions Jeff Flake: Republicans 'should hold the same position' on SCOTUS vacancy as 2016 Trump supporters chant 'Fill that seat' at North Carolina rally MORE showdown could upend the electoral map by putting a handful of formerly safe states into play — mostly in favor of Clinton.

Clinton’s camp had already hoped her hawkish foreign policy and more centrist views could help her cobble together coalitions that could push her to victory in reliably red states.

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And as Trump’s poll numbers fall following a recent string of controversies and Republicans distance themselves from his comments, if not the candidate himself, that prospect is more likely each day.

If Trump can recover from his recent difficulties and unify the GOP, he might be able to push swing voters into his camp, but the most likely states to do so are also ones with a solid record of voting for the Democratic nominee.

Still, without those distractions, Trump’s populism and aggressive anti-trade push could create strange bedfellows and swing some blue states into his corner.

Here are five states that could unexpectedly turn into battlegrounds.

Utah

The Beehive State is one of the most reliably red states in America — it’s one of nine states to have voted Republican in each of the past 12 presidential elections.

But Clinton and Trump are tied in a new poll, conducted by The Salt Lake Tribune, released over the weekend. Both sit at 35 percent, with Libertarian presidential candidate Gary Johnson Gary Earl JohnsonWhat the numbers say about Trump's chances at reelection Presidential race tightens in Minnesota as Trump plows resources into state The Hill's Campaign Report: Biden condemns violence, blames Trump for fomenting it l Bitter Mass. primaries reach the end l Super PAC spending set to explode MORE snatching a solid 13 percent.

One big factor that could put Utah up for grabs: the Mormon vote. While Mormons had one of their own in Mitt Romney on the GOP ticket in 2012, it doesn’t appear that they are feeling the love for Trump.

The presumptive GOP presidential nominee received a drubbing in Utah’s Republican primary, coming in last place by more than 50 points behind Ted Cruz Rafael (Ted) Edward CruzVideo of Lindsey Graham arguing against nominating a Supreme Court justice in an election year goes viral Sunday shows preview: Justice Ginsburg dies, sparking partisan battle over vacancy before election Democrat on Graham video urging people to 'use my words against me': 'Done' MORE.

Romney has been a vocal critic of Trump, and the Mormon church released a statement specifically responding to Trump’s call for a temporary ban on Muslim immigration that noted while it is “neutral in regard to party politics and election campaigns ... it is not neutral in relation to religious freedom.”

With Trump calling this week to expand that ban, his reputation among the state’s influential voting bloc could continue to sour.

So while it is still early, Utah’s presence on this list despite its 40-plus years of voting for Republican presidential candidates indicates that almost nothing is safe in this unpredictable cycle.

Arizona

The ability of Clinton, the presumptive Democratic nominee, to flip Arizona rests on mobilizing its heavy Hispanic population to come out against Trump and his controversial immigration stances and rhetoric.

Arizona is home to the fifth-highest number of eligible Hispanic voters in all of the states, according to Pew Research Center. And that’s with just less than half of the Hispanic population even eligible to vote due to factors like lack of registration, age or citizenship status.

Reports have shown Hispanic voter registration climbing in a handful of states, with the head of the National Association of Elected and Appointed Officials predicting that 2.5 million more Hispanics will vote in 2016 than in 2012, when Romney defeated President Obama in Arizona by almost 10 points and 212,000 votes.

Trump’s Hispanic favorability numbers are nearing the floor — 89 percent viewed him unfavorably in an ABC News/Washington Post poll released Wednesday — so Democrats hope that reality drives a registration uptick in the Grand Canyon State.

That could provide Democrats with reinforcements to help overcome the bloc of extremely conservative voters enamored with Trump’s border plan.

One poll from the Democratic-leaning Public Policy Polling last month showed Trump with just a 4-point lead. If Hispanic registration jumps, the gap could close even more and keep the reliably red state within Clinton’s reach.

Georgia

Clinton is looking to replicate her husband’s success in the Peach State, which he won during his presidential bid in 1992.

Polls already show a tight race in a state that’s voted for the Republican nominee in each of the last five presidential elections and where Republicans hold all of the major statewide positions and control both chambers in the state legislative branch.

All four major polls from May have Trump leading by a single-digit margin, the largest at 9 points and the smallest at just 1 point.

While both candidates sport low favorability ratings with the broad electorate, Clinton fares much better with the state’s black population. So the recipe for an upset here would rely on boosting minority turnout and stealing moderate voters away from Trump, thanks in no small part to backlash over what would be considered during most campaigns as gaffes.

That could be possible due to the staggering growth in minority voters — a Census spokesman told Politifact that 81 percent of the state’s growth between 2000 and 2010 came from the minority population. If Clinton could harness the growing minority vote and welcome independent Georgians with open arms, she could come out on top in November.

Pennsylvania

It’s the GOP’s Great White Whale, elusive yet almost always on the minds of Republicans. Despite their repeated bouts of confidence, the state has voted blue in every presidential race since 1992.

It’s an enticing state for Republicans — it sports Rust Belt sympathies with a large white, rural population across most of its area. Yet while the GOP has had success in other statewide offices, Trump’s predecessors have failed to achieve that goal largely because of Philadelphia’s liberal voters.

But if Trump has his way, that ends in November.

He’s already earned the stamp of approval from Republican voters — his near-sweep of delegates in the Pennsylvania primary proved his appeal with the state’s GOP base.

A Keystone State victory is already on Trump’s radar, having traveled there last weekend as an early stop on his first major general election swing.

“She’s not winning Pennsylvania, let me tell you,” Trump told supporters in Pittsburgh as he blasted Clinton’s record on the coal industry.

Clinton had a 15-point lead in an NBC News/Wall Street Journal/Marist poll from late April, but the past two polls have both candidates effectively tied.

Michigan

It’s a similar story in Michigan, another blue state that has voted for a Democrat in the past six presidential elections where Trump hopes populist rhetoric and an aggressive push against trade deals can carry him to victory.

Polls from the early spring had Clinton up by double digits, but Republicans are increasingly bullish after a late May Detroit News poll put her lead at just 4 points.

Clinton narrowly lost the state’s Democratic primary — some pointed to her controversial accusation that presidential rival Bernie Sanders Bernie SandersNYT editorial board remembers Ginsburg: She 'will forever have two legacies' Two GOP governors urge Republicans to hold off on Supreme Court nominee Sanders knocks McConnell: He's going against Ginsburg's 'dying wishes' MORE didn’t support the auto bailout as one reason why.

Trump made an aggressive appeal to autoworkers during the primary, blasting Ford’s decision to export factory jobs to Mexico and arguing that trade deals left American workers out in the dust.

And his call for massive tariffs on foreign goods is tailor-made to appeal to those who worry about how foreign automobile imports are hurting America’s auto industry.

Still, it may be an uphill battle. His push for union workers shows no evidence of working. In addition to the backing of national unions, Clinton also has the support of many local chapters, according to The Hill’s interviews with union leaders in the state.