When predominantly White participants in Western countries are asked to shoot individuals in a computer game who may carry weapons, they show a greater bias to shoot at outgroup members and people stereotyped as dangerous. The goal was to determine the extent to which shooter biases in the Middle East would vary as a function of target ethnicity and culturally appropriate or inappropriate headgear. Within a sample of 37 male Saudi Arabian residents, we examined shooter biases outside of Western nations for the first time. Targets in this task were either White or Middle Eastern in appearance, and wore either American style baseball caps or a Saudi Arabian style shemagh and igal. Our results replicated the bias to shoot racial outgroup members observed in Western samples; we found a bias to shoot White over Middle Eastern targets. Unexpectedly, we also found a bias for Saudi participants to shoot at people wearing culturally appropriate traditional Saudi headgear over Western style baseball caps. To explain this latter finding, we cautiously speculate that relative perceptions of dangerousness in the Middle East may be influenced by media exposure and changing social conditions in the region.

Perceiving that dangerous groups of people lurk in your midst can strain intergroup interactions and relations. When predominantly White participants in Western countries are asked to shoot individuals who may carry weapons in computer games, they show a greater bias to shoot at people who are Black than White (Correll, Park, Judd, & Wittenbrink, 2002), Middle Eastern than White (Unkelbach, Forgas, & Denson, 2008), wearing Muslim headgear than those not wearing Muslim headgear (Unkelbach et al., 2008, Unkelbach, Goldenberg, Müller, Sobbe, & Spannaus, 2009), and male than female (Plant, Goplen, & Kunstman, 2011). Thus, when presented with targets from distinct social categories, people display the greatest shooter bias toward outgroup members and members of the categories stereotyped as relatively more dangerous. The aim of the present research was to quantify the extent to which ethnic group membership and culturally appropriate or inappropriate headgear would influence perceptions of dangerousness by people living in the Middle East.

Past research on the shooter bias has exclusively examined Western cultures (i.e., North America, Western Europe, and Australia). Consistent with the strong stereotypes that Black men are dangerous (Devine, 1989), the original shooter bias research found that both Black and White Americans displayed a bias to shoot Black targets over White targets (Correll et al., 2002). Prior research has reliably shown that perceived danger (in addition to ingroup bias) plays a critical role in biases to shoot (Correll, Urland, & Ito, 2006; Correll, Wittenbrink, Park, Judd, & Goyle, 2011; Miller, Zielaskowski, & Plant, 2012). For instance, participants show a greater bias to shoot targets superimposed on dangerous compared with safe backgrounds (Correll et al., 2011). Western participants also show a stronger neural marker of threat (P200) to Black than White faces in the shooter task (Correll et al., 2006). Individuals who believe that the world is a dangerous place even shoot at outgroup members not stereotyped as dangerous more than ingroup members (Miller et al., 2012). Moreover, the shooter bias is not solely attributable to simple outgroup bias because Black Americans shoot more at Black than White targets, and men shoot more at male than female targets (Correll et al., 2002; Kahn & Davies, 2010; Plant et al., 2011).

Outgroups are often perceived as dangerous (Stephan & Stephan, 2000). The little attitudinal data from within the Middle Eastern, Arabic, and Islamic world shows that Western outgroups are perceived as dangerous. Muslims, and particularly those Muslims living in non-Western countries, view people in Western countries as violent (Pew Global Attitudes Project, 2006). In fact, Muslims are more likely to view Westerners as violent than Westerners are to view Muslims as violent (Pew Global Attitudes Project, 2011). In line with the previously discussed work showing the dangerousness basis of shooter biases, we expected that Middle Eastern participants would show biases to shoot at targets containing markers of a Western outgroup. In the present research, two distinct markers were used: race and clothing (specifically headgear).

We hypothesized that the race bias (Unkelbach et al., 2008) and headgear bias (Unkelbach et al., 2008; Unkelbach et al., 2009) typically observed in Western nations toward Middle Eastern targets would be reversed in a Saudi Arabian sample. This reversal would be consistent with the perceptions of Westerners as dangerous among Muslims in non-Western countries. More specifically, we hypothesized that Saudi men would display

A relatively greater bias for shooting White targets over Middle Eastern targets and A relatively greater bias for shooting those wearing American style baseball caps over those wearing the culturally appropriate shemagh and igaal.

No interaction was hypothesized. Prediction of an interaction would mean that we believed that the meaning of headgear varies by target race (or race by target headgear): While possible, we saw no reason to make this prediction. Both race and headgear should exert independent, additive effects on shooter biases. White race and baseball caps should both be indicative of the outgroup for Saudi participants and therefore induce greater shooter biases.

Results Shooter Bias Consistent with Hypothesis 1, participants showed a greater bias to shoot at White targets than Middle Eastern targets, F(1, 36) = 4.43, p = .042, η p 2 = . 11 (Figure 1). Contrary to Hypothesis 2, participants were also more biased to shoot at targets wearing the shemagh and igal than targets wearing a baseball cap, F(1, 36) = 4.48, p = .041, η p 2 = . 11 . The Target Race × Headgear interaction was not significant, F(1, 36) = 1.18, p = .284, η p 2 = . 03 . Supplementary analyses The patterns reported above were internally replicated using (a) a different set of participant inclusion criteria and (b) reaction times. Overall, the supplementary analyses demonstrate internal consistency across cut-offs and methods of analysis in the observed response biases. A different set of participant inclusion criteria Rather than filter outliers and those who could not discriminate guns from objects, Unkelbach et al. (2008) excluded participants who failed to respond within the response window more than 20% of the time. Two participants in the present sample met this exclusion criteria; neither of these individuals was filtered in the original analyses. Under these conditions, there was a bias to shoot White targets over Middle Eastern targets, F(1, 41) = 3.26, p = .078, η p 2 = . 07 , and participants were more biased to shoot at targets wearing the shemagh and igal than targets wearing a baseball cap, F(1, 41) = 6.06, p = .018, η p 2 = . 13 . There was no interaction, F(1, 41) = 2.03, p = .161, η p 2 = . 05 . Reaction times Faster reaction times indicate a more accessible decision than longer reaction times (see Correll et al., 2014). Latency results consistent with the observed response biases would be either (1) faster hit latencies or (2) slower correct rejection latencies for (a) White targets than Middle Eastern targets and (b) the shemagh and igal rather than baseball caps. All responses made within the response window were used to calculate participants’ mean latencies: These latencies are reported in Table 2. Given the relative infrequency of incorrect latencies (i.e., misses and false alarms), these were not analyzed. Faster hit latencies were observed for White targets than Middle Eastern targets, F(1, 36) = 3.25, p = .080, η p 2 = . 08 , but there was no effect of headgear, F(1, 36) = 2.06, p = .164, η p 2 = . 05 , and no interaction, F(1, 36) = 1.89, p = .171, η p 2 = . 05 . Slower correct rejection latencies were observed for targets wearing the shemagh and igal than baseball caps, F(1, 36) = 4.14, p = .049, η p 2 = . 10 , but there was no effect of race, F(1, 36) = 1.46, p = .235, η p 2 = . 04 , and no interaction, F(1, 36) = 0.45, p = .833, η p 2 = . 00 . Thus, the reaction time data is consistent with the observed response biases. Table 2. Mean Latencies in the Shooter Task. View larger version Weapon Discrimination The ability to discern the presence of a weapon was not affected by target race, F(1, 36) = 1.27, p = .268, η p 2 = . 03 , but was marginally higher when the target wore the shemagh and igal rather than a baseball cap, F(1, 36) = 3.79, p = .059, η p 2 = . 10 . This was qualified by a significant interaction between target race and headgear, F(1, 36) = 7.57, p = .009, η p 2 = . 17 . Follow-up comparisons revealed that participants were significantly more sensitive to the presence of guns when the target was White and wearing a baseball cap (M = 2.92, SD = 0.88) than each other Race × Headgear combination, Fs(1, 36) ≥ 5.41, ps ≤ .026, η p 2 ≥ . 13 . There were no significant differences in discrimination between the other Race × Headgear combinations (White with shemagh and igal, M = 2.59, SD = 0.95; Middle Eastern with shemagh and igal, M = 2.71, SD = 0.81; Middle Eastern with baseball cap, M = 2.61, SD = 1.00), Fs(1, 36) ≤ 0.77, ps ≥ .386, η p 2 ≤ . 02 .

Discussion We found support for Hypothesis 1 (race bias) in that Saudi Arabian men were more likely to shoot at their racial outgroup than ingroup. This pattern of behavior is identical to that observed in racial majorities in Western samples (Correll et al., 2002; Miller et al., 2012; Unkelbach et al., 2008). Contradicting Hypothesis 2 (headgear bias), Saudis unexpectedly displayed greater bias toward shooting targets wearing the shemagh and igal over those wearing baseball caps. This result replicates prior research in which Western participants displayed greater shooter bias toward people wearing Arab headgear (Unkelbach et al., 2008) but failed to support our hypothesised reversal of the effect in Saudi Arabia. The results were internally consistent. Participant inclusion criteria did not alter the conclusions of the study, and reaction-time-based analyses supported the conclusions drawn from the signal detection analyses. In the present Saudi Arabian sample, we found the hypothesized link between being a member of the racial ingroup and increased likelihood of shooting the racial outgroup member. Although these results may appear intuitive, it must be emphasized that racial biases in non-Western populations have not been the subject of much quantitative investigation. Shooter biases are relative effects and do not necessarily indicate that White people and the shemagh and igal are perceived as dangerous in absolute terms. Rather, we cautiously speculate that the present findings may indicate that White targets may have been perceived as relatively more dangerous (or less safe) than Middle Eastern targets. Moreover, targets wearing the shemagh and igal may have also been perceived as relatively more dangerous (or less safe) than targets wearing American style baseball caps. It is important to consider why we may have found the predicted ingroup–outgroup pattern for race but not cultural markers. One possibility for this surprising finding is that it was a Type 1 error: Future research should try to replicate this effect in both Saudi Arabia and the Middle East more broadly. However, given the same pattern emerged in the analyses of response times, it is worth considering non-statistical explanations. The bias toward shooting targets wearing the shemagh and igal more than baseball caps may be a result of favorable shifts toward the Western world or negative shifts away from traditional-conservative values. Young Saudis are increasingly technologically engaged, and Westernized (Samin, 2012) especially in their clothing choices (Assad, 2008). Due to the immutability of race, these social changes should not shift danger and safety perceptions of White targets relative to Middle Eastern targets: however, increasing globalization may have changed perceptions of Western cultural markers relative to traditional Saudi cultural markers of the shemagh and igal. The alternate possibility is that Saudi clothing is becoming more negatively perceived for the traditional-conservative values it represents. Such a shift could be a result of Saudi Arabian participants internalizing Western media stereotypes about Arabs, Muslims, and/or those from the Middle East. These stereotypes are resoundingly negative, with only 5% of Hollywood films presenting Arabs in normal roles (Shaheen, 2003). Exposure to this type of stereotyped media is known to increase anti-Arab bias in Western samples (Saleem & Anderson, 2013). Consequently, exposure to these Western stereotypes may have resulted in their internalization, and development of an anti-Arab bias among Saudi youth. This process may be similar to Black participants’ internalized stereotypes about Blacks explaining their bias to shoot at Black targets (Maddox & Gray, 2002; Plant et al., 2011). Contrary to this explanation, however, are observations of relatively minimal mass demonstrations in Saudi Arabia during Arab spring (Samin, 2012) and the defense of traditional-conservative values on Saudi Internet message boards (Samin, 2008). In an increasingly globalized society, it is important to know how one’s race and culture may be perceived not only at home but also abroad. Due to the Western bias in experimental research on racial hostility, this information had not been previously available. The present findings may be helpful for White people traveling or interacting with people in Middle Eastern countries like Saudi Arabia. For instance, rather than conforming to a culturally normative dress-code, it may be better to dress in a stereotypically Western manner. Furthermore, the present findings provide unique insight into social perception processes that may be affected by the rapidly changing cultural milieu in the Arab world. However, because our study consisted of only male University students, caution must be practiced when generalizing to the broader Saudi population.

Conclusion Consistent with research in the West, our participants showed a greater bias to shoot at a social outgroup: in this case, White targets. This mirrors the effect shown in Western countries in which participants show a greater bias to shoot Middle Eastern targets (Unkelbach et al., 2008). However, when examining clothing, we found that people wearing culturally appropriate Saudi attire may have been perceived as more dangerous. Our findings highlight the necessity of considering cultural variation in social perceptions of social categories.

Authors’ Note

Timothy P. Schofield is now located at the Centre for Research on Ageing, Health and Wellbeing at the Australian National University, Canberra, Australia. Christopher P. Garris is now located at the Metropolitan State University of Denver, Colorado, USA. Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article. Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research and/or authorship of this article.