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‘Myanmar echoes India terror stand’

Prime Minister Narendra Modi with minister of foreign affairs of Myanmar, U Wunna Maung Lwin, during a meeting in New Delhi on Wednesday. (PTI photo)

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Myanmar and India's strategic dilemma

NEW DELHI: India and Myanmar agreed to fight “terrorism and insurgent activity in all its forms and manifestations” during the visit of Myanmar foreign minister U Wunna Maung Lwin , following discussions with Sushma Swaraj on Thursday. The first high level visit from Myanmar after India’s military operation inside that country. India has agreed to help in the modernization of the Myanmar army and even help build up a navy for Myanmar. Lwin had met prime minister Modi and NSA Ajit Doval on Wednesday.The visit, the first after India’s cross-border raids into Myanmar to destroy insurgent camps is a sign that both sides want to minimize gaps in political and security engagement between them. While foreign secretary S. Jaishankar had visited Myanmar before the army operation national security adviser, Ajit Doval had gone post raids and a PR mess-up inside India, to thank Myanmar and soothe ruffled feathers within their system.An enhanced political and security engagement is felt to be necessary given that Naga insurgents, along with ULFA leader Paresh Barua are apparently using Myanmar territory to target India. It is also important for India, because a rift between India and Myanmar would only benefit China, which is believed to be playing a dubious role in the rise of violence in the northeast.Writing about the raids, Bertil Lintner, one of the best known experts in the world on Myanmar, says “The Chinese may not want to set India’s northeast ablaze, but it is in Beijing’s interest to cause frictions and disruptions in Burma’s relations with India. Over the past four years, Burma has distanced itself from its old ally China—and established closer contacts not only with the West but also India. A closer, more cordial relationship between Burma and India is not in China’s interest. Instability along the border—rebel raids into India and retaliatory, Indian cross-border attacks—would serve that purpose.”A joint statement issued after the meeting with Sushma Swaraj decided on a couple of things – there would be “regular meetings of the bilateral Regional Border Committee” for better border management. Negotiations should start on “a bilateral MoU on Movement of People across the Land Border.” Thirdly, the unsettled boundary pillars would be resolved by an “India -Myanmar Joint Boundary Working Group, with a mandate to address all outstanding boundary issues” which will meet in New Delhi.Lintner writes, “The weapons used by the united-front rebels are acquired from arms dealers in China, or they are made in a gun factory at Pangwa, just across the border in Kachin State. Pangwa is in an area controlled by Zakhung Ting Ying, a former commander of the Communist Party of Burma who made peace with the Burmese government in 1989 and now heads a local, government-recognized militia force. Ting Ying is also a member of the Amyotha Hluttaw, the Upper House of Burma’s Parliament.”Therefore, there was very good reason for India to inform the Myanmar army only after the raid. “While the attacks in India and the cross-border raids into Burma were taking place, Khaplang himself was recuperating in a Rangoon hospital, where he was visited by no other than Aung Min, the Burmese government’s chief peace negotiator.”Guns from China, Lintner goes on to say, “are smuggled across the Burma border at Ruili and then trucked via Lashio, Mandalay and Monywa up to the Indian border.” He concludes that while China may not be directly involved with insurgents “it is evident that Chinese security services, at the very least, are turning a blind eye to the traffic—which would serve China’s geopolitical interests in the region. Apart from sheltering Barua, Chinese intelligence officers are also known to have visited the camp near Taga on more than one occasion.”