Over the last two weeks, we’ve learned how Donald Trump’s lawyer and “fixer,” Michael Cohen, spent much of his time following the 2016 election essentially cold-calling C.E.O.s to warn them that they’d be fools not to take down the routing number for his shell company and start dumping money into it immediately, due to the unparalleled insight he could give them into the president. “I don’t know who’s been representing you, but you should fire them all. I’m the guy you should hire. I’m closest to the president. I’m his personal lawyer,” was the gist of Cohen’s pitch, according to a G.O.P. strategist. Thus far, most of the companies that thought it was a good idea to funnel money to Trump’s former bagman have issued mea culpas saying they realize in retrospect how foolishly they behaved. (AT&T, which claimed it paid Cohen $600,000 for “advice” on its merger with Time Warner, despite his having no experience in M&A, regulatory, or antitrust matters, called hiring Cohen “a big mistake” and “a serious misjudgment”; and Novartis AG, which agreed to pay Cohen $1.2 million before meeting with him and determining he was a schmuck, called the episode “a mistake,” and pinned the blame on its former C.E.O..) But for all the parties who did fall for Cohen’s pitch, including Korea Aerospace Industries and the Russian oligarch-linked Columbus Nova, what about the ones who told him to take his J.D. from the worst law school in America and get lost? It turns out there a quite a few of them!

There was Ford Motors, which The Wall Street Journal reports received an offer during “an informal phone call” that was quickly rejected. There was Uber, which, according to my colleague Emily Jane Fox, had to turn down Cohen multiple times. And then there was Ahmed al-Rumaihi, the former head of a $100 billion branch of the Qatari sovereign wealth fund, from whom Cohen, per The Intercept, attempted to extract $1 million, and possibly also some fancy purses for his daughter.

According to al-Rumaihi, he first met Cohen on December 7, 2016, at a $5,000-a-plate transition fund-raising breakfast at Cipriani. After introductions, the investor asked if he could pick Cohen’s brain about an infrastructure fund the Qatar Investment Authority was considering. Cohen’s eyes apparently “lit up,” and he quickly agreed to meet, grabbing dinner a few days later at the Clement Restaurant at the Peninsula Hotel. There, Cohen suggested that the Qataris invest in some Midwestern towns, saying, according to al-Rumaihi, “We can find a steel factory that is about to shut down. You guys can invest. I’ll give you some names to appoint as partners. You guys put in the money, we will put in the know-how, and share the profits 50-50. We can perhaps get a federal government ‘off-take agreement’ for 10 to 15 years. It will revitalize the city, great P.R., you guys will look like you’re saving the city, everybody wins.”

When al-Rumaihi asked about other projects the investment fund should look into, Cohen responded that there were tons of options, but he’d need $1 million before he shared them—you know, as part of his “fee,” despite the fact that by policy, the Q.I.A. does not pay middleman fees in any of its transactions. Al-Rumaihi, who says he didn’t pay Cohen, told reporter Ryan Grim that during a brief meeting later that week at the Plaza Hotel, Cohen showed him pictures of his daughter, in London at the time, and said “something like, ‘Oh you guys know London pretty well, given all the properties you own, like Harrods—I bet there’s a lot of nice purses there she’d like.’”