I

t crosses party lines. It crosses time and distance, city councils, mayors and governors. Money, money, money.

And it ought to make every soul in Birmingham and Alabama sit up and say ... this is not how government is supposed to work.

Not at any level.

Not just because the city of Birmingham is thinking of moving its police and fire departments into that one-time Social Security building north of the civic center, of renting space for 30 years and leaving with nothing but a $139 million pile of renter's remorse.

Not just because the city owned the building in the first place, but sold it to Franklin L. Haney for a song.

Not because Haney, a tycoon developer who built his fortune in Chattanooga, funneled almost $130,000 through PACs to six of the nine Birmingham Council members who must ultimately decide whether that's a good deal.

Not even because Mayor William Bell has gotten his own campaign cash from Haney.

Let's start with former Gov. Bob Riley.

Haney, a big Democratic donor over the years who in the last election gave $2 million to the Obama re-election campaign, put a load of cash into Alabama Republican politics in 2006, and Riley got a bunch of it.

Haney, according to the Alabama Secretary of State's office, passed at least $130,000 to Riley through PACs run by noted PACman Clark Richardson, much like he did last year with the Birmingham City Council.

I'm about to throw a bunch of numbers at you, so stay with me. It won't last long.

In September of 2006 Haney passed $20,000 to Mainstream PAC. In October $20,000 went from Mainstream to Riley. On it went. There was $20,000 to First Decade PAC, which sent $20,000 to Riley. There was $20,000 to Fair PAC, $20,000 to Bizpac and $20,000 to United PAC. Each of those PACs gave the same amount to Riley. Free Enterprise PAC got $15,000 from Haney, and gave Riley $20,000. Mainstream PAC got another $15,000 from Haney, and gave Riley $10,000.

Riley, later, would become a big advocate for Haney and the Birmingham building.

One of his last acts as governor was to sign a lease that would consolidate Jefferson County's Department of Human Resources and move that agency into 290,000 square feet of Haney's building. Annual rent on that building began at $1.2 million a year, according to the lease, but rises this year to $5 million for the remainder of the term, plus possible extra costs for operational expenses.

That's higher than any of the 63 state tenants in any of David Bronner's newer and shinier RSA buildings, according to state records. It appears to be the highest rental rate for any state agency.

Riley not only signed the lease as he left office, he lobbied for Haney in Birmingham.

On Dec. 9, 2010, Riley wrote to Bell singing the praises of Haney's property.

"I want to urge you and the City leaders to join us in revitalizing this building and bringing a much needed stimulus to the surrounding area," he wrote. That letter is being used now to sell the idea of the lease agreement.

Politicians at all levels will tell you contributions do not equate to influence, and that may be true. It is perhaps merely ironic that on the very day Riley wrote that letter, Dec. 9, 2010, then-Gov.-elect Robert Bentley received two campaign checks -- $20,000 worth -- from PACs that appear to have been routed directly from Haney.

So put up with one more paragraph of numbers.

The whole month was the same: Haney gave $15,000 to First Decade PAC, which gave the same amount to Bentley; Haney gave $15,000 to Mainstream PAC, which gave the same amount to Bentley; Haney gave $20,000 to Bizpac, which gave the same amount to Bentley; Haney gave $10,000 to Free Enterprise PAC, which gave the same amount to Bentley; Haney gave $5,000 to United PAC and $5,000 to CRA PAC, both of which gave the same amounts to Bentley.

Bentley's sum came to $90,000.

It was later that spring, after Bentley took office, that the DHR move was announced.

Bentley spokeswoman Jennifer Ardis said the money was for his inaugural fund and had nothing to do with the building. She said he could not have stopped the move into the Social Security building if he tried.

Attempts to reach Roger Bates, Haney's lawyer in Birmingham, were unsuccessful.

Haney – who was indicted but acquitted in the late '90s on charges related to campaign violations involving the Clinton-Gore campaign – has had a long history in Birmingham.

He helped develop the Social Security building in the early '70s, and built a relationship with former Mayor Richard Arrington. Arrington worked as a representative for Haney after leaving office, and Arrington's son Matthew is now leading the charge for the lease proposal.

When Arrington left office in 1999, anointing Bell as his intended successor, Haney contributed $50,000 to Bell's unsuccessful run for mayor. Four years later Haney passed another $50,000 to Bell's campaign, this time through the PACs of another PAC guru, Rudy Davidson.

But the real stinger now, as Birmingham contemplates paying $5.3 million a year to lease space in Haney's building until 2043, is that it used to be Birmingham's building.

In 1991, Arrington negotiated a deal for the city to sell Haney the building for $7.2 million. He used the money to pay for the Civil Rights Institute, which voters had refused to fund.

Haney paid Birmingham $7.2 million, and now Birmingham is considering paying $139 million over 30 years to move back in. And still not own it.

Sure, $7.2 million in 1991 has the buying power of $12 million now, but it is nothing compared to what this could cost Birmingham, and all Alabama.

In money.

And trust.

And progress.

John Archibald is a columnist for Alabama Media Group. jarchibald@al.com

