EVERY year in Muharram, administrations in districts across Pakistan swing into action to keep an eye on potentially troublesome clerics whose rhetoric and fiery speeches may disturb the peace during this religiously sensitive time. As reported on Saturday, the entry of 23 clerics has been banned in Rawalpindi while the surveillance of 33 individuals on the Fourth Schedule has also been started. Similarly in Sindh, the administration has placed curbs on the movement of around 300 clerics for the next 60 days. Those under watch include ulema from all major sects. The reasons behind these precautions and restrictions are not difficult to fathom. As large crowds gather during the days of mourning, rabble-rousing clerics can easily work up congregations into a state of frenzy, and if matters are not handled carefully, communal violence can break out, as it has on several occasions over the past few decades, especially since the unchecked rise of powerful sectarian hate groups in the 1980s. But while the administration’s moves are welcome — indeed, necessary — to ensure the peaceful observance of Muharram, the question arises: if so many clerics and individuals are believed to pose a threat to public order and communal peace, why wait till Muharram to take action against them? The characters that spew sectarian hatred are well known, so why does the state not act against them if it has solid evidence of their involvement in spreading intolerance and promoting violence?

The fact is that the establishment has taken a lukewarm approach to dealing with sectarian figures. While some high-profile militants have been ‘eliminated’ by the state, other divisive figures are either keeping a low profile, or have been mainstreamed and have entered the legislatures. This has been the case even though the National Action Plan clearly states that “strict action” would be taken against those “promoting hatred, extremism, sectarianism and intolerance”. However, it appears that ‘strict action’ is limited to asking sectarian clerics to keep quiet during Muharram and Safar, and not allowing them to leave their home districts. This approach is unlikely to reduce sectarian hatred and violence in society. If the state has a solid case against individuals involved in spreading hatred against different sects and religions, or declaring others non-Muslim, it should try these clerics under the relevant laws instead of taking cosmetic measures like restricting their movements during religiously sensitive periods or asking them to report to police before leaving their districts.

Published in Dawn, September 16th, 2018