“Sometimes legends make reality, and become more useful than the facts.” ~Salman Rushdie

CAUTION: This Essay Contains Graphic Accounts of Sexual Violence

CONTENTS

Introduction

I. The Professor and the Source

II. The Mormon War

i. Prelude

a. jackson county

b. the second redemption of zion

c. the dissenters

d. danites and diahman

ii. The War

e. election day at gallatin

f. the adam black affair

g. tensions mount

h. insurrection

i. false sense of security

j. the dewitt standoff

k. mormon retaliation

l. the battle of crooked river

m. the massacre at shoal creek

n. surrender of far west and diahman

iii. Aftermath

o. trial and exodus

p. blame?

III. The Snow Family During the Mormon War

IV. Alice Merrill Horne

V. An Apology?

VI. Victims and Rape

a. needed empathy?

b. historical accounts

c. humanizing rape in eliza snow

d. the missouri rape accounts

i. mosiah hancock

ii. john d. lee

iii. john murdock

iv. marvin tanner

v. joseph holbrook

vi. the western emigrant

vii. ruth naper

viii. elijah reed (1839)

ix. elijah reed (1840)

x. persecution & the redress petitions

VII. A Compelling Agenda?

a. rape culture in antebellum america

b. master/slave rape

c. rape during the civil war

15 Rapes in Missouri

d. the culture of silence

e. byu’s rape problem

Conclusion

Notes

INTRODUCTION

Perhaps you have seen the headline of this article from the Salt Lake Tribune:

Shocking historical finding: Mormon icon Eliza R. Snow was gang-raped by Missouri ruffians

When I read it, I was quite startled but only because I am very familiar with the circumstances of the 1838 “Mormon War”, and though I knew about some claims of attempted sexual violence and general claims of rapine against Mormon women made by various individuals, I had never heard of this allegation before. And in that, it seems that I am not alone.

It was reported in the article that a BYU-I Professor, Andrea G. Radke-Moss, had revealed at a Brigham Young University symposium a few days earlier that an autobiography by Alice Merrill Horne written near the end of her life contained the recollection of a conversation she supposedly overheard when she was a child: that Eliza Snow was gang raped by eight Missourians. Peggy Fletcher Stack (who had interviewed Radke-Moss for the Salt Lake Tribune) wrote in the article that:

Eliza R. Snow, one of Mormonism’s “founding mothers,” was gang-raped by eight Missourians during 19th-century tensions between LDS settlers and their Midwestern enemies.

“The rape was brutal, and so it made Eliza unable to have children,” Brigham Young University-Idaho professor Andrea Radke-Moss said in an interview. Mormon founder Joseph Smith “offered her marriage as a way of promising her that she would still have eternal offspring and that she would be a mother in Zion.” [1]

What surprised me as I read this, was Radke-Moss’ confident language in this interview. Eliza Snow was gang-raped, she claimed. It left her barren. Joseph Smith offered Eliza marriage as some kind of consolation because he knew she was raped. As I read the article I kept asking myself why Radke-Moss would give this interview with such firm language, as if this was all historical fact? After all, Radke-Moss set the tone for the interview, and Stack quotes her. I didn’t see much qualifying language here. No “might have been” here. No real caution with a hearsay source written over a hundred years after it supposedly took place. And certainly no corroboration with any historical evidence or other credible accounts. (As of this writing).[2] Go to the Top

I. THE PROFESSOR AND THE SOURCE

It seems that after the Tribune article was published, Radke-Moss received some criticisms about the source and so addressed some of the concerns raised by her revealing and advocating the gang rape story at the BYU symposium and in the Tribune. For the Juvenile Instructor, she wrote:

The case of Eliza R. Snow has received considerable media attention in the last four days, and has invited many questions from those who have read the brief report in the Salt Lake Tribune and other outlets. A brief newspaper report, while introducing readers to this information, could not possibly address the larger history, context, and methodology I offered in my paper. So, to that end, this post is meant to respond to those questions in brief, while also opening an important and ongoing conversation about the history of sexual violence in Church history, and the particular case of Eliza R. Snow. [3]

Radke-Moss then briefly! elaborated about the source of the rape account:

The account comes from a portion of the autobiography of Alice Merrill Horne written in her later years. Horne was a member of the Utah State Legislature, a board member of the General Relief Society, and a famed art critic and patroness. Born in 1868, she was the granddaughter of Apostle George A. Smith and Bathsheba W. Smith, the 4th General Relief Society President, who was one of the original members of the Female Relief Society in Nauvoo in 1842, and close friend to Eliza R. Snow and other high leadership of the Relief Society in Utah Territory. Bathsheba’s granddaughter Alice remembered visiting her grandmother as a young girl, and hearing the elderly women of Mormonism reminisce about the early days of the Restoration. I quote here using Alice Merrill Horne’s own words:

“The most important Mormon women of the nineteenth century often gathered at the Smith home abutting the Church Historian’s Office.”

Alice would

“sit on her grandmother’s lap and listen, catching . . . the whispered word unraveling, spelling, and signs made by those ladies.”

It was there, at one of these rendezvous of feminine confidences, young Alice overheard the account of the brutal gang rape of Eliza R. Snow.

“There was a saint—a Prophetess, a Poet, an intellectual, seized by brutal mobbers—used by those eight demons and left not dead, but worse. The horror, the anguish, despair, hopelessness of the innocent victim was dwelt upon. [W]hat [sic] future was there for such a one? All the aspirations of a saintly virgin—that maiden of purity—had met martyrdom!”

In this case, the rape left its victim not only emotionally scarred, but also permanently affected. Eliza R. Snow would never be able to have children. Horne links Eliza’s inability to bear children in part to the decision to marry Joseph Smith polygamously in Nauvoo, Illinois. To her, the connection was clear:

“The prophet heard and had compassion. This Saint, whose lofty ideals, whose person had been crucified, was yet to become the corner of female work. To her, no child could be born and yet she would be a Mother in Israel. One to whom all eyes should turn, to whom all ears would listen to hear her sing (in tongues) the praises of Zion. She was promised honor above all women, save only Emma, but her marriage to the prophet would be only for heaven.” [4]

When I read this, I was disappointed that Radke-Moss had not given more background about the source itself, but had instead focused more on Alice Horne’s accomplishments. How that affects her accuracy for remembering an event which took place fifty years earlier is baffling. Yes, Horne knew Eliza Snow from an early age. But to sell the idea that this account was not somehow misremembered by Horne, Radke-Moss must engage in speculative scenarios that have Horne questioning Snow about the rape (verifying the story) at a later time in her life, something there is no evidence of ever happening.

All we know from the Juvenile Instructor article and her interview with Peggy Fletcher Stack, is that the account comes from a “portion” of Horne’s autobiography written later in her life that is in the possession of her descendants. Not really a lot to go on, which really limits having any kind of important and ongoing discussion about it. What Radke-Moss accomplished was having people respond to her belief that this actually happened, and ask questions that she doesn’t bother to answer at the Juvenile Instructor.

We also learn that this account was apparently known to Jill Mulvay Derr, Eliza’s biographer, who referred to it as a “family tradition”, according to one blogger (Kaimi Wenger) who attended one of her lectures in 2010.

Alice Horne died in 1948, so when, exactly, was this portion of her autobiography penned? This is an important question because Horne had penned her autobiography around 1934, (Which can be found at the CHL in the “Alice Merrill Horne Family History Record, 1912-1935“). But the recollection that Radke-Moss quotes is not found in that autobiography. (See Alice Merrill Horne Section below, particularly Note #139) I can only ask why. I also would like to know if what Radke-Moss quoted from was a previous autobiography (pre-1934), or if it was a revision of the 1934 autobiography. If Radke-Moss would give more information, this might be determined and help us to understand the source better and why Alice Horne might have subsequently revised her autobiography to include it. Then again, there may be no additional insights forthcoming about when Horne wrote this account, and so we must analyze this source “as is”, and draw conclusions with the evidence we have.

Happily, I had a conversation with Radke-Moss on Facebook, but to my disappointment she would not give me any information at all on the source even though I asked her repeatedly. She seemed aggravated with my concerns about the source, claiming that they were “ex-Mormon vitriol or dismissal of the reality of sexual violence against women.” This conversation was later deleted after Radke-Moss edited many of her comments and deleted at least one of them.[5]

One concern that I mentioned in that conversation, is that this is simply an apology of Alice Horne for polygamy and for her idol Eliza Snow’s seeming inability to have children. What I found almost ironic, are these words by Radke-Moss in the Instructor article:

[Another] question I have heard is whether I am using the Eliza case to defend or justify polygamy, according to Horne’s description, and my Tribune statement, which has received much criticism for being an apology for polygamy. I did not intend it that way. [6]

Radke-Moss may not have intended it that way, but the recollection written by Horne is exactly that. It couldn’t be more obvious. I’m surprised that Radke-Moss would not have expected these criticisms, given what Alice Horne writes. I will explore why this claimed recollection is an obvious apology for polygamy and Eliza Snow’s apparent inability to have children below, and give some reasons why Alice Horne may have felt the need to revise her autobiography to include it (if it was written after 1934). She continues:

Let me be quite clear on this point: The origins and practice of Mormon polygamy, as introduced by Joseph Smith in Nauvoo, are complex, multi-faceted, and difficult to pin down with uniformity or consistency. [7]

I strongly disagree that the origins and practice of Mormon polygamy are “difficult to pin down with uniformity or consistency”. There is ample contemporary and later evidence to reasonably construct the origin and practice of Joseph’s polygamy and present a coherent narrative. It seems that it is only when some want to promote fringe theories about the practice (like it was instigated to protect women from violence) that such claims are stressed.[8] She continues:

Before I had seen the Horne source, I had often wondered at the connections between the traumas that women experienced in Missouri and the origins of polygamy, in that Mormon male leadership had felt incapable of protecting women from mob assaults. The vulnerability that women felt perhaps fostered a climate whereby celestial marriage offered solace, protection, or some kind of spiritual connectivity that kept the community cemented together in the face of danger. The Horne document presented me with evidence of the possibility that Joseph offered, and Eliza accepted, a polygamous marriage as a way of providing spiritual comfort in the absence of earthly justice. I am interested in exploring this question, but I also invite readers not to project their issues with Joseph Smith onto a topic which I have intended to bring historical attention to very real and violent crimes committed against Mormon women. I am merely trying to understand how Eliza viewed her polygamous marriage to Joseph Smith as a response to her own personal circumstances, and that is a fair historical question to ask. [9]

It seems rather odd that if one of the reasons that Joseph initiated the practice of polygamy was to offer protection to Mormon women from outside violence, he would keep the practice so secret (among his own followers) and deny it publicly; and that the majority of the “Saints” were never informed about it during his lifetime. How much impact would a secret practice have on the majority of Mormon women in Nauvoo? How would this foster a feeling of solace, protection or some kind of spiritual connectivity for them? If this was one of the reasons behind the practice, keeping it secret did just the opposite. Most (if not all) of the women who practiced polygamy felt ostracized from society (including Mormon society) and some felt a sense of danger at being part of it. Most agreed to the practice only reluctantly. When Joseph’s practice of polygamy became public, Joseph destroyed the press that had outed him, and lost his own life because he kept the practice a secret and flouted the law to stay out of jail as he tried to suppress information about his own involvement. The women could not speak about it publicly for fear that Joseph would be charged with adultery or some other crime.

Concerning polygamy, Zina Huntington later claimed that “I never breathed it for years.” And “We hardly dared speak of it. The very walls had ears. We spoke of it only in whispers.”[10]

Joseph, in fact (in an 1842 First Presidency Proclamation) urged going to the law if there were problems in a marriage, and that no one had the right to break up marriages for any reason other than some kind of crime committed by either spouse. If Joseph felt that women could not get justice, why urge them to go to the law to resolve their marriage difficulties?

Joseph also declared that no one had the right to marry another who was already married (which he did with over a dozen women) without a legal (secular) divorce. Doing so and consummating that marriage, would be committing adultery.[11] When Joseph approached these married women, he was asking them to choose him over their legal husbands. Though many husbands agreed to give their wives to Joseph for time and eternity, some did not and this fostered feelings of confusion and resentment. Orson Pratt almost committed suicide when Joseph propositioned his wife Sarah. Brigham Young warned one of his spiritual wives (Augusta Adams Cobb) not to be alone with Joseph.[12]

How did Joseph’s spiritual wife system (celestial marriage) promote feelings of security and spiritual connectivity when it drove men to warn their wives to avoid being alone with the Mormon prophet?[13]

Daniel H. Wells wrote in 1888 about Albert Smith, whose wife Joseph had secretly married without first consulting him:

He [Albert Smith was] also much afflicted with the loss of his first wife [Esther Ducher]. It seems that she was sealed to Joseph the Prophet in the days of Nauvoo, [for time and eternity] though she still remained his wife, and afterwards nearly broke his heart by telling him of it, and expressing her intention of adhering to that relationship.[14]

Albert finally came to terms with this strange arrangement, but not until years later. How could these women feel safe, when they could not know how their current husbands would react to Joseph’s proposals to them? And how many women after a time, left their polygamous marriages? How does this argument apply to those like Eliza and Emily Partridge, who lived in the shadow of Emma Smith, and who were ultimately ejected from the Smith home when Joseph abruptly ended their marriages to him?

I think we are all trying to understand Joseph’s polygamy and the ramifications of it, but Radke-Moss only offers speculation based on weak evidence. What percentage of women were Mormon men incapable of protecting from sexual violence in Missouri and previous to that time? One can only speculate. As Radke-Moss herself notes:

The scarcity and limitation of sources has presented historians with the difficulty of uncovering a history of sexual violence in Missouri, and of identifying actual victims.[15]

I’m not sure that this is accurate at all, as I will explore below. The crimes committed by the Missourians against the Mormons are well documented from that period, and some of the accounts of rape have serious problems. And since this is such a hot button topic, trying to simply get at the facts of what happened, can leave one open to all kinds of accusations and claims of bias and insensitivity. I am well aware of these problems, having a close family member who was sexually assaulted.

It also seems disingenuous to ask others not to project their concerns about Joseph Smith’s motives onto this topic. Isn’t Radke-Moss doing just that by linking claimed Missouri sexual violence with Joseph’s polygamy? Horne herself links the rape and Eliza’s marriage to Joseph together. And isn’t it Radke-Moss who is focusing on polygamy here as some kind of panacea to claimed outside sexual violence? It seems like this is just Radke-Moss trying to control the narrative to keep it focused on her ad hoc speculations.

We have Snow’s own words as to why she remained single (until her marriage to Smith) to consider:

I remained single; and why, I could not comprehend at the time. But, when I embraced the fulness of the Gospel, in recalling the events of my past life, I felt, and still feel to acknowledge the kind overruling hand in the providences of God in that circumstance, as fully as in any other in my mortal existence; I do not know that one of my former suitors have received the Gospel, which shows that I was singularly preserved from the bondage of a marriage tie which would, in all probability, have prevented my receiving, or from the free exercise of religion which has been, and now is dearer to me than my life.[16]

Eliza states here that she chose to stay single, because she was saving herself for Joseph, though she didn’t know it at the time. This does not sound like she was raped and felt ashamed to be married because of it. Horne’s account has Joseph finding out about the rape and then offering to console her by inviting her to become one of his spiritual wives. Eliza Snow would write in 1885:

Although in my youth I had considered marriage ordained of God; and without vanity can say, I had what was considered very flattering proposals, I remained single; and why, I could not comprehend at the time; But, when I embraced the fulness of the Gospel, in recalling to mind the events of my past life, I felt, and still feel to acknowledge the kind, overruling hand elevation of character, but also instrumental in producing a more perfect type of manhood mentally and physically, as well as in restoring human life to its former longevity.[17]

Is Eliza saying that the kind, overruling hand of God was to have her be brutally raped so that she would only be able to marry Joseph because he felt sorry for her? It does not appear from these comments that Eliza remained single because of some traumatic event. Instead, she claims that she had “very flattering proposals” but still remained single, for what reason, she did not know. Later, she would affirm that it was because she was to participate in the practice of polygamy.

Of course, the counter arguments are that Eliza just made up what she wrote later to hide the supposed rape. This argument can be used to rebut just about anything! Or that 19th century culture precluded women from being open about this. That rape involved shame for women, was difficult to prove, and that they suffered in silence under a 19th century culture that would not allow them to receive justice for crimes committed against them.[18] Still, These are all valid points which will be addressed below.

As for Mormon men having some kind of complex that they could not protect their women, if this was true then why did Joseph Smith claim that if they only listened to his counsel, they would have been safe? Here is an account by David Lewis:

[Jacob] Haughn [Hawn] came to Far West to consult with the Prophet concerning the policy of the removal of the settlers on Log Creek to the fortified camps. Col. White [Lyman Wight] and myself were standing by when the Prophet said to him: “Move in, by all means, if you wish to save your lives.” Haughn [Hawn] replied that if the settlers left their homes all of their property would be lost, and the Gentiles would burn their houses and other buildings. The Prophet said: “You had much better lose your property than your lives, one can be replaced, the other cannot be restored; but there is no need of your losing either if you will only do as you are commanded.” Haughn said that he considered the best plan was for all the settlers to move into and around the mill, and use the blacksmith’s shop and other buildings as a fort in case of attack; in this way he thought they would be perfectly safe. “You are at liberty to do so if you think best,” said the Prophet. Haughn then departed, well satisfied that he had carried his point.

The Prophet turned to Col. White and said: “That man did not come for counsel, but to induce me to tell him to do as he pleased; which I did. Had I commanded them to move in here and leave their property, they would have called me a tyrant. I wish they were here for their own safety.”[19]

According to Lewis, Joseph told Hawn that they didn’t have to lose their property or their lives, if they would just obey him. On the 22 of June, 1834, Joseph wrote:

“For behold, I do not require at their hands to fight the battles of Zion; for, as I said in a former commandment, even so will I fulfil—I will fight your battles. Behold, the destroyer I have sent forth to destroy and lay waste mine enemies; and not many years hence they shall not be left to pollute mine heritage, and to blaspheme my name upon the lands which I have consecrated for the gathering together of my saints.”[20]

In January of 1836 Joseph wrote that in the Kirtland Temple during an anointing ceremony, his scribe “saw in a vision the armies of heaven protecting the Saints in their return to Zion and many things that I saw”. (Scott H. Faulring, An American Prophet’s Record, p.118-120). In March of 1836 Joseph wrote:

The Seventies are at liberty to go to Zion if they please or go wheresoever they will and preach the gospel and let the redem[p]tion of Zion be our object, and strive to affect it by sending up all the strength of the Lord’s House wherever we find them. I want to enter into the following covenant, that if any more of our brethren are slain or driven from their lands in Missouri by the mob that we will give ourselves no rest until we are avenged of our enimies to the uttermost. This covenant was sealed unaminously [unanimously] by a hosanna and Amen.[21]

Joseph wasn’t afraid of not getting justice, as he was willing to take justice into his own hands to “be avenged of our enimies”. Modern Mormon leaders have repeated the story about Hawn’s Mill and the message that there is safety in following Mormon authorities. In 1997, Henry Eyring explained:

There seems to be no end to the Savior’s desire to lead us to safety. And there is constancy in the way He shows us the path. He calls by more than one means so that it will reach those willing to accept it. And those means always include sending the message by the mouths of His prophets whenever people have qualified to have the prophets of God among them. Those authorized servants are always charged with warning the people, telling them the way to safety.

When tensions ran high in northern Missouri in the fall of 1838, the Prophet Joseph Smith called for all the Saints to gather to Far West for protection. Many were on isolated farms or in scattered settlements. He specifically counseled Jacob Haun, founder of a small settlement called Haun’s Mill. A record of that time includes this: “Brother Joseph had sent word by Haun, who owned the mill, to inform the brethren who were living there to leave and come to Far West, but Mr. Haun did not deliver the message” (Philo Dibble, in “Early Scenes in Church History,” in Four Faith Promoting Classics [1968], 90). Later, the Prophet Joseph recorded in his history: “Up to this day God had given me wisdom to save the people who took counsel. None had ever been killed who [had abided] by my counsel” (History of the Church, 5:137). Then the Prophet recorded the sad truth that innocent lives could have been saved at Haun’s Mill had his counsel been received and followed.

In our own time, we have been warned with counsel of where to find safety from sin and from sorrow.[22]

Mormon prophets have always taught that there is safety in following their counsel. This hardly supports that they felt unable to protect people from assaults if they did obey them, or avenge them (their own justice) if they did not follow their counsel. The message from Joseph Smith had always been for the “Saints” to “flee to Zion” to be safe from the scourges that were to come. In 1833 Joseph wrote,

Go ye forth into the western countries, call upon the inhabitants to repent, and inasmuch as they do repent, build up churches unto me; and with one heart and with one mind, gather up your riches that ye may purchase an inheritance which shall hereafter be appointed unto you, and it shall be called the New Jerusalem, a land of peace, a city of refuge, a place of safety for the saints of the most high God; And the glory of the Lord shall be there, and the terror of the Lord also shall be there, insomuch that the wicked will not come unto it: And it shall be called Zion: And it shall come to pass, among the wicked, that every man that will not take his sword against his neighbor, must needs flee unto Zion for safety.[23] Go to the Top

II. THE “MORMON WAR”

i. Prelude

Oliver Snow and his family (including Eliza) did not move to Missouri until the summer of 1838, (late July) therefore if Eliza was raped, it would have been between that time and the family’s exodus from the state in the spring of 1839. Fortunately, Eliza left multiple accounts of what happened to her and her family during their time in Missouri. To give her accounts some context, it will be instructive to describe events leading up to and during the Mormon War of 1838 through the eyes of those who experienced those events and what happened in Diahman (Adam-ondi-Ahman) where the Snow family had relocated from Ohio.

a. jackson county

In 1830, Joseph dictated many “revelations” that indicated that the “Saints” must gather to “Zion” for safety and to prepare for the Second Coming of Jesus Christ.[24] Joseph revealed that the “centerplace” of Zion was located in the state of Missouri, in Jackson County.[25]

Orange L. Wight (who was 15 years old in 1838) would later write about the journey to Zion and the events leading up to the Mormon War:

In June 1831 many of the Saints moved from Kirtland to Jackson County, Missouri. My father, Lyman Wight, and Parley P. Pratt walked the entire distance, 800 miles, and preached by the way and organized a number of branches of the Church; hence added a great number to The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. My mother, I and my two little sisters went by water most of the way, with other Saints. We went down the Ohio River from near Pittsburgh to the mouth of the Ohio and then up the Mississippi and Missouri to a landing called Yellowstone on a steam boat.

I don’t know whether I can describe the steamer correctly or not, but according to my best recollection it was a flat-bottomed arrangement with side wheels–something after the order of Fulton’s first effort–and a board shanty on it for cabin passengers. Mother was honored with a corner in the shanty; most of the rest of the Saints occupied the open decks without shelter. But we all got there without accident of any serious nature and in time to plant a garden which produced abundance by the time father and Parley P. Pratt got there.

Now comes a part of the story of our proceedings. The Saints began to come in from all quarters, held sensational meetings, became to some extent fanatical and argued they were the Lord’s favored people and the land was the Lord’s and it eventually would all belong to them. Now that exasperated the people and they were ready to add to what they heard, and all the efforts of those of the Saints–who could see the evil effects of the fanaticism–to reconcile the people of Jackson County proved in vain. Thus it went on from one thing to another until it ended in real persecution. After both parties became exasperated we, instead of making an effort to settle the difficulty by purchase, undertook to arbitrate it by force of arms; were conquered and driven from the county. Thus fulfilling the revelation, “If by purchase, behold you are blessed; but if by blood, lo, your enemies are upon you–and but few that stand to receive an inheritance.” D&C 63:30 and 31.

Now I can hardly blame the Saints for feeling like retaliating, but I do blame some of them for letting their anger get away with their better judgment and undertaking to regulate the citizens of Jackson County against the Lord’s advice. The anger was human which they should have put away and asked the Lord to guide them with His Holy Spirit. They should have left the business in the hands of God and tried to get what they could by purchase. After being conquered and driven from the county and Zion’s Camp had arrived, we undertook to purchase the lands, but it seems it was then too late, at least we could not make the deal. Now we were driven–I call it–or requested to make our place of gathering further north in the unsettled counties of Caldwell and Daviess Counties, Missouri.[26]

Joseph Smith made an effort to get justice and “redeem Zion” in 1834, by marching an armed band of about 200 men (and a few women and children) from Ohio to Missouri, but failed miserably. He afterwards wrote a “revelation”, Doctrine and Covenants Section 104, which was a scathing denunciation of those who had committed “transgressions” (verse 2) and were blamed by him as the cause of that failure. But here also, (D&C 104) Smith promised that “not many years hence they [the “Gentiles”] shall not be left to pollute mine heritage”. So according to this “revelation”, God would take care of things—but not by force through his “Saints”. Go to the Top

b. the second redemption of zion

Upon his return to Kirtland (August 1834) Joseph wrote a letter to Edward Partridge and some of the other brethren who had relocated to other counties in Missouri and made a prophecy about the date of the “redemption of Zion”:

I shall now procede to give you such council as the spirit of the Lord may dictate… And I would recomend to brother [Lyman] Wight to enter complaints to the Govonor as often as he receves any insults or injury, and in case that they procede to endeaver to take life or tear down homes, and if the citizens of Clay co, do not befriend us to gather up the little army and be set over Immediately into Jackson County and trust in God and do the worst <best> he can in defending maintaining the ground, but in case the excitement continues to be allayed and peace prevails use every effort to prevail on the churches to gather to those regions and situate themselves to be in readiness to move into Jackson Co. in two years from the Eleventh of September next which is the appointed time for the redemption of Zion, If Verely If I say unto you If the Church with one united effort perform their duties If they do this the work shall be complete If they do not this in all humility making preperation from this time forth like Joseph in Egypt laying up store against the time of famine every man having his tent, his horses, his charrots [chariots] his armory his cattle his family and his whole substance in readiness against the time <when> it shall be said To your tents O Isreal!! and let not this be noised abroad let every heart beat in silence and every mouth be shut

Now my beloved brethren you will learn by this we have a great work to do, and but little time to do it in and if we dont exert ourselves to the utmost in gathering up the strength of the Lords house that this thing may be accomplished behold their remaineth a scorge* <*for the church even that they shall be driven from City to City and but few shall remain to receive an inheritence if these things are not kept there remaineth a scorge> also, Therefore be were [beware] this over O ye children of Zion! and give heed to my council saith the Lord![27]

We see that Joseph planned on returning to Jackson County, and as revealed through the spirit of the Lord, and he writes that they should be ready to move into Jackson County by September 11, 1836, which was the “appointed time for the redemption of Zion.” In 1835 Joseph wrote in his diary:

September 24th 1835 This day the high Council met at my house to take into conside[r]ation the redeemtion of Zion and it was the voice of the spirit of the Lord that we petition to the Governer that is those who have been driven out should to do so to be set back on their Lands next spring and we go next season to live or dy to this end so the dy is cast in Jackson County we truly had a good time and Covena[n]ted to strugle for this thing u[n]till death shall desolve this union and if one falls that the rest be not dis ha discouraged but pe[r]sue this object untill it is acomplished which may God grant u[n]to us in the name of Christ our Lord

This day drew up an Article of inrollment for the redemtion of Zion that we may obtain volenteers to go me next Spring to Mo – I ask God in the name of Jesus that we may obtain Eight hundred men or one thousand well armed and that they may acomplish this great work even so Amen[28]

Why would the Lord give Joseph a date for the redemption of Zion if he did not plan on granting it to them? (See D&C 62:6) Even with these promises (“I the Lord promise the faithful and cannot lie”) and even though Joseph had once before gotten a large force to “redeem” Zion in 1834, his second effort (in 1838) was also doomed to failure. September 11, 1836 passed without the “Saints” moving back into Jackson County. This did not mean that Joseph had given up. This “official” account about “Zion” and its ultimate “redemption” was written for the Church’s website:

The Saints worked diligently to build up Zion, but by late 1833, they had been driven out of their homes in Jackson County by severe persecution, leaving behind their dreams of establishing Zion and building a temple there. Through the Prophet Joseph Smith, the Lord revealed that the conditions for the redemption of Zion in that land were not yet fulfilled and that the establishment of Zion must “wait for a little season” (D&C 105:9).

In the early 1830s, the Saints attempted to lay the foundation of Zion in Jackson County, Missouri, as commanded by the Lord, but were unable to do so because they were not spiritually prepared. The Prophet Joseph Smith said the following about the time when Zion would be established: “I cannot learn from any communication by the Spirit to me, that Zion has forfeited her claim to a celestial crown, notwithstanding the Lord has caused her to be thus afflicted, except it may be some individuals, who have walked in disobedience, and forsaken the new covenant; all such will be made manifest by their works in due time. I have always expected that Zion would suffer some affliction, from what I could learn from the commandments which have been given. But I would remind you of a certain clause in one which says, that after much tribulation cometh the blessing [see D&C 58:4]. By this, and also others, and also one received of late, I know that Zion, in the due time of the Lord, will be redeemed; but how many will be the days of her purification, tribulation, and affliction, the Lord has kept hid from my eyes; and when I inquire concerning this subject, the voice of the Lord is: Be still, and know that I am God! All those who suffer for my name shall reign with me, and he that layeth down his life for my sake shall find it again. … May God grant that notwithstanding [our] great afflictions and sufferings, there may not anything separate us from [the] love of Christ [see Romans 8:35–39].”[29]

The letter they are quoting here, was dated December 10, 1833, many months before Smith’s march to “Zion” in the spring (May) of 1834. Why then, is this portrayed as if it was the end result of the Zion affair in Missouri? Joseph gave the date (as given to him by the Spirit of the Lord) for the “Redemption of Zion” as September 11, 1836, but events transpired that made any date for a return to Jackson County untenable, and these events were directly tied to Joseph Smith himself. Go to the Top

c. the dissenters

After the failure of Joseph’s “Zion’s Camp”, he returned to Kirtland, Ohio and left the Church in Missouri in the hands of David Whitmer, his brother John Whitmer, W. W. Phelps (Presidency) along with Bishop Edward Partridge, John Corrill (and others). The latter wrote:

With the exception of some little threatening, the Church lived in peace, until the summer of 1836; and, notwithstanding all these difficulties, it continued to gather in Clay County; and in the adjacent counties, the members hoping that they would get back to Jackson County.[30]

Corrill then explains that,

During their [the leaders of the Church in Kirtland] mercantile and banking operations they not only indulged in pride, but also suffered jealousies to arise among them, and several persons dissented from the Church, and accused the leaders of the church with bad management, selfishness, seeking for riches, honor, and dominion, tyrannizing over the people, and striving constantly after power and property. On the other hand, the leaders of the Church accused the dissenters with dishonesty, want of faith, and righteousness, wicked in their intentions, guilty of crimes, such as stealing, lying, encouraging the making of counterfeit money, etc.; and this strife or opposition arose to a great height, so that, instead of pulling together as brethren; they tried every way in their power, seemingly, to destroy each other; their enemies from without rejoiced at this, and assisted the dissenters what they could, until Smith and Rigden finally were obliged to leave Kirtland, and, with their families, came to Far West, in March or April 1838.[31]

Smith and Rigdon and others had visited Far West in the fall of 1837, and during that visit,

“A general meeting was called for the Church to choose whether they would have the old Presidency rule any longer over them or not. Their old difficulties were talked over, and so far reconciled, that they still choose to have Phelps and Whitmer their presidents; but in the winter following, the old difficulty broke out again, and the excitement rose so high that they turned them out of their presidential office, and T. B. Marsh and two others served as presidents, pro tempore, until Smith and Rigden arrived…”[32]

It is important to note that Thomas Marsh sided with Joseph at this time. Corrill continues:

When Smith and Rigden arrived, the Church was much pleased and supposed that things would be managed right by them, and they would have better times; but it was not long before the old feelings began to be stirred up between the Church and the dissenters. Complaints were made to the authorities of the Church against them, upon which they immediately withdrew from the Church. The Church in Caldwell had been doing well, with the exception of these little difficulties among themselves, until the First Presidency came to the Far West, and began to move things to their own notions. Many of the Church had settled in Davies County, and to all appearance, lived as peaceably with their neighbors as people generally do; but not long after Smith and Rigden arrived in Far West, they went to Davies County and pitched upon a place to build a town. L. Wight was already on the ground with his family. They laid out a town and began to settle it pretty rapidly; Smith gave it the name of Adamondiaman [Adam-ondi-Ahman]…

Many of the Church became elated with the idea of settling in and round about the new town, especially those who had come from Kirtland, as it was designed more particularly for them. This stirred up the people of Davies in some degree; they saw that if this town was built up rapidly it would injure Gallatin, their county seat, and also that the Mormons would soon overrun Davies, and rule the county, and they did not like to live under the laws and administration of “Joe Smith.” Lyman Wight also would frequently boast in his discourses of what they would do if the mob did not let them alone,–they would fight, and they would die upon the ground, and they would not give up their rights, etc.; when, as yet, there was no mob. But this preaching inspired the Mormons with a fighting spirit, and some of the other citizens began to be stirred up to anger.[33]

Go to the Top

d. danites and diahman

Reed Peck (an early convert from New York) would write in 1839:

The people of the surrounding country were still friendly & harmony prevailed among the Mormons till the middle of June when the enmity of the two parties from Kirtland manifested itself to an alarming degree[.] At this period measures were concerted no doubt by instigation of the presidency to free the community of the cowderies, Whitmers, Lyman Johnson and some others, to effect which a secret meeting was called at Far West, by Jared Carter and Dimick B. Huntington two of Smiths greatest courtiers where a proposition was made and supported by some as being the best policy to Kill these men that they would not be capable of injuring the church. All their measures were strenuously opposed by John Corrill and T. B. March one of the twelve apostles of the church and in consequense nothing could be effected until the matter was taken up publicly by the presidency[.] the Sunday following (June 17th) in the presense of a large congregation. S. Rigdon took his text from the fifth chapter of Mathew “Ye are the Salt of the Earth but if the salt have lost his savour wherewith shall it be salted, it is henceforth good for nothing but to be cast out and be trodden underfoot of men”[.] From this Scripture he undertook to prove that when men embrace the gospel and afterwards lose their faith it is the duty of the Saints to trample them under their feet[.] He informed the people that they had a set of men among them that had dissented from the church and were doing all in their power to destroy the presidency, laying plans to take their lives &c., accused them of counterfeiting lying cheating and numerous other crimes and called on the people to rise en masse and rid the county of Such a nuisance[.] He said it is the duty of this people to trample them into the earth, and if the county cannot be freed from them any other way I will assit to trample them down or to erect a gallows on the Square of Far West and hang them up as they did the gamblers at Vicksburgh and it would be an act at which the angels would smile with approbation

Joseph Smith in a Short speech Sanctioned what had been Said by Rigdon though said he I don’t want the brethren to act unlawfully but will tell them one thing Judas was a traitor and instead of hanging himself was hung by Peter, and with this hint the subject was dropped for the day having created a great excitement and prepared the people to execute anything that should be proposed.[34]

Sidney Rigdon’s final words on July 4th, were chilling and would have a far reaching impact:

We take God and all the holy angels to witness this day, that we warn all men in the name of Jesus Christ, to come on us no more forever. For from this hour, we will bear it no more, our rights shall no more be trampled on with impunity. The man or the set of men, who attempts it, does it at the expense of their lives. And that mob that comes on us to disturb us; it shall be between us and them a war of extermination; for we will follow them till the last drop of their blood is spilled, or else they will have to exterminate us: for we will carry the seat of war to their own houses, and their own families, and one party or the other shall be utterly destroyed.—Remember it then all MEN.[35]

Brandon G. Kinney writes in his 2011 book, The Mormon War Zion and the Missouri Extermination Order of 1838:

In 1836, the Missouri legislature created Caldwell County as a sanctuary for displaced Mormons in the hope no further Mormon expansion would occur. With the

growing number of converts moving in from Ohio, Canada, and other locations it was soon apparent that Caldwell County was not going to provide sufficient space for all Mormons to thrive. By early 1838, the population had swelled to approximately 4,000. There was already a settlement of Mormons along the Crooked River in the disputed six-mile strip of land originally set aside as part of Caldwell County but later reapportioned to Ray County. Also, near Haun’s Mill there was a settlement of Mormons that had stretched into Livingston County. Shortly after Smith’s arrival in Missouri he took a boat trip up the Grand River in southern Daviess County. On that trip he declared he had discovered where Adam had moved his family after the fall described in the book of Genesis; Smith called it Adam-ondi-Ahman. This was not the first time Smith had created a holy land to encourage migration. Smith had previously instructed his followers that Independence, Missouri, was not only Zion (where Christ’s second coming would occur) but also the original site of the Garden of Eden. The new announcement worked as planned and soon multitudes of Mormon families were pouring into Daviess County. New residents included Danite Colonel Lyman Wight, who established a band of faithful Danites in the new settlement.[36]

While the Mormons were building up the town of DiAhman (as it was called), those who had been outed (the dissenters) began to be alarmed by the language being used by Smith and Ridgon. Reed Peck described those events:

On the next Tuesday these dissenters as they were termed were informed that preparations were being made to hang them up and if they did not escape their lives would be taken before night, and perceiving the rage of their enemies they fled to Ray County leaving their families and property in the hands of the Mormons[.] The wrath of the presidency and the threats of han[g]ing &c. were undoubtedly a farce acted to frighten these men from the county that they could not be spies upon their conduct or that they might deprive them of their property[,] and indeed the proceedings of the presidency and others engaged in this affair fully justify the latter conclusion, for knowing the probable result, Geo W. Robinson Son in law of S. Rigdon had prior to their flight sworn out writs of attachment against these men by which he took possession of all their personal property, clothing & furniture, much of which was valuable and no doubt very desirable leaving their families to follow to Ray County almost destitute–That the claims by which this property was taken from these men were unjust and perhaps without foundation cannot be doubted by any unprejudiced person acquainted with all parties and circumstances and no testimony has ever been adduced to show that the men were ever guilty of a crime in Caldwell County[.] These unlawful and tyrannical measures met with the censure of John Corrill[,] W. W. Phelps, John Clemenson myself and a few others but we were soon made sensible that we had excited suspicion, and perhaps endangered ourselves by venturing to speak unfavourably of these transactions[.][37]

To help facilitate the fight against the dissenters, Joseph organized a company of men who he described in his diary on July 27th:

Thus far, according to the order /revelation/ of the Danites. We have a company of Danites in these times, to put to right physically that which is not right, and to clense the Church of very great evil[s] which has hitherto existed among us inasmuch as they cannot be put to right by teachings and persuasyons. This company or a part of them exhibited on the fourth day of July [ – ] They come up to consecrate, by companies of tens, commanded by their captain over ten[.][38]

Reed Peck affirmed Joseph’s involvement with the Danites:

At a meeting for the organisation of the Danites Sampson Avard presented the society to the presidency who blessed them and accepted their Services as though they were soon to be employed in executing some great design[.] They also made speeches to the Society in which great military glory and conquest were represented as awaiting them, victories in which one should chase a thousand and two put ten thousand to flight, were portrayed in the most lively manner, the assistance of Angels promised and in fine every thing was said to inspire them with Zeal and courage and to make them believe that God was soon to “bring to pass his act, his strange act” or by them as instruments to perform a marvelous work on the Earth[.] In the fore part of July the “brother of Gideon” or Jared Carter Capt Genl of the Danites having complained to Joseph Smith of some observations made by Sidney Rigdon in a Sermon, was tried for finding fault with one of the presidency and deprived of his station and Elias Higbee was appointed in his stead

Carter’s punishment according to the principles of the Danites Should have been death[.] In the evening after the trial I was in company with Maj Genl Sampson Avard Dimick B Huntington Capt of the Guard, Elias Higbee the new capt Genl and David W. Patten one of the twelve apostles and member of the high counsel of the church all of whom had sat with the presidency on the trial. D. B. Huntington stated that Joseph declared during the examination that he should have cut Carters throat on the spot if he had been alone when he made the complaint[.] Huntington also Said that on his trial Carter came within a fingers point of losing his head Sampson Avard related at the same time the arrangements that had been made by the presidency and officers present at the trial respecting the dissenters.–Said he, “All the head officers are to be furnished by the presidency with a list of dissenters both in Ohio and Missouri and if for example I meet with one of them or who is damning and cursing the presidency, I can curse them too and if he will drink I can get him a bowl for brandy and after a while take him by the arm and get him one Side in the brush when I will into his guts in a minute and put him under the Sod. When an officer had disposed of a dissenter in this way he shall inform the presidency, and them only with whom it shall remain an inviolable Secret[.] In July the law of consecration took effect which required every person to give up to the bishop all surplus property of every description, not necessary for their present support[.] Sampson Avard the most busy actor and sharpest tool of the presidency informed John Corrill and My self that “all persons who attempted to deceive and return property that should be given up would meet with the fate of Ananias and Saphira who were Killed by Peter”[39]

Joseph would later deny their existence in a City Council meeting at Nauvoo in 1844, but admitted that he had named them:

The Danite system never had any existence. The term grew out of a term I made [in] an off[ice] when the brethren prepared to defend themselves from the mob in Far West [Missouri]. [It was] the in reference to the stealing of Macaiah images, [that] if the enemy comes[,] the Danites will be after them, meaning the brethren in self defense.[40]

Yet, Joseph’s own diary entry (which was later crossed out) indicates that Joseph was lying about their existence, and that he knew all about them. What is interesting is that Smith takes credit for naming them here. Alexander Baugh writes about the consequences caused by the Church’s actions against the dissenters:

The episode involving the dissenters’ expulsion produced several consequences. From the Church’s standpoint, their removal assured the hierarchy that the general membership of the Church would no longer be influenced or corrupted by the actions, attitudes, and opinions. Furthermore, the First Presidency felt confident that they would no longer be threatened with vexatious lawsuits, at least in the Mormon-dominated Caldwell County. On the negative side, the dissenters’ disaffection from Mormonism and forced departure from Far West opened the door for further troubles between Mormons and non-Mormons. Following their flight, these former insiders were quick to spread the news of their alleged mistreatment. Their reports of abuse at the hands of the Mormon hierarchy and their pawns was evidence to non-Mormons that Joseph Smith and his associates were full of corruption. Furthermore, it reconfirmed in the minds of the Missourians that the Latter-day Saints posed a genuine threat to the peace and safety and security of the region.[41] Go to the Top

ii. The War

e. election day at gallatin

These tensions reached the boiling point during the elections in Gallatin which took place on August 6, 1838. Rollin J. Britton would later write that,

So auspiciously did the career of Adam-ondi-Ahman begin that Joseph H. McGee informs us that it had over five hundred inhabitants when Gallatin had but four houses, and it threatened to rival Far West and probably would have done so had not a state of civil strife ensued that resulted in the expulsion of all of the members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints from the State of Missouri.[42]

The election day fracas at Gallatin was started by one of the candidates for office, William Penniston, who was a militia colonel in the county who had courted the Mormon vote, but learned that the Mormons favored the Democrats, not the Whig party that Penniston was a member of. He was also influenced by the fiery speech given by Sidney Rigdon on July 4, which spoke of “a war of extermination” against the enemies of the Mormons.[43]

Penniston was also an old enemy to the Mormons who had gained some notoriety from his outspoken support for the expulsion of the Mormons from Clay County in 1836.[44]

According to John D. Lee, Penniston got up on a whiskey barrel and started haranguing against the Mormons by claiming that “the leaders of the Church was a set of horse thieves, liars, counterfeiters, etc.” Peniston also “appealed to the people, adding: If we suffer such men as those to vote, you will soon lose your suffrage.”[45] About the actual battle, Rollin J. Britton quotes Joseph H. McGee who witnessed the events that day:

“My first visit to Gallatin was in 1838, August 6th. My father and I came to town to attend the general election held on that day. This proved to be a historical day as the great knock down between the Mormons and the Missourians took place on that day. I had been with my father at many an election in Ohio, but I never saw him so peaceably inclined at an election before.

“There was a big pile of house logs piled up in front of the little cabin where they were voting. My father and I climbed to the very top of that pile of logs and witnessed the whole battle. I had witnessed many knock downs in my time, but none on so grand a scale. Pistols were not used. Rocks and clubs were in demand, and an occasional butcher knife slipped in. Men dropped on all sides.

“I saw one poor Mormon trying to make his escape from two Missourians who were pursuing him. He had a butcher knife sticking between his shoulders. They would no doubt have succeeded in capturing him had not another Mormon by the name of John L. Butler seized a big club and rushing in between them and their victim dealt them such blows that he felled them both to the earth and allowed the Mormon, whose name was Murphy, to escape. The Missourians proved victorious and the Mormons had to leave. After the fight was over my father and I got into our wagon and returned home. This was my first debut in Gallatin. All the Mormons who took part in this fight left the county that night and moved their families to Far West in Caldwell County — this being the stronghold of the Mormons.”[46]

The Mormons also claimed victory at Gallatin and according to Reed Peck:

An exaggerated account of a bloody massacre of some of the Mormons was rapidly circulated through Caldwell County early next morning, the warriors marshalled and by 12 o Clock 150 Danites with J Smith and S. Rigdon at their head were marching for Daviess county breathing vengeance against “the mob” for the attack made the previous day on their brethren At their approach the inhabitants of Daviess County not being sufficiently strong to oppose the Mormons of Caldwell and Daviess Counties then in array against them fled from their houses to make the woods their covert until the storm should pass or assistance be procured to expel what they termed a band of invaders The forces from Caldwell county remained in Daviess two days and in the time compelled one individual to sign an article binding him to keep the peace with the Mormons and attempted to frighten a justice of the peace to sign the same but he drew one himself and signed it which was satisfactory Warrants were issued against J Smith L. Wight and many others engaged in this affair and cause found sufficient to put them under bonds for their appearance at court Representations of these hostile movements of the Mormons were Sent by express to the neighboring counties which created considerable exitement and but a short time elapsed before it was rumoured that the inhabitants of Daviess county were determined that the Mormons should be expelled from that county as it would be impossible to live in peace with them[.] [47]

Joseph Smith, with a detachment of men went to the home of Lyman Wight at Diahman. Others, including many Danites joined them until they ‘had a sizable company.” [48] In his journal Joseph exaggerates the number of Missourians as 150. when in all probability there were about 30 settlers and a smaller number of Mormons. Go to the Top

f. the adam black affair

After the melee in Gallatin, Joseph subsequently (August 8th) took a large company of men (including Sampson Avard) and went to the home of Adam Black, a justice of the peace, (who lived about a mile from the city of Diahman) and compelled him to sign a statement that he would not molest the Mormons. William Swartzell, a member of the Danites claimed that Black was told to “sign it or die”, but Black refused and instead wrote his own statement which he subsequently signed. [49]

The Mormons who confronted Black told him that they would soon be visiting other state authorities and this alarmed Black who hastened to Richmond (with a small company of men) where he reported what had happened to Austin A. King, judge of the 5th judicial circuit, and issued a formal complaint. Unfortunately, one of Black’s company was William Penniston, which eroded his credibility and caused others to doubt the veracity of his account.[50]

Word of these events soon alarmed the citizens of various neighboring counties. This led to many exaggerated rumors that proved to be instrumental in fomenting the later violence that took place.[51]

On August 11, Smith and other Mormon leaders arrived in Diahman where over a hundred Mormons met them. Smith reportedly told them to be obedient to the laws of Missouri, but this was not received well by Danites like Lyman Wight, who defiantly stated that he didn’t care anything for the law, since it had failed to protect him.[52]

Joseph Smith now believed all issues in Daviess County to be resolved. Unaware of any developing problems, he returned to Daviess County to visit his newly arrived and settled Canadian Mormon converts. He warned them not to settle beyond the safety of Adam-ondi-Ahman, except at their own risk. The warning went unheeded; the Canadian Mormons continued to pour into Daviess County, further angering the original settlers. On August 11, 1838, while Smith was away in Daviess County, a delegation of officials from Ray County arrived in Far West to barter a peace deal. They had come after receiving copies of Penniston’s affidavit and were concerned about Smith’s intimidating visit to Adam Black’s house. A meeting was organized with Bishop Edward Partridge and George Robinson in lieu of Smith and his group of presidential leaders. No resolution was reported from the meeting and the Ray County delegation had returned to Richmond by the time Smith returned to Far West on August 13. Smith reported that on his way back to Far West he had been chased by a group of angry residents. Smith received word, just eight miles from Far West, of a warrant for his own arrest based on Penniston’s affidavit.[53] Go to the Top

g. tensions mount

In response to the Adam Black affair, a warrant was issued for Joseph Smith and Lyman Wight, who refused to submit to any trial in Daviess County, Joseph claiming that the people there “were exasperated with him.”

Brandon Kinney writes that,

The affidavits and warrant achieved their desired goal for those opposed to the Mormons. On August 30, 1838, Adjutant General B. M. Lisle in Jefferson City ordered the militia called up to immediate “readiness.” The order went out to Major Generals John B. Clark, Samuel D. Lucas, David Willock, David R. Atchison, Lewis Bolton, Henry W. Crawther, and Thomas D. Grant. Each was ordered to call up four hundred mounted men, armed and equipped as infantry or riflemen. General Lisle suggested that each commander use propriety and a manner calculated to produce as little excitement as possible. There was alarm in Jefferson City, but not to the point that martial law would be required. General Lisle described the reason for mustering the troops: “indications of Indian disturbances on our immediate frontier, and the recent civil disturbances in the counties of Caldwell, Daviess and Carroll.” He continued that such actions rendered “it necessary, as a precautionary measure, that an effective force of the militia be held in readiness to meet either contingency.”[54]

Governor Lilburn W. Boggs also began receiving reports from citizens in various counties. Among these reports were accusations that the Mormons were going to ally with the Indians to accomplish the work of destroying their non-Mormon neighbors. These reports did not help the situation which was already tense:

Another former Mormon turned dissenter, this time from Daviess County, added his report to the growing number of alarms being sent to Governor Boggs. His name was John N. Sapp and he reported the Mormons were “building . . . fortifications for the protection of themselves and families in time of war.” He further explained that their plan was to make provision for enough food for their families by their labor, but should they fall short of their need, they “are to take the balance from the Missourians.” Sapp also mentioned the Mormon paramilitary group to the governor. He described the Danite band as a group between “eight and ten hundred men well armed and equipped who have taken an oath to support Joseph Smith and Lyman Wight in opposition to the State of Missouri.” Sapp claimed that “Sidney Rigdon and Lyman Wight say . . . their object was to induce the Indians to join them [Mormons] in making war upon the Missourians this fall or next spring at farthest.”[55]

At Diahman, “The Mormons had torn down cabins and constructed block houses, built a breastwork to prevent penetration of mounted troops into the city, and gathered food and supplies for a siege.”[56]

Residents of Daviess and Livingston counties added their concerns about the Mormons by writing letters to Governor Boggs. They were apprehensive about an imminent Mormon war and requested state-supplied firearms and powder for their county militia. The state sent forty-five rifles, two hundred pounds of lead and several kegs of powder. As the supplies were being transported through Caldwell County they were intercepted by the Mormons and confiscated, and three of the couriers were taken prisoner (on September 10) and held by the Mormons for several weeks.[57]

The Mormons claimed that the arms had been stolen, and were being taken to mobbers, and therefore had every right to confiscate them. On September 10, the three Missourians taken into custody–John B. Comer, Allen Miller and William L. McHaney were arraigned before a Mormon justice of the peace. The Mormons wrote to Justice Austin King asking for recommendations but instead of waiting for a reply, the men were tried by Albert Petty and found guilty and held without bail.[58]

Justice of the peace William Dryden issued an affidavit to the governor, confirming the Mormons were holding prisoners. Dryden had issued the warrant for the Mormons listed in Adam Black’s affidavit other than Joseph Smith, namely Andrew Ripley, George Smith, Ephraim Owens, Harvey Umstead, Hiram Nelson, A. Brown, John L. Butler, Cornelius Lott, John Woods, H. Redfield, Riley Stewart, James Whiteacre, Andrew Thon, Amos Tubbs, Dr. Gourge, and Abram Nelson. In his affidavit Dryden also explained that the persons named in his Daviess County arrest warrant were being withheld from justice by means of a large armed force. He calculated the Mormon numbers in Daviess County to be 1,500, now out-numbering other county residents. Dryden had appointed deputy Nathaniel H. Blakely and authorized ten guards to execute the writ, but they had been driven from Mormon settlements in Daviess County by force. Concluding his plea for help, the beleaguered justice of the peace observed that Daviess County was without power to enforce civil or criminal process against the Mormons and asked the governor to send a sufficient number of troops to execute the laws of the land.[59] Go to the Top

h. insurrection

On September 12, Major General Atchison sent a letter to the Governor, describing events and confirming an insurrection:

[Atchison] explained himself to the governor by stating, “upon the urgent solicitations of Citizens of both counties [Daviess and Caldwell] and also upon the petitions of Citizens of the adjoining counties I have deemed it my duty to order out an armed force to put down such insurrection and to assist the civil officers in the execution of the laws also to prevent as far as possible the effusion of blood and to restore quiet if possible to the community.” Atchison explained to the governor, “this I have done by the advice of the Judge of this Circuit.”33 General Atchison ordered four companies of fifty men each from the militia of Clay County and a like number from the militia of Ray County. He reasoned with Governor Boggs that “the citizens of Daviess County and Caldwell County are under arms so that it is deemed dangerous for peaceable citizens to pass through said counties.”34 The state had another problem on its hands: “Citizens of other counties were flocking in to the Citizens of Daviess County and the Mormons were flocking to the assistance of the Mormons in those counties so that . . . there cannot be less than 2,000 men in arms without any legal authority.” Atchison concluded, “It is very much feared that if once a blow is . . . struck there will be a general conflict the termination of which God only knows.”[60]

In his reply Boggs mentioned the Dryden affidavit and that he wanted Smith arrested on the Daviess County warrant.[61]

On September 15, Brigadier General Doniphan wrote a letter to Atchison:

“On arriving at that place I found Comer, Miller and McHaney, the prisoners mentioned in your order. I demanded of the guard who had them in confinement to deliver them over to me, which he promptly done. I also found that the guns that had been captured by the Sheriff and citizens of Caldwell had been distributed and placed in the hands of the soldiery and scattered over the country; I ordered them to be immediately collected and delivered up to me.

“When my command arrived, the guns were delivered up, amounting to forty-two stand; three stand could not be produced, as they had probably gone to Daviess County. I sent these guns under a guard to your command in Ray County, together with the prisoner Comer; the other two being citizens of Daviess, I retained and brought with me to this county, and released them on parole of honor, as I conceived their detention illegal. At eight o’clock a. m. we took up the line of march and proceeded through Millport in Daviess County, thirty-seven miles from our former encampment, and arrived at the camp of the citizens of Daviess and other ad- joining Counties, which amounted to between two and three hundred, as their commander. Dr. Austin of Carroll informed me.

Your order requiring them to disperse, which had been forwarded in advance of my command, by your aid, James M. Hughes, was read to them, and they were required to disperse. They professed that their object for arming and collecting was solely for defense, but they were marching and counter marching guards out; and myself and others who approached the camp were taken to task and required to wait the approach of the sergeant of the guard. I had an interview with Dr. Austin, and his professions were all pacific. But they still continue in arms, marching and countermarching. “I then proceeded with your aid, J. M. Hughes, and my aid Benjamin Holliday, to the Mormon encampment commanded by Colonel Wight. We held a conference with him, and he professed entire willingness to disband and surrender up to me every one of the Mormons accused of crime, and required in return that the hostile forces, collected by the other citizens of the county, should also disband. At the camp commanded by Dr. Austin I demanded the prisoner demanded in your order, who had been released on the evening after my arrival in their vicinity. “I took up line of march and encamped in the direct road between the hostile encampments, where I have remained since, within about two and a half miles of Wight’s Encampment, and sometimes, the other camp is nearer, and sometimes farther from me. I intend to occupy this position until your arrival, and deem it best to and preserve peace and prevent an engagement between the parties if kept so for a few days they will doubtless disband without coercion.[62]

On Saturday, October 6, 1838 Albert Rockwood (who had recently arrived in Missouri) wrote to family members:

About this time the Sherriff of Caldwell county took 40 stands of armes that were on the road to arm the mob. The Missourians gathered from all the upper Counties to join the mob to the number of several hundreds, they continued to incamp in various places for several miles round Adam-ondi-aman for about 2 weeks, taking some prisoners, robing and insulting in various ways many of the Brethren, and driving many from their homes that were scattered about the county, but those at the City of Adam-ondi-aman were not molested only threatened[.] They were constantly under arms and on the watch[.] The brethren went from this plase by hundreds to their relief. Far West was in a state of constant alarm for several days[.] The common was almost constantly covered with armed men, who were determined to maintain their rights even at the expense of life. [p. 1][63]

Leland Gentry writes that by mid-September,

Events in Daviess county led to a standoff. To maintain control and prevent bloodshed General Doniphan stationed his troops squarely between the warring factions and declared his intention to remain there until both sides disbanded and went home. He was assisted by Lieutenant General Hiram Parks and a hundred men.[64]

Both Diahman and Far West were well fortified and the Mormon prophet continued to counsel the members in outlying settlements to relocate there for safety and protection.

Joseph Smith and Lyman Wight retained Generals Doniphan and Atchison (who were law partners) on September 4, to negotiate a surrender so they could appear for a hearing. They both appeared before Austin A. King on September 7, and the hearing was conducted by William Penniston (the prosecuting attorney) close to the Caldwell/Daviess County line, in a field near the farm of John Raglin. The Mormons were suspicious and so had a couple of hundred of their number armed and ready for action just across the Caldwell County border, in case anything went amiss at the trial. The Mormon’s fears were groundless, and Smith and Wight were discharged by King.[65]

King though ruled that there was sufficient evidence to warrant further investigation, an so ordered the defendants to stand trial at the next examination of the grand jury.[66] Go to the Top

i. false sense of security

On September 20, Atchison again reported to Governor Boggs, writing that all unauthorized settler troops from Daviess and adjoining counties had been dispersed. Also, all unauthorized Mormon forces had returned to their homes. He considered the insurrection for the present to be at an end. He reported that the arms taken by the Mormons and the prisoners were both given up on demand, but warned that “from the state of feeling in the county of Daviess and adjoining counties it is very much to be feared, that it [violence] will break out again, and if so, without the interposition of the commander-in-chief the consequences will be awful.”[67]

General Parks wrote to the Governor from Diahman on September 25 that,

“I am happy to inform you that there is not any necessity to use a larger force here at present [100 men]—than now under my command.” He added, “There has been so much prejudice and exaggeration concerned in this matter, that I have found things on my arrival here, totally different from what I was prepared to expect.”[68]

The “Saints” at Diahman, (which included the Snow family) were safely being protected by General Parks and his men. No “mobbers” had attacked the city and none ever did. But events were to take a turn for the worse in short order. Governor Boggs though, upon receiving these auspicious reports from his Generals,

…ordered Adjutant General Lisle on the 24th to order the disbanding of the militia. “The commander-in-chief having this morning received information by express that the civil disturbance in the counties of Daviess and Caldwell have been quieted and order restored to the country. He therefore orders that the troops under your command destined for that service be immediately discharged.” The order was sent out to Generals Bolton, Lucas, Clark, and Atchison, thereby disbanding any and all forces called up in the mustering order of August 30. This reaction would turn out to be premature.[69]

In his September 20th missive to the Governor, Atchison had written about the Mormons:

Most of them [are] equipped with a good rifle or musket, a brace of large belt pistols, and broadsword; so that from their position, their fanaticism and their unalterable determination not to be driven, much blood will be spilt, and much suffering endured, if a blow is once struck.[70]

Atchison’s words proved to be prophetic. A blow would soon be struck, and it wouldn’t be by the Mormons. But once again, the words of Sidney Rigdon would come back to haunt the Mormons.

The Mormons living beyond the borders of Caldwell County were also soon confronted by armed bands of Missouri settlers that had begun prowling about. They would set fire to haystacks and granaries and steal horses and cattle. They even whipped Mormon farmers who attempted to put up a fight. As time progressed it was no longer safe for Mormons to live outside the larger settlements of Adam-ondi-Ahman in Daviess County and DeWitt in Carroll County. As their provisions ran out, each city received word from the land agents from whom the Mormons had originally bought their land that they were willing to buy it back so that the Mormons could leave peaceably. The very thought of selling their land was unbearable to the Mormons, who remembered their exit from Jackson County only six years before.[71] Go to the Top

j. the dewitt standoff

While events were unfolding in Daviess County which had supposedly brought an end to the insurrection, this could not be farther from the truth. In neighboring Carroll County the Missourians had begun planning to oust the Mormons soon after word spread about Sidney Rigdon’s Fourth of July speech. In August the non-Mormon citizens of Carroll County made a formal demand on the Mormons of the City of DeWitt to leave and return to Caldwell County by October 1st. DeWitt was located near the junction of the Missouri and Grand Rivers and was crucial to the Mormons as it was their only port city. George Hinkle and John Murdock in turn rightly informed the Carroll County Committee that the Mormons as American Citizens would settle where they pleased and would not be forced from their homes. On August 7, the non-Mormon citizens met and voted to remove the Mormons by force of arms.[72]

The citizens of Carroll County were well aware that before Rigdon’s fourth of July speech he had authored another document that was signed by 84 prominent members of the church, including another member of the First Presidency, Hyrum Smith. In that letter (addressed to former members of the church now deemed “dissenters”) Rigdon wrote:

“FAR WEST, June, 1838.

“To Oliver Cowdery, David Whitmer, John Whitmer, William W. Phelps, and Lyman E, Johnson, greeting:

Whereas, the citizens of Caldwell County have borne with the abuses received from you at different times and on different occasions until it is no longer to be endured, neither will they endure it any longer, having exhausted all the patience they have. We have borne long and suffered incredibly, but we will bear nor suffer any longer, and the decree has gone forth from our hearts and shall not return unto us void. Neither think, gentlemen, in so doing we are trifling with either you or ourselves for we are not.

There are no threats from you, no fear of losing our lives by you, or anything you can say or do will restrain us, for out of the county you shall go and no power shall save you, and you shall have three days after you receive this our communication to you, including twenty-four hours in each day for you to depart with your families peaceably, which you may do undisturbed by any person. But in that time, if you do not depart, we will use the means in our power to cause you to depart, for go you shall. …

Vengeance sleeps not neither doth it slumber; and unless you heed us this time, and attend to our request, it will overtake you at an hour when you do not expect it and at a day when you do not look for it, and for you there shall be no escape; for there is but one decree for you which is, depart, depart, or else a more fatal calamity shall befall you.” [73]

Reed Peck reported that,

S[idney] Rigdon in a public discourse explained satisfactorily no doubt to the people the principles of republicanism (After informing them as an introduction that “some certain characters in the place had been crying you have broken the law–you have acted contrary to the principles of republicanism” he said that “when a country, or body of people have individuals among them with whom they do not wish to associate and a public expression is taken against their remaining among them and such individuals do not remove it is the principle of republicanism itself that gives that community a right to expel them forcibly and no law will prevent it” He also said that it was not against the principles of republicanism for the people to hang the gamblers in Vick’sburgh as it was a matter in which they unanimously acted” [74]

Taking their cue from the Mormons themselves, the citizens of Carroll County used the same argument against the “Saints”. The Mormons of course, felt justified when they forced the dissenters from their homes, but feigned outrage when the Missourians used the same tactic on them. In both cases it was unconstitutional and illegal. But that didn’t stop either side from doing so, the Mormons with the dissenters and “unfriendlies” in Daviess County, and the “old settlers” with the Mormons.

Acting without orders, the Carroll County militia lay siege to DeWitt. A Mormon witness, Smith Humphrey, remembered the events: “On the morning of the 19th of August 1838 I being in DeWitt I was returning home and was met by an armed force of men I supposed nearly one hundred commanded by Colonel [William Claud] Jones and by force took and kept me prisoner about two hours during which time they made many threats against the people called Mormons such as that they were determined to drive them from that County.” On and off for the next two months Carroll County vigilantes attacked Mormons, burning their homes and stables, until the only refuge was behind a barricade around DeWitt. Smith decided, in reaction, to send 200 newly arrived Canadian converts to reinforce the Mormon defenders.16 Mormons in DeWitt also sent a petition to Governor Boggs on September 22 pleading for state assistance to stay in their homes and stop the lawless acts of the Carroll County settlers. They described the situation in the following terms:

That whereas your petitioners have on the 20th inst. been sorely aggrieved by being beset by a lawless mob certain inhabitants of this and other counties to the injury of the good citizens of this and the adjacent places, that on the afore said day came from one hundred to one hundred and fifty armed men & threatened with force & violence to drive certain peaceable citizens from their homes in defiance of all law & threatened them to drive said citizens out of the county. But on deliberation concluded to give them said citizens till the first of October next to leave said County, & threatened if not gone by that time to exterminate them without regard to age or sex and destroy their chattels [livestock], by throwing them in the river-We therefore pray you to take such steps as shall put a stop to all lawless proceedings. The governor took no acts to stop the Carroll County settlers from expelling the Mormons and left them to defend themselves. In fact by the time he received the request the governor had already declared the insurrection at an end and issued orders to disband the militia that had been called up at the end of August.[75]

Albert Rockwood wrote on October 14 that,

“…an express came from that Place here a week last Thursday night [4 October] r[e]questing asistance & Council. [.] Friday morn Capt. Brunson started with 42 men all mounted and well armed, he was hailed by the Mob that were encamped near De Witt but they passed on and arrived in safety at De Witt[.] On Friday afternoon another company started under Brother Joseph.

The attack [1 October] was made on De Witt by taking Elder Humphreys family and

burning his house[.] He lived about 1 1/2 miles from the landing which is head

quarters, several scattering shots were made at the brethren during 3 or 4 of the

first days, no damage save making holes in their Clothing. [p 8] One heavy

charge was received from the mob when the brethren returned the fire and killed

4 Missourians, The Campaign lasted about a week when a treaty of peace was

made with the mob and the brethren have left the place De Witt was not an

appointed stake of Zion, but was designed as a Port of Landing on [the] Missouri

river[.] It contained about 10 or 12 families of the brethren when I passed through

on my way to this place.”[76]

In a letter to the Governor on October 3, General Samuel Lucas (who had gone to investigate the rumored disturbance), wrote that a fight had taken place and several persons were killed.” This turned out to be inaccurate, no one was killed though there had been an exchange of gunfire by both parties. [77]

Even though his own Generals wrote to the Governor pleading with him to send in the Militia to stop the aggression of the Carroll County settlers or come himself, Boggs did nothing. Kinney writes that,

Even Captain Bogart of the Missouri militia, who was not engaged in the action at DeWitt, observed that each time they met a Mormon, “he is armed in best manner and continually throwing out his threats.” Bogart described his company’s next movements. “We were ordered to DeWitt in Carroll County. When we arrived at Carrollton we were informed that the people of Carroll and the Mormons, who were mostly Canadians, were assembled within a mile of each other, ready for battle.” In a later report, Bogart explained, “Mormons from Caldwell were on their way to DeWitt.” Captain Bogart requested his company be allowed to move across the road between Far West and DeWitt and intercept the Mormon reinforcements, forcing them back to Caldwell. General Parks, writing from Daviess County, denied his request and Mormon reinforcements were allowed to freely pass into DeWitt, swelling the number of defenders. General Parks did order his troops to move closer to DeWitt after the reinforcements arrived but made no efforts to disperse the combatants; Bogart was infuriated. After two days of encamping his force outside DeWitt, Parks ordered his troops home. He left over two hundred well-armed Mormons in DeWitt that had come from Caldwell, disobeying the express orders of General Atchison to quell the uprising. The conditions in DeWitt were dire. The Mormons had no food to eat or kindling to build fires. Attempts to forage for food and firewood resulted in vigilantes beating any Mormons who ventured out of the town. The women and children were even harried within their homes by volunteer gunmen who rode up within two hundred yards of the town, spraying the buildings with gunfire.[78]

As Albert Rockwood wrote, Joseph Smith had secretly entered DeWitt under the cover of darkness with about two hundred mounted men. Upon his arrival he learned that anyone caught outside the town were being beaten with hickory hearts so they could not forage for supplies, and anyone trying to leave the city was being fired upon. With no supplies coming in, the strength to continue fighting was fading fast. Smith would have to attack an armed force of unknown size, or agree to leave the city and fight another day when the odds were in his favor. On October 10, Smith surrendered the city to the Carroll County settlers. A meeting was held to discuss terms and compensation to the Mormons, and when an agreement was made, the Mormons left DeWitt and departed from Carroll County.[79] Go to the Top

k. mormon retaliation

At Diahman, John Smith (Joseph Smith’s uncle) wrote in his diary on Sunday, October 14, that,

…this day we heard our Brethren who had been surrounded by a mobb in east [Carroll] county have agreed to leave the county.[80]

The departure of the Mormons from Carroll County emboldened the settlers in other counties. Residents in Daviess County soon rejected Alexander Doniphan’s offers to settle things amicably and soon word began to spread and the cry went up, “To Hell with Doniphan’s peace settlement!”[81] The Mormons were getting a taste of their own medicine, but unlike the dissenters they had numbers and arms, and they were determined to fight back.

On October 14, Smith announced, “General Doniphan has authorized this body to act as a regiment of the state militia under the command of Col. Hinkle.” Kinney writes that:

Doniphan had procured a militia unit for Caldwell County; however, its use was subject to the orders of the governor just as it was in all other Missouri counties. Smith did not have authority to call up the Caldwell militia to readiness and Governor Boggs never issued an order asking them to deploy. Despite his disdain for Missouri law Smith quickly confirmed: “We are therefore acting within the law. All who are with me will meet tomorrow to march to the defense of Adam-ondi-Ahman.” He reminded his followers, “Greater love hath no man than this, that he lay down his life for his brethren.” Smith’s tone darkened as he noted missing dissenters from the meeting, “Brother Rigdon likes to call them ‘Oh don’t men!’ In this time of war we have no need for such. A man must declare himself friend or enemy. I move a resolution that the property of all ‘Oh don’t men’ be taken over to maintain the war.” The crowd burst into shouting and adulation. Sidney Rigdon, eyes blazing, jumped up and shouted, “I move that the blood of the backward be spilled in the streets of the Far West!” Smith silenced him saying, “No, I move a better resolution. We’ll take them along with us to Daviess County, and if it comes to battle, we’ll sit them on their horses with bayonets and pitchforks and make them ride in front!” In closing Smith declared, “If the people will let us alone, we will preach the gospel in peace. But if they come on us to molest us we will establish our religion by the sword. We will trample down our enemies and make it one of gore and blood from the Rocky Mountains to the Atlantic Ocean.” He prophesied, “I will be to this generation a second Mohammed, whose motto in treating for peace was ‘the Alcoran [Qur’an] or the Sword.’ So shall it eventually be with us—Joseph Smith or the Sword!”[82]

After Smith made his declaration on October 14 in Far West, he took 100 armed and mounted men and rode to DiAhman where he joined Lyman Wight and his force of 250 men. The plan was now to drive the Missourians from Daviess County.

In DiAhman, John Smith wrote on October 15 that he,

…met this morning in general conference entered? into a joint firm the whole church appointed our officers and every man went to work at his respective occupations business seems to go on well the prospects one pleasing the heavens smiles to all appearence upon us [83]

On the 16th, John Smith recorded that,

…our brethren came here from far west with an armed force a hundred and fifty or 200 men the mob had left earle and had sworn to drive us out of Davis county th<e>y were coming on with all speed with a pieces of cannon this is the third time we have been called to arms this summer to defend ourselves against the mobb have not been able to even build houses and now many of us live in tents and not a finished house in the city the Lord knows when we shall be delivered from these calamities help they servants o Lord[84]

The next day Mormon Danites began to disarm the Missouri settlers that lived in the vicinity of DiAhman. Though John Smith had written that no building was being done because of mob activity, on the 17th he recorded in his diary that “all labour as building or farming etc suspended we have the motion of the mob it is thought best to whip out the mob at all events they are gathering their forces and moving their families out of the Co[unty] and other hostile movements”

It seems clear that those within the city were being told that there were mobs ready to attack them, when in fact most of the Missouri settlers had left the area or were forced out. Eliza Snow thought that the Daviess County settlers leaving was some kind of ploy:

Not long after our young missionaries left us, [Lorenzo Snow and Abel Butterfield] very early one morning, we were utterly astonished with the announcement that all of our neighbors, the “old settlers,” including those of whom our father had purchased, had fled the country. On entering some of the vacated houses, clocks were seen ticking the time, coffee-pots boiling the coffee, and everything indicating a precipitate and compulsory flight. What could be the cause, and what the meaning of this unprecedented and really ominous movement was veiled in the deepest mystery, until the reaction solved it by bringing to light the most cruel perfidy. We soon learned that those unscrupulous hypocrites had scattered abroad through- the settlements, arousing a mob feeling against the Latter-day Saints, by reporting that the “Mormons” had driven them from their homes, they having barely escaped with their lives at the expense of all they possessed.[85]

On October 18, companies of Danites left DiAhman and raided the settlements of Gallatin, Millport, and Grindstone Fork. John Smith wrote that they were “watching the enemy today and taking measures to disperse the mob”[86]

The “mob” were simply the non-Mormon citizens of Daviess County and the militia. One resident, Henry Lee was visited by a company of Mormons who ordered him to leave his house. They told him they were going to take all of his property and that he better get away. He left his home in the hands of the Mormons and reported the incident to justice of the peace Adam Black.

Kinney writes that,

One company of approximately one hundred men was ordered to attack Gallatin under the command of David Patten, code-named Captain Fearnought. At the same time another company of one hundred men under the command of Col. Lyman Wight was given the task of attacking Millport. A third company of one hundred men under the command of Seymour Brunson attacked Grindstone Fork. The first objective was to take provisions for the winter and compensation for Mormon losses in Jackson and Carroll counties. The second objective was to drive all non-Mormons from the county. The Mormons rounded up all horses, cattle, and hogs they could find and brought them back to Adam-ondi-Ahman. A young Mormon by the name of Oliver Huntington, who was not allowed to participate in the raids because of his age, had climbed up to Adam’s altar, the highest point in Adam-ondi-Ahman, to see what he could of the fighting. He recollected of the day: “I saw the smoke rising toward heaven, which filled me with ambition.” The following day the youth reported, “I went to Bishop Knight’s house and saw the plunder . . . and heard them tell in what order they took the place.[87]

D. Michael Quinn in The Mormon Hierarchy, Origins of Power explains:

In retaliation for raids against isolated Mormon farms, Mormon forces (primarily, if not exclusively, Danites) pillaged two non-Mormon towns. “There is no question,” writes Brigham Young University professor William G. Hartley, “that Latter-day Saint rangers burned buildings at Millport and Gallatin,” including the U.S. post office and county treasurer’s office. In the most candid account ever written by a Utah Mormon historian about the Missouri Danites, he also acknowledges: “It is certain that some Danites played the thief, and it is possible, although unproven, that one or two were murderers.” Horrified by what was happening, the Quorum of Twelve’s president Thomas B. Marsh prepared a formal affidavit against these Mormon depredations, for which he was excommunicated and classed as an apostate. His co-signer was Apostle Orson Hyde who remorsefully returned to the church within a year and received again his position in the Twelve.[88]

This kind of behavior was too much for Thomas B. Marsh and Orson Hyde, who withdrew from the church and gave statements on the 24th of October:

At the request of a committee of the Citizens of Ray county I make the following statement in relation to the recent movements, plans & intentions of the mormons in the Counties of Caldwell & Daviess – Shortly after the settlement of the difficulties at Dewitt in Carroll County , a call was made by the Mormons at Far West, in Caldwell County for volunteers to go to Daviess County , to disperse the mob, as they said. on the day before this Joseph Smith the prophet, had preached in which he said, that all the Mormons, who refused to take up armz, if necessary, in difficulties with the citizens, should be shot, or otherwise put to death; and as I was there with my family, I thought it most prudent to go, and did go with my wagon, and as the driver[89]

We marched to Adamondeomon, and found no troops or mob in Daviess County Scouting parties frequently went out & brought in intelligence that they had seen from three to five men­ We got to Diamon on tuesday evening, [October 16] & on the next day a company of about eighty of the mormons, commanded by a man, fictitiously name Captain Fearnot, [Apostle David W. Patton] marched to Gallatin ­They returned and said they had run off from Gallatin twenty or thirty men and had taken Gallatin ­ had taken on prisoner and another had joined the company.

I afterwards learned from the mormons, that they had burned Gallatin, and that it was done by the aforesaid company that marched there. The mormons informed me that they had hauled away all the goods from the store in Gallatin; and deposited them at the Bishop’s store houses. at Adam on diahmon­ On the same day Lyman Wight marched about eighty horsemen for Mills­ ­Port­ He returned before night and called for Joseph Smith & Hiram Smith, to report to them (said Hiram being counsellor of said Joseph the prophet) and Said Wight reported that he had been in sight of Millport­ saw no one to fight, but that the people generally had gone & left their houses and property­

The prophet on hearing the property was left, commenced a reply & said “We had better see to it”, When Wyght stopped him by saying never mind, we will have a private counsel, and Smith replied very well. The private counsel. I did not hear­ The men were dismissed to go to their camps­

The same evening a number of footmen came up from the direction of Millport, laden with property, which, I was informed, consisted of beds, clocks, & other household furniture­ The same night, I think, about three wagons were despatched for about forty bee gums, & the next day saw several gums, where they were splitting them up & taking the honey & burning the gums, in which business of taking out the honey, but few were engaged, for fear, as they said, they would be called on as witness against them. When Wyght returned from Millport & informed Smith that the people were gone & the property left, Smith asked him if they had left any of the negroes for them & Wyght replied no. Upon which some one laughed and said to Smith, you have lost your negroe [ ]­

During the same time a company, called the fur company, were sent out to bring in fat hogz & cattle­ calling the hogs, bears & the cattle, buffaloe. They brought in at one time seven cattle, & at another time four or five belonging to the people of Daviess­ 2 hogs were brought in dead, but I know not how many, I saw only two

They have among them a company consisting of all that and considered true mormons, called the Danites, who have taken an oath to support the leader of the Church in all things, that they say or do, whether right or wrong, many however of this band are much dissatisfied with this oath, as being against moral and religious principles. On Saturday last I am informed by the mormons, that they had a meeting at Far West at which they appointed a company of twelve by the name of the destruction company, for the purpose of burning & destroying & that if the people of Buncombe came to do mischief upon the people of Caldwell. & committed depredations on the mormons. they were to burn Buncombe & if the people of Clay & Ray made any movements against them, this destroying company were to burn Liberty & Richmond . This burning was to be don