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It seems like nearly every week, the American Libertarian movement lends further credence to the fact that its “unique” brand of insurrectionist politics is a smokescreen for its underlying racism. Libertarians are segregationists in denial, and they are using the current wave of distrust directed at government agencies to mold a right-leaning anti-establishment movement that is grounded in pre-Civil Rights era development practices.

Last week, a Princeton freshman inadvertently uncovered the secret behind libertarian success in his Time article entitled “Why I’ll Never Apologize for My White Male Privilege.” To be fair to Tal Fortgang (and honestly, could a name like his be more perfect in this situation?), his argument was largely misrepresented by the media on the left. While the incendiary headline of the article is the focus of much of the controversy, the article’s content puts forth a much more compelling argument: The left’s discussion of white male privilege undermines legitimate success stories from people of all walks of life.

This, in many ways, is a legitimate argument. “Check your privilege” is thrown around a lot these days (particularly in university settings) to de-legitimize educated arguments made by well-meaning (albeit ignorant) people. However, Tal made the mistake of outing himself as another white male college republican masquerading as a libertarian. Fortgang writes, “When we [sacrifice for our descendants] by raising questions about our crippling national debt, he writes, “we’re called Tea Party radicals.” Despite the best efforts of the left to portray the Tea Party as a bunch of radicals, the racist hypocrisy in their calls to slash entitlements while supporting “local” (read: white, predominantly suburban) government is an extension of the urban disinvestment strategies in the 1950s that were developed under the guise of a free market approach to development.

The libertarian platform encourages, among other things, rolling back anti-discrimination legislation, relaxing gun control policies, and legalizing marijuana. Other than the modern-day issue of marijuana legalization (more on that later), this platform is a trendy re-hashing of the segregationist political machine of the 1950s. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 addressed segregationist policies like redlining (a market-based approach to discrimination). Urban disinvestment moved government funds from the inner-cities to the suburbs. While many racial minorities were passing down abandoned buildings and crippling payday loan debt from generation to generation, Tal Fortgang’s parents had unfettered access to banking privileges and property development. The libertarian success story depends on white flight and the development of quiet, safe, and well-funded suburban town governments.

In these islands of privilege, the anti-gun control movement proliferated. After all, “guns don’t kill people, people kill people” is an argument based on privilege. When one’s only experience with gun violence was that one time the crazy uncle had a little too much whiskey at the driving range, unrestrained access to assault rifles seems harmless. It’s just another case of big-government “socialists” attempting to protect us from ourselves. In reality, most gun-control legislation is passed on a municipal level with widespread support from the local (read: not white, predominantly urban) community.

The same is true for the marijuana legalization wing of the movement. While many young men are attracted to libertarianism for this reason, big business tycoons are salivating at the thought of libertarians dictating the legalization discussion. Without injecting privilege into the debate, pot legalization advocates often ignore the racial disparity in the sentencing of non-violent drug offenders. In the libertarian universe, a “Walmart of Weed” where predominantly white corporate officers exploit de-regulation of a medical product is coming to an inner city near you.

True “we built that” success stories occur in spite of failing local governments in the inner cities. It is the libertarian mindset that has belittled the achievement of black Americans by suggesting that despite their competitive statistics, they were given an advantage in college or in the workplace due to blind racial preference. It is the libertarian mindset that suggests that even despite ample evidence that proves that discrimination still runs rampant, it is somehow difficult to be a white male in the affirmative action era. It is the libertarian mindset that allows people like Tal Fortgang to forget that just sixty years ago, a black male college student would have had to take off his hat in the presence of a six year old white boy.

While libertarians argue that welfare creates a culture of poverty (see: Paul Ryan), they have no trouble providing funding for services in their own towns. Underprivileged neighborhoods, on the other hand, are the true laboratories for the great libertarian experiment. Public schools are neglected, crimes often go unpunished, and the Second Amendment’s supposed blanket right to own an assault rifle is fully realized. If anyone who grew up in these neighborhoods manages to find success, it is they who should be celebrated.

Worse yet, libertarians often undermine the impact that public services and government protections have had on their own success. Many libertarians have been the direct beneficiaries of excellent public schooling, financial aid from state and federal agencies, local law enforcement infrastructures that have kept them secure, and other public resources like roads, libraries, etc. Yet, the libertarian folk tale remains the same: my success came from me. For the average white male libertarian, their success stories are largely a story of the success of local governments in providing services for the upper middle class.

The larger point here is that Tal Fortgang’s viewpoint does not exist in a vaccum. He is another young white male who has fallen for the libertarian conception of antiestablishmentism. To be sure, this is an attractive philosophy for young white men. It allows them to nurture their budding social liberalism along with their love of rock n roll, guns, and weed while being able to wash over uncomfortable subjects like racism for which they have little to no experience. The truth is, history will not be kind to this movement. Libertarians love being called “radicals” who don’t believe in the power of government to help people. It is time that this movement is exposed for what it truly is: a call to install corporate tyranny through subtle tactics of discrimination. In many ways, the libertarian dream is our reality. For true insurrectionists who believe that equality cannot be achieved without talking honestly about the ever-thriving institution of racism, the libertarian vision is another form of white oppression.

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