Prison is an unlikely place for a political education but for a young law student, it proved to be an important learning experience. In a blog many years later, Arun Jaitley would recount the story of that ominous 2am knock on his father’s door and his subsequent arrest on June 26, 1975 for leading a demonstration against the Emergency as president of Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU).The 19-month incarceration was spent in “activities” that ranged from running the prison kitchen (that was the food-loving Punjabi in him), physical exercise and long discussions with seniors like KR Malkani on the political situation although cut off from the outside world.Known for his sharp political insights, Jaitley would point out the Indira Gandhi government’s failure to anticipate that forced co-habitation would foster an unlikely partnership between disparate opposition groups and help form the Janata Party that unseated her in 1977.He was nominated at Jayaprakash Narayan ’s instance to the national executive of Janata Party along with opposition stalwarts much senior to him in age and experience. He quit following RSS’s objection that it alone could decide who would represent Bharatiya Jana Sangh, the predecessor of BJP.Many years later, his social skills and ability to get along with people would see him play mediator between warring seniors at a time when BJP was out of office post-2004, and embroiled in seemingly endless factionalism. It was during the post-Emergency years that he came to form an important friendship, one that would last a lifetime and prove crucial to his fortunes as well as those of BJP. He came to be well acquainted with an upcoming BJP leader named Narendra Modi . They were, on the face of it, rather different. Modi could be reticent in contrast to Jaitley’s gregarious ways. But the two hit it off, often exchanging notes on their long walks together in Lodhi Garden. Jaitley would go on to play a crucial role in defending Modi against those seeking his resignation from the post of Gujarat CM after the riots of 2002.Then PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee had made up his mind to ask Modi to quit but rearguard action from Jaitley and leaders like Venkaiah Naidu — with the support of LK Advani — saved the day. Jaitley argued that Modi was being held personally culpable with no evidence, and most of his critics were politically motivated ideological adversaries.In the winter of 2013, with Lok Sabha elections due the next year, Jaitley was again a key mobiliser for Modi’s candidacy as PM. After winning a third term as CM, Modi had captured the imagination of a large section of the population not otherwise enamoured of BJP. Backing Modi, however, put Jaitley at odds with his one-time mentor Advani who felt he should be the PM candidate. Advani eventually boycotted the meeting of the parliamentary board that selected Modi.Jaitley lost the only Lok Sabha election he contested in 2014 from Amritsar but Modi appointed him the finance minister anyway with additional charge of defence. RSS, which had earlier objected to Vajpayee making Jaswant Singh finance minister as he lost in the 1998 Lok Sabha election, not only concurred but worked on persuading Jaitley to accept the job.Jaitley proved to be more than a finance minister, with Modi seeking his opinion and trusting his insights on a range of political issues. Jaitley had a good equation with his righthand man Amit Shah as well and did his best to help him out with legal opinion and assistance.Despite his early immersive experience, Jaitley wasn’t quick to enter full-time politics, focusing on his legal career and swiftly making his way through the Delhi high court before emerging as a top-notch Supreme Court advocate. However, he remained connected with BJP when it came into existence after the fall of the Janata Party government in 1980. He was a long-time member of the student wing of ABVP and the connections with the Sangh Parivar only deepened with time. He became the go-to man in saffron circles for advice on legal and constitutional issues.On a personal level, he was an excellent conversationalist, his knowledge spanning the oldest traditional eateries in Delhi, the history of the city’s havelis and the finer points of law. His vast array of interests extended to cricket as well and he became chairman of DDCA and an influential figure in sports administration. A generous host, his kitchen supervised by wife Sangeeta, better known to friends as Dolly, could at short notice cater to a dozen or so guests. His engaging ways led to lasting friendships across political parties and professions.His debating skills – he won many a competition at his alma mater SRCC – along with his legal acumen ensured that he had a quick grasp of issues and could make forceful arguments. These skills came in handy when he began to speak and write on issues like Article 370, the uniform civil code and the Ayodhya dispute at a time when it was considered utterly unfashionable and ‘retrograde’ by the Left-liberal intelligentsia, which often allied with Congress in propounding a ‘secular’ view of Indian history and culture.It was in such a challenging environment that Jaitley came into his own, arguing deftly, with a rapier-like wit, to make his point. Years later, he was the legal brains in the defence of Advani and other Sangh leaders in the Babri Masjid demolition case.In the second version of the Janata Party government, when the VP Singh-led Janata Dal assumed office in 1989 with outside support of BJP and the Left, Jaitley was appointed additional solicitor general. He played a leading role in the investigation into the Bofors defence scandal that had brought down the Rajiv Gandhi government.In 1991, he became a member of the BJP national executive and was often involved in the drafting of political and economic resolutions. His progression to the post of BJP spokesperson seemed only natural and though he was not made a minister when the Vajpayee government was formed in 1998, he became minister with independent charge of information and broadcasting in October 1999 when the NDA returned to office in mid-term polls. In December 1999, he was given additional responsibility of disinvestment, playing a key role in settling regulatory and political issues relating to sale of PSUs at a time when privatisation was a politically tricky term. He was soon elevated to Cabinet rank and handled the portfolios of law & justice and commerce and industry.After NDA’s defeat in 2009 elections, he was made leader of the opposition in Rajya Sabha as part of an exercise initiated by RSS to bring second-generation leaders centrestage. He shone in the role and the post came to be called ‘leader of the opposition’ , though Rajya Sabha, unlike Lok Sabha, had no such formal position.But his punishing schedule despite being a diabetic and heart attack survivor did take a toll in the end. In the past few years, there were more than a few bouts of ill health. A bariatric surgery was followed by a kidney transplant in May 2018, which led to complications. He seemed to be recovering from his sarcoma surgery in the United States, but a couple of months ago a lung infection developed that proved stubborn.Jaitley’s long record in public life will be the envy of most politicians. But what really set him apart was the ease with which he could perform different roles and the lasting personal associations he forged.In the last few weeks, in seclusion for treatment, Jaitley would call friends for the odd chat. The reassuring rumble of his voice, though it sounded a little tired, gave little indication of what he was going through. It was a battle he ended up losing. But in death, as in life, it was one hell of a fight.