In the nearly 14,000 words of the news-conference transcript, Trump never mentioned the words “freedom” or “democracy.” This is merely the latest installment in a well-established pattern. Throughout his election campaign he was strikingly reluctant to invoke America’s higher ideals, choosing to dwell instead on what he sees as the dismal state of the country. His 1,439-word inauguration speech will be remembered for his startling use of the word “carnage” to characterize the country’s current state — and rightfully so, since the text dwelt so lustfully on claims of national decay. Trump made only one distinctly pat reference to freedom (“we all enjoy the same glorious freedoms, and we all salute the same great American flag”). “Democracy,” “values” or “ideals” never came up.

Trump evinces a striking lack of faith in American institutions. His unusually harsh rhetoric about the courts, his congressional opponents, protesters and the media betrays little appreciation for the complexities of an open society. He has a dismal view of the nation’s moral stature. “I think right now when it comes to civil liberties, our country has a lot of problems, and I think it’s very hard for us to get involved in other countries when we don’t know what we are doing and we can’t see straight in our own country,” he declared in an interview with the New York Times. When Bill O’Reilly of Fox News recently pressed the president on his fondness for Russian President Vladimir Putin, whom O’Reilly described as a “killer,” Trump responded, “There are a lot of killers. We have a lot of killers. Well, you think our country is so innocent?”

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Trump’s willingness to give a pass to dictators has huge implications for the world. For generations, U.S. foreign policy has been predicated on the notion that the spread of liberal democracy and open societies is not only a morally desirable end but also crucial to national security. That was the motive for our struggles against Nazi Germany and the Empire of Japan during World War II and the Soviet Union in the Cold War. The recent revival of authoritarianism has placed democratic institutions around the globe under threat, posing a huge challenge to the current order. Yet the president conveys the impression that the United States should no longer be concerned about defending liberal values anywhere — perhaps not even at home.

Yes, it’s certainly true that U.S. policymakers have often failed to observe these standards when they conflicted with other national interests (see Saudi Arabia). Yet for all its shortcomings, American support for the ideals of the open society is one of the reasons why the number of democracies in the world today is much higher than it was at the end of World War II, despite the recent comeback of authoritarianism.

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It’s understandable that many voters are attracted to Trump’s vow to break with the interventionist policies of the past. The post-9/11 wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, which President George W. Bush redefined as campaigns to secure democracy in both places, thoroughly discredited the notion that America could re-engineer damaged societies from afar. Many Americans have rightfully tired of Washington’s efforts to involve itself so intricately in the affairs of other countries when nation-building lags at home. (That was a Barack Obama line, by the way.)

What this argument overlooks is that there are many things Americans can do to bolster liberal values abroad that require little sacrifice of blood or treasure. Call out the dictators. Show respect to our allies. Cultivate and strengthen ties among the democracies. Invest in measures against propaganda and disinformation. Offer judicious assistance to pro-democracy groups around the world, and share advice with countries that are struggling to build democratic institutions.