WHAT a difference a month makes. On the night of September 4th Angela Merkel made the most dramatic decision of her decade as German chancellor: to suspend European asylum rules and allow tens of thousands of refugees stranded in Hungary to enter Germany via Austria. It was a moral gesture that fitted the mood of the moment. As The Economist went to press, Mrs Merkel was considered a favourite to win the Nobel Peace Prize.

In Germany, however, that altruistic embrace has caused a backlash that could weaken a chancellor so far considered all but invincible. Using uncharacteristically missionary language, Mrs Merkel said repeatedly that the right to asylum has “no upper limit”. But Joachim Gauck, who as president is expected to keep out of workaday politics, responded that “our reception capacity is limited even when it has not yet been worked out where these limits lie.” As though on cue, the political tone turned against Mrs Merkel.

The numbers are dramatic. More than 200,000 migrants are believed to have arrived in Germany in September alone. For the year, official forecasts had already risen in August from 450,000 to 800,000. This week Bild, Germany’s largest tabloid, cited estimates that the number could reach 1.5m—equivalent to the population of Munich. New refugees keep pouring in, and those granted asylum have the right to bring family later. No end is in sight.

Processing centres exceeded capacity weeks ago. Local authorities are struggling to find housing, since temporary tent cities will not suffice in winter. The government of Hamburg has begun seizing empty office buildings to house refugees, raising constitutional questions. Berlin and Bremen are considering similar measures. Schools are struggling to integrate refugee children who speak no German.

Fights have broken out inside overcrowded asylum centres, often between young men of different ethnic or religious groups. There have been more arson attacks on migrant centres. In Dresden, a xenophobic movement called Pegida is growing again: about 9,000 protested this Monday against refugees.

Mainstream society is tolerant but edgy. In a survey by German public television 51% of Germans say that they fear the refugee influx, 13 points more than in September. Approval of Mrs Merkel dropped by 9 points to her lowest level since 2011 (though it is still a respectable 54%). In two other polls Mrs Merkel slid from Germany’s most popular politician to fourth.

The fiercest criticism of Mrs Merkel comes from within her own conservative bloc—the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), which she leads, and the Christian Social Union (CSU), which exists only in Bavaria and usually supports her. Horst Seehofer, the CSU’s boss and premier of Bavaria, called Mrs Merkel’s decision “a mistake that will keep us occupied for a long time”. In one meeting he threatened half-seriously to drop off busloads of refugees at the federal parliament in Berlin. Gerda Hasselfeldt, a CSU parliamentary leader, wants to erect transit zones along Germany’s borders like those in airports. Markus Söder, Bavaria’s finance minister, has called for a fence. A group of Christian Democrats calling itself the “security club” debated closing Germany’s borders to refugees entirely. Another group has written a letter to Mrs Merkel charging that her refugee policy breaks the law. In response Mrs Merkel’s government is scrambling to make changes. It has passed legislation that cuts pocket money to refugees, currently €143 ($160) a month, and replaces it with vouchers. More police and administrators are being hired. All Balkan countries have been declared “safe” so that their asylum applicants can be rejected and deported faster. On October 6th Mrs Merkel took charge of co-ordinating refugee policy, in effect demoting the interior minister, Thomas de Maizière. None of this, however, will reduce the numbers of Syrians, Iraqis and Afghans who are fleeing war. Nor will last month’s agreement by the European Union to allocate 120,000 refugees among member states. Mrs Merkel had lobbied fiercely for it, but the compromise will barely dent Germany’s refugee numbers.

She is now concentrating her effort on getting Turkey, whence most refugees cross into the EU, to intercept and keep more migrants. But Turkey already hosts more than 2m. It will demand concessions such as easing visa restrictions for Turks entering the EU. It will also expect Germany to tone down criticism of Turkish crackdowns on the press and on Kurdish separatists. It may ask for German help to create a buffer zone in Syria.