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On a bright March afternoon in 2019, former IAS topper Shah Faesal took to the stage to address a crowd of a few thousands at Gindun Park in the posh Raj Bagh area of Srinagar. Speaking in an idiom that brought back memories of late Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, Faesal announced the launch of a political party with an agenda of finding a peaceful resolution to the Kashmir conflict, as per the wishes of the people, and promised to fight forces “intent to divide Jammu and Kashmir on the basis of religion.”

Exactly one year later, Faesal, sitting in a detention centre, witnessed history repeat itself, as if the rishis of idyllic Valley were cracking a cruel joke on his political dream. Across the Jhelum from the Park where he had raised the slogans of “hawa badlegi (the wind will change its direction)’’, a new political project was announced by Sayeed’s trusted aide and former finance minister of J&K, Altaf Bukhari. With the Apni Party, Bukhari’s attempt is to fashion himself as Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad of the present-day Kashmir. But will this gambit work?

For the younger generation of Kashmiris, which is totally alienated from Delhi — particularly after 5 August 2019 — Bakshi is no hero, not even a minion who inspires a few. He is best known for normalising the biggest blunder of the Indian government in Jammu and Kashmir by taking over the reins of power when Sheikh Abdullah was arrested by Jawaharlal Nehru.

Thus, it is not surprising that Bukhari wants to follow Bakshi’s simplistic political maxim – be on the good side of New Delhi, and rule. A political project deluded by selective amnesia may see Bakshi as the only developmental man of Jammu and Kashmir but a casual look at the books of history on Kashmir would tell us that he is an archetype of a pliant political operative.

To be fair, Bakshi is known for unleashing an era of development in Jammu and Kashmir. But his rule is also remembered for crushing political opponents and dissent with an iron fist. He also created a system of patronage, nepotism and institutionalised corruption in the region. But there was, in the eyes of a Kashmiri, still some dignity attached to his post, as he continued to be the Prime Minister of Jammu and Kashmir and resisted the abrogation of Article 370, which gave special status to the erstwhile state.

Also read: Key to ending political deadlock in J&K is with Abdullahs, Muftis. Modi should accept it

BJP’s kiss of love

As per news reports, two weeks before launching Apni Party, Altaf Bukhari had met Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) general secretary Ram Madhav at a private function in Gulmarg. Days before this meeting, another BJP general secretary, Ashok Kaul, gave the national party’s blessing to the new party. Speaking to Greater Kashmir, Kaul said, “If somebody does good work, we shall support him.”

After the constitutional changes made on 5 August, Altaf Bukhari played footsie on the terms set by the BJP. He did not challenge the dilution of Article 370, nor did he raise his express concern regarding the lockdown in Jammu and Kashmir. If at all he has spoken on the decisions taken on 5 August — besides the dilution, the bifurcation of J&K into two union territories with Ladakh being the second one — he has carefully toed the line of the Narendra Modi government in demanding the restoration of statehood.

Bukhari was perhaps the only political leader of the Kashmir Valley who wasn’t put under detention. Even Padma Bhushan awardee Muzaffar Hussain Baig was under house arrest for weeks after August 5. Why was Bukhari not detained? Was he on board for the Centre’s plan to dismember and downgrade the state of J&K?

Not just that, the administration in J&K has also given this new political project an open field. With mainstream political leaders, including three former chief ministers, under detention, the political activity in J&K has remained suspended. This has given an unfair advantage to Bukhari to chip away leaders of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the National Conference (NC) and the Congress into his fold. While all the help from the administration has eased the effort of setting up of his Apni Party, the BJP’s blessing may very well prove to be a kiss of death.

If, by any chance, the Neo-Bakshis of Kashmir end up reading history, they would find no dignity in seeking mandate from the electorate of an over-glorified municipality (Union Territory of J&K). In fact, Bukhari will most likely never end up becoming the chief minister.

The BJP, which has given its blessings to his political party, for all practical purposes, has been yearning to have its party leader, preferably a Hindu, as the chief minister of J&K. So, this new political project will, in the best case scenario, become a vehicle that will take a leader of the BJP closer to the post of CM, much like the one that took 12 NC defectors in 1984 to install Ghulam Muhammad Shah as the CM, ousting his brother-in-law Farooq Abdullah in a coup.

Also read: Why PSA is a handy tool for Modi govt to re-engineer post-Abdullahs politics in Kashmir

Complex games

On Saturday, Altaf Bukhari’s Apni Party held its first meeting where he was appointed the head of the party. This meeting was a show of strength. Pictures emerging from the meeting showed known faces of the Kashmir’s mainstream – most of them were defectors from the PDP and the state unit of the Congress party. Of the 39 mid-level leaders that joined Bukhari, only four belong to the National Conference.

Hours after the pictures of Bukari’s meeting appeared on social media, another set of pictures made their way on various online platforms. These were the pictures of leaders of Peoples’ Conference, NC, PDP, and Shah Faesal while they were under detention. None of these parties or leaders have reacted to the formation of the Apni Party. It seems that these pictures were leaked to show that a counter force is awaiting Bukhari.

All the political leaders who have been released from the detention have played a wait-and-watch game. The National Conference seems to be emerging as a formidable force, as most of its senior leaders have remained loyal to the party. The same is true for Sajad Lone’s People’s Conference. While many of the senior leaders of the PDP have joined hands with Bukhari, it seems the leftover of the PDP will swear allegiance to Mehbooba Mufti in her effort to re-establish the party from the ashes.

As these complex games unfold in Kashmir, it is clear that two fronts are emerging from the Valley-based mainstream political parties. One, that of the Neo-Bakshis, who will remain pliant to the BJP and the Modi government to do due diligence in normalising the decisions taken on 5 August. The other side, which is playing the wait-and-watch game, will seek to gain legitimacy from the people of Kashmir. This will be an anti-BJP front and may rally around the National Conference to avert the iron fist of the central government.

There is a lesson to be learnt for any Kashmiri politician from the Kamraj Plan that ended the Congress leader’s political career. Eventually, Bakshi was arrested on 22 September 1964, at 5 am, under the Defence of India Rules but was released in a few weeks ahead of a court hearing on his habeas corpus petition. Ironically, 70 years later, New Delhi is still looking for new Bakshis to emerge out of Kashmir – that is a telling commentary on the historical bungling that continues in Kashmir.

The author is an Associate Fellow at Observer Research Foundation. Views are personal.

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