The behind-the-scenes knife fight over who hosts Europe’s drugs regulator after Brexit is turning into a culture war.

For all the talk about EU27 unity against British negotiators, the competition for the European Medicines Agency, one of Brexit’s biggest spoils, is exposing some of the Continent’s deepest East-West fault lines, especially on social attitudes and values.

This week, EMA chief Guido Rasi called on the 19 countries applying to host the agency to be upfront about their policies on gay rights. Rasi said he understands the concerns of the agency’s LGBT staff who wrote to him and other EU leaders about their fear of moving to a place that won’t protect their rights or recognize their marriages when the agency leaves London after Brexit.

Neither Rasi nor the letter mentioned any particular country, but the targets are clear. Bulgaria, Poland, Slovakia and Romania don’t recognize any sort of formal same-sex relationship. Romania is about to introduce a referendum to define “family” as a marriage between a man and a woman in the country's constitution. The other three already have constitutional bans on same-sex marriage.

“We embrace people to work for us, no matter their gender, ethnicity, religion or sexual orientation,” Rasi said. “We have to do everything we can to ensure the new location can be reconciled with the life choices our staff have made, so that we can retain as many of them as possible to guarantee the continuity of EMA’s operations.”

Romania, Slovakia and Bulgaria do not have an EU agency. All three joined the bloc more than a decade ago (Bulgaria and Romania in 2007 and Slovakia in 2004), and as the U.K. walks out, they argue there is no justification for denying them the full trappings of membership, including playing host to the €322 million agency.

“EU countries talk about solidarity, but they only support it when it goes one way [East to West]," said one Brussels-based diplomat from Eastern Europe, hinting at the clash pitting the European Commission and countries like Germany against Central and Eastern European countries over migrant quotas.

From West to East

Rasi’s note about staff retention speaks to his more immediate challenge: convincing nearly 900 highly skilled people living in one of the world’s most cosmopolitan, liberal cities to move just about anywhere else. Rank-and-file hostility to moving too far east is clear from internal surveys, anonymous interviews with staff and the response to the LGBT letter. Even though there are at most 70 LGBT staff at the agency, about 250 employees signed the letter of concern, the writers said.

“This is one of those blows below the belt that we expected" -- Brussels-based Eastern European diplomat

“In the case that EMA is relocated to a member state with discriminatory legislation for LGBT persons, then LGBT staff members will be forced to choose between relocating with the agency or maintaining equal rights and protections under the law,” the group wrote, noting particular concern that partners from non-EU countries might not be allowed to move with them.

When approached about Rasi's call, a spokesperson for Slovakia's permanent representation in Brussels did not directly address the question of partnership rights but pointed to a national strategy on human rights and an LGBTI committee that advises a government council on human rights for minorities and gender equality.

A spokesperson for Bulgaria’s permanent representation in Brussels declined to comment on Rasi’s request, noting he hadn’t communicated his concerns directly to Bulgaria, but contended that Bulgaria is in compliance with EU laws and thus “does not allow in its legislation any form of discrimination, including on the basis of ‘sexual orientation.’” Pressed on whether this meant EMA staff with same-sex partners could enjoy spousal benefits, the spokesperson declined to elaborate.

Poland's permanent representation in Brussels declined to comment, and Romania's did not respond.

A Commission spokesperson said EU law, not the selection process, would protect LGBT staff and spouses.

'Below-the-belt' blow

Rasi’s involvement in the issue surprised the Brussels-based Eastern European diplomat, who was not authorized to speak on the record. “This is one of those blows below the belt that we expected,” the diplomat said, adding they were convinced that there were more to come.

With no illusions about the West’s cultural disdain, Central and Eastern European countries have lobbied hard to keep political and social issues from being a factor in the race for the EMA, as well as the European Banking Authority, which is also based in London. Criteria set out by the Commission focus on things like IT networks, airports, job markets and housing (not to mention the geographic spread of agencies). Issues like political stability and adherence to rule of law — other areas where those countries might fall short — aren’t explicitly considered.

No wonder, then, newer members of the EU club bristle at the idea they have to change their values to accommodate the rest of Europe.

The newer EU members believe they are being unfairly singled out. Italy, for example, also has its critics for not upholding liberal values. Gay marriage is also banned there (though the deeply Catholic nation does allow civil unions), it is hard to get an abortion and it has had plenty of its own recent struggles with corruption and government turmoil.

No wonder, then, newer members of the EU club bristle at the idea they have to change their values to accommodate the rest of Europe.

Asked by local media this week whether the referendum to ban gay marriage might send a negative signal to the EU, the president of the Romanian parliament’s lower house, Liviu Dragnea, responded: “I am interested in this decision being taken by Romanians, not by somebody else.”

Carmen Paun contributed reporting.