You may love or hate Narendra Modi, but you can’t ignore him. It’s better not to underestimate Modi – this was the crux of the heated discussion that kept the audience at Times LitFest in Delhi on Monday glued to their seats for over an hour.

You may love or hate Narendra Modi, but you can’t ignore him. It’s better not to underestimate Modi – this was the crux of the heated discussion that kept the audience at Times LitFest in Delhi, on Monday, glued to their seats for over an hour. A volley of questions and answers laced with incisive remarks made the Masthead session on ‘Writing on Namo: Deification or demonization’, a thought-provoking one.

It attempted analysing the mind of Modi and gauge just how complex was he as a person. It also debated whether he would someday dump the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and move ahead.

Opening the session, journalist and author Ajoy Bose said Prime Minister Narendra Modi acquires a particular status because of the insults and abuses he faced on one hand, and the accolades he won on the other. “But, in a short time, he has become a benchmark in political ideology. After Gujarat riots, Modi was compared with Hitler and was held responsible for ‘genocide’. He was demonised, but this helped him to win elections and he emerged as a cult figure.”

The panel comprised journalists Rajdeep Sardesai, Kingshuk Nag and Madhu Kishwar, with Bose as the moderator. All the three panelists have written books on Narendra Modi. Do writers portray the Prime Minister as he is, or hype, propaganda and allegations creep into their description of him? Here's a short

'The Narendra Modi I knew as a journalist'

Rajdeep Sardesai (RS): During the first Rath Yatra in Gujarat, I came in his contact. He’s a 24x7 politician and a true ‘Karmayogi’. He’s pretty insecure and a very complex man. During an interaction with Facebook founder Mark Zukerberg he cried remembering his mother yet he didn’t invite his immediate family members to his swearing-in ceremony. Modi’s private life is a mystery as nobody knows what he did and where was he between the age of 21 and 60. There is a narcissist inside him, but deeply committed to the organisation.

Kingshuk Nag (KN): Modi manipulated his way to Ashoka Road in Delhi and became Gujarat chief minister by replacing Keshubhai Patel as the latter’s regime was known as a corrupt one. He has excellent PR skills and used it intensely on many occasions. I don’t think there’s any demonisation of Modi. He casts himself in an ‘anti-establishment’ mode. His public and private personas are very different.

Madhu Kishwar (MK): I didn’t know Modi in the initial days and had no contact with him. In fact, I was a strong critic of the BJP for long and was not even interested in knowing Modi. But, post-Gujarat riots, I saw my friends and intellectual groups demanding that the US deny him visa and portraying him as a criminal and architect of genocide. But, there wasn’t a single FIR filed against him both in Gujarat and elsewhere. The Supreme Court-appointed SIT cleared him of any charges. Under the Congress government worst riots took place in Maharashtra, Assam and other states, but no one demanded denying of visa to the CMs of those states. This compelled me to decode the mystery behind Modi bashing and go to Gujarat to find out the truth for myself. The outcome of this is my book.

Which is the real Narendra Modi?

RS: The one who used to hail former RSS chief MS Golwalkar as his ‘guru’ or the latest one claiming Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel as his ‘ideal’? Once he told me, “I can’t speak English. But, one day I’ll deliver speech in English better than you do.” And, today, we’ll have seen him speaking English at public platforms. At one point, he didn’t like Lutyens’ journalists, but he also wanted them to accept him. He used us astutely.

KN: He’s a fast learner, did and does an intense PR and is a true ‘Karmayogi’.

MK: While focussing on Muslims of Gujarat, I discovered a different narrative, which was completely different from what I heard from my friends and intellectuals. In Gujarat riots, reports say 262 Hindus and 863 Muslims died, and not otherwise as falsely propagated (thousands Muslims died). This changed my perception about Modi though I was the loudest voice when Modi did a shoddy job in the appointment of his Cabinet ministers. I drubbed him badly. Many alleged that as I didn’t get a Rajya Sabha ticket, I criticised him. It is laughable.

On Muslim agenda and what Modi should do look more credible

RS: Between 2002 and 2005, Modi marginalised the Muslims in Gujarat and dumped them. He made communal statements like “Hum paanch, humaare pachchees” (We five and our 25). He made no real efforts to come to terms with 2002 riots. Ask the mothers and daughters of those who killed in that riot.



KN: During Gujarat riot, Modi told me once, “I’ve so much pain for my Muslim brethrens.”

MK: I have seen Muslims and many Muslim organisations supporting him voluntarily during Gujarat elections. It was opposite to the common perception people hold against Modi on Muslims. He did world-class rehabilitation work in Muslim villages after earthquake. It was the so-called secular brigade that distorted facts, like there’s a vast difference in facts between ex-MLA Ehassan Jafri’s widow Zakia Jafri’s first FIR and the last PIL. Congress painted Modi as ‘devil incarnated’. All stick to 2002 riots while analysing Modi (including Rajdeep). His speeches were deliberately distorted.

On Modi’s politics

RS: In 2002, the VHP controlled the streets of Gujarat and Modi was scared of Pravin Togadia; but in 2005 he became stronger and finished Togadia. He doesn’t like any other person to occupy the seat that he wants to.

KN: If needed Modi can distance himself from RSS agenda, like Atal Behari Vajpayee did. As a Gujarati, Modi is very practical, and if needed he’ll marginalise the RSS. In one and half years’ of his tenure, he couldn’t do much, couldn’t rein in many. So, now he may occupy the middle ground by keeping the RSS at a distance. But, if he continues to allow Mahesh Sharmas to dominate, only God can save him. He shouldn’t be underestimated. The Congress made the mistake by seeing Modi through the prism of 2002.

MK: Every discussion on Modi (especially on TV channels) revolves around – “Why he didn’t wear skull cap? But no one talks about the green shawl with Kalima scripted on it that Modi wrapped around him.” There’s a sinister plot and sinister forces working behind maligning Narendra Modi.

In his concluding remarks, Bose said that no one wants to know the nuances but jumps into conclusions. “There is two-sides of the Modi story; nothing pro or against Modi.”

Top ten takeaways from the debate: