The 11th District, a Republican-leaning hodgepodge of quaintly verdant residential streets, snarling highways and big-box shopping centers, groans under an extraordinary tax burden. To voters here, a range of federal tax write-offs are nearly sacrosanct, none more so than deductions for state and local taxes. The House tax bill would undo or sharply limit all of them.

Representative Lee M. Zeldin of New York, a Republican from a similar district on Long Island, said it would be impossible for him to vote for the bill in its current form. Mr. Zeldin said he would favor a “big, beautiful tax cut,” but not one that took aim so directly at blue-state taxpayers.

“I view it as a geographic redistribution of wealth,” Mr. Zeldin said. “You’re taking more money from a state like New York, to pay for a deeper tax cut elsewhere.”

The potential backlash for suburban Republicans is significant. While the party’s base is mainly rural and culturally conservative, a small group of solidly Democratic states with complex local tax codes could, in theory, nearly cost Republicans control of the House. In New Jersey alone, there are as many as five Republican-held districts where the tax plan is likely to be unpopular; add in those in New York and California and the number approaches 20. To gain a majority, Democrats must take two dozen seats away from the G.O.P., and they have already been hungrily eyeing the educated suburbs where President Trump is unpopular.

The tax bill, pushed by Speaker Paul D. Ryan and Representative Kevin Brady of Texas, the House’s chief tax writer, would cut tax rates for many individuals and businesses, but would void or sharply limit a range of popular deductions. Of particular concern in New Jersey are proposals to put a cap of $10,000 on the property taxes that can be deducted at the federal level; to eliminate the deduction for state and local income taxes; and to restrict the mortgage interest deduction to loans of $500,000 or less.