In one of the government shutdowns during the Reagan presidency, my colleagues in the White House Press Office and I were involuntary props in the show. Specifically, we were ordered to abandon our offices in the West Wing adjacent to the press briefing room, close our doors, turn off the lights and let the phones ring incessantly unanswered, so the press would have a graphic image of what a government shutdown meant.

We did it, of course, but most of us “hid out” in the Executive Office Building next door to the White House, where we did our work and were immediately available to return to our usual duties once the shutdown ended. It was little more than political theater, though we presumed whatever caused the impasse was important – or at least seemed so at the time. Nonetheless, the whole thing seemed a bit silly.

In succeeding years, government shutdowns have become more frequent, lasted longer and been based on what some have said are serious matters. Whether those matters were serious enough to merit shutting down the government of the most powerful and important nation in the world is an open question. There are compelling arguments on both sides. Some issues are worth falling on the sword for, and some are not.

That said, the current government shutdown hardly seems worth the disruption it is causing in the delivery of routine government services to people who need them and the inconveniences it is imposing on taxpayers in general. Even worse, it is utterly disrespectful to government employees who depend on a steady paycheck to pay the rent or mortgage, feed the kids, and meet other ordinary expenses.

[Read more: 10 things to know about the government shutdown]

Border security is very important and our immigration policy needs to be overhauled. That is not in dispute. But to shut down the government – even if only partially – over how much U.S. taxpayer money will be used to build a wall to keep people out, especially when the president promised it would be paid for by another country, is not a issue which merits such drama.

President Trump’s unwillingness to disappoint his base and his almost blind willingness to march to the tune of conservative radio and television hosts shows a fundamental weakness, indeed cowardice, unworthy of a president of the United States. He should not be a prisoner of extreme right-wing propaganda. Trump should stand up to his detractors and say that as president, he will not be unduly influenced by the loudest and most inflammatory voices, but instead will base his decisions on what is in the best interests of the country as a whole. As he showed with his support of criminal justice reform, which rightly won him bipartisan praise, he is capable of that and now needs to summon the same spirit of “what’s in the national interest” to get the government fully operational again.

Some of Trump’s supporters might applaud his stubbornness, but so what? He should not be bothered by what short-sighted partisans think. At the end of the day, Trump — not Mitch McConnell, Chuck Schumer, Paul Ryan or Nancy Pelosi — is the head of state in this country. As Trump himself has said, a shutdown is a failure of the president.

No one doubts his commitment to border security. True to his campaign promises, he has made that a priority of his presidency. And rightfully so. However, without agreement on a funding bill, no money goes to a wall. One need not be an economist to realize that some money is better than no money.

To his consternation, no doubt, Trump has cancelled his trip to Florida for Christmas. The current government shutdown is not a show. It’s serious and it matters.

What Trump should do now is address the nation from the Oval Office to explain his position. If he is so inclined, he could call for political support for the wall. But then he must say he will sign a bipartisan bill to fund the government because national stability is more important than any one issue.

It’s called being a leader.

Mark Weinberg is a communications consultant, speechwriter and the author of "Movie Nights with the Reagans" (Simon & Schuster). He served as special assistant to the president and assistant press secretary in Ronald Reagan's White House, and as director of public affairs in former President Reagan's office.