No intro to this post, lets just get straight to business, the title of which is,

“Ireland’s neutrality during the Second World War can be characterised as ambiguous in nature due to an influx of Irish labour to Britain and enlisted volunteers who contributes to the war effort by severing with allied armed forces”.

This post will attempt to engage and expand on the understanding of Irish neutrality during the Second World War. With reference to relevant texts and sources this essay will set about in interpreting the data and information that has already been publish surrounding this chosen topic. There are many current published books, articles and available primary sources on the topic of Irish neutrality, containing arguments that challenge the historiography. Scholarly work into this topic at present highlights how Ireland emerged as a neutral state and that Ireland’s population did, by its actions contributed much to the allied war effort. Conflicting suggestions surrounds the data and records relating to the number of Irish emigrants and Volunteers within Brittan at this period, with the data being unreliable this is a contested topic within the scholarly work to date. The contribution made by the Irish populace can be seen as vast and broad in nature, with the Irish government being uncertain in its international and domestic position in relation to dealing with issues within its own foreign policy. By providing critical analysis of the available sources, this essay will attempt to contribute to the available understanding and engage with the scholarly literate, to comprehensively assess and to gain a better understanding surrounding the ambiguous nature of Irish neutrality during the Second World War.

Characteristics of Ireland within the context of the Second World War can be branded what Eunan O’Halpin calls a long-haul neutral[1]. Other long-haul neutral’s can be seen within the Second World War, countries such as Spain, Switzerland and Sweden. It can be said that Irish neutrality cannot be fully understood until reference is made to the Irish struggle for independence. Arguably, this is important to note due to the splits in political and social Irish life that were a by-product of the still very recent Irish civil war. Irish independence emerged after the Anglo-Irish treaty was signed in December 1921. As a result, the signing of this treaty enabled Ireland with the exception of the six northern counties to become a separately established domain. It can be argued that from the outset of the independent Ireland, it claimed a foreign policy of military neutrality. The German invasion of Poland on 1 September 1939 sees the beginning of the Second World War in the European theatre. Britain declared war on Germany two days later, also two days later on the 3 September 1939 the Oireachtas passed the Emergency Powers Act of 1939 ‘an act to make provision for securing the public safety and the preservation of the state in time of war’[2]. One can argue that a policy of neutrality does in fact stem from the Irish civil war with the political and military divide, the country had seen prior to the Second World War and a neutral stance possibly seemed the best option for this newly emerged country. The still recent memory of war and suffering arguably had ‘influence on the mind-set of Ireland’s population and as a new emerging state’[3]

It can be seen that Ireland remaining neutral in a European war becomes a possibility not because of the lack of strength of the Irish defence forces but a diplomatic success in 1938 with the British settlement. With this, ‘Ireland would never allow itself to be used to harm Brittan’s security interests’[4] thus Brittan no longer held any military interests such as naval ports or military bases within the twenty six counties of Ireland. It can be argued that holding a foreign policy of neutrality was relevant in a social context for Ireland and can be seen that Ireland’s neutrality was a highly popular policy domestically even ‘de Valera’s bitterest enemies saw neutrality as the litmus test of sovereignty and the only way of avoiding civil war’[5]. However, economically it can be seen as hindering Ireland’s prosperity as Ireland had an unavoidable interdependence with Britain. This can be viewed most prominently in relation to trade, and labour. Before the outbreak of the Second World War, independent Irelands imports and export trade activity was nearly solely reliant on Brittan. Furthermore, Ireland historically can be regarded as what Eunan O’ Halpin in his article calls a ‘Supplier of manpower for British industry and armed services’[6]. With this an influx of Irish labour to Brittan is evident and therefore Ireland directly contributes to the allied mobilisation and war effort. An ambiguous nature surrounds Irish neutrality with the vast majority of Irish labour working in British production sectors. Evidence of this Irish emigration to Brittan is evident from the figures taken in May of 1944 by the M15 ‘Irish labours working in operational areas were at 150,000’[7]. To further highlight the nature to which traditionally Ireland as supplier of manpower in 1938 the British war office put the number of Irish serving in the British forces at about 10,000 with this number ‘representing about 5.7% of the total British armed forces’[8]. However, from the interpretation of the sources it can be seen as difficult to place a true figure on the Irish serving within the British forces at this time. O’Halpin argues that the 1941 Irish records number of 150,000 Irish soldiers serving in Britain is too high, whilst the ‘British dominions office in 1946 placing the number at 43,000 can be argued as an underestimation’[9]. Nevertheless, a realistic and true figure does not hinder the fact that Irish personnel contributed to the allied war effort in vast numbers by serving in allied armed forces. Perhaps, the freedom of movement between Ireland and Brittan is seen as playing a major role in the recruitment within Britain. Evidence of this can be seen even after 1940 as the Irish defence forces found it hard to prevent desertions ‘About 4,000, just over ten per cent of the Irish defence forces had deserted during the war to join the British army[10]’ Irish servicemen and woman were motivated for a more active military life and better pay seen that this could be offered by the British army. An Irish army solider which earned the pay of eight shillings a week could earn a basic pay of twenty shillings per week within the British army.

It can be seen that Irish neutrality in the second world war in a political way was a policy based on one key aspect, this being the fear of further war for this newly emerging state. One can argue that Ireland’s neutrality was established and upheld possibly due to the factors of Ireland’s geography at the western edge of Europe and even ‘Hitler’s decision to head eastwards after securing victory in Western Europe’[11]. However, arguably there is little evidence to suggest that the Irish government took significant action to prevent Irish men and woman joining the British army.

Dáil debates indicate the contemporary emotion of the Irish Government, 28 May 1940 Taoiseach Eamon de Valera puts forward issues of National Security in which upon interpretation of the speeches display no mention of immigrating to Britain is directly addressed. However, indication that Irish contribution to the allied war efforts and particularly military service in Brittan was of concern as it is seen when de Valera speaks to other members of the Oireachtas, ‘resist being brought into a war in which our state has declared its desire and it intention not to be involved’[12]. Rebuttal of this comment is made by Fine Gael T.D, W.T Cosgrave, he puts forward plans which he feels the Taoiseach should implement, the most poignant of theses being ‘To safeguard the essentials of economic life in the county- production, supplies and employment’[13]. One can argue that the mention of employment as significant, due to the influx of Irish labour and volunteers in British armed forces. Arguably, Cosgrave in opposition of the Taoiseach is highlighting that domestic employment is needed to prevent the opportunity and need for emigration, thus Irelands position of neutrality holds a less ambiguous meaning as less of its populace would need to find work abroad, and would not be contributing to allied war efforts. The fact that the government did not hold records on the movement of people to Britain or any recruitment recorded to the British army is indicative that no recognition was to be given to the men and woman who joined. In light of this, the size of Ireland’s contribution to the allied war effort is fully unknown and very broad, which only adds to the ambiguous nature of Irish neutrality. Some side-effects from this ambiguous nature of Irish neutrality can be argued. Perhaps it widened the gap between Northern Ireland and Southern Ireland and contributed to Ireland’s widening isolation within Europe.

Cormac Kavanagh in his article argues that the service of many Irish towards the allied cause can be seen as a contraction in relation to the Irish position, on one side the ‘Anglo-Irish relations were engaged in conflict over such things as the treaty ports and on the other side southern Irish men and woman were losing their lives in the service’[14] of the British armed forces. This ambiguous position in the social fabric of the Irish population and the unsure nature of Irish neutrality are only adding to the speculative issues surrounding neutrality. The interdependence of Irish neutrality during the Second World War is one that can be seen as significant and difficult to comprehend. It can be stated due to with the influx of Irish workers to Britain, ‘Ireland was more of a help to the allies as an official neutral than she could have been as an active belligerent’[15], example of this being the small size and lacking equipment of the Irish defence forces and perhaps Irelands small production based industry. Arguably the underlining contradictions that Kavanagh mentions is best highlighted when Irish men and woman return home on leave after being on a tour of duty with the British forces. Politically de Valera wanted to avoid embarrassment perhaps manly from British politicians and members of theDáils opposition bench, it is due to this that he asked returning Irish services personal to ‘wear civilian clothes, and dumps of civilian clothes were placed in English ports’[16] for Irish solders returning home on leave. All for the interest of keeping face politically with Brittan and Irish opposition.

To give further depth to Irish neutrality it can be seen that neutral Ireland was not widespread in welcoming allied victory. An example of this may be seen when an incident occured on V.E day when College Green in Dublin subsequently seen ‘rioting and disturbances involving some Trinity College students and nationalists’[17]. Such acts stemming from such incidents are like this commemoration when ‘members of the British legion march in Dublin to commemorate the dead of the war on Remembrance Day’[18]. Arguably, this can be seen as a physical reminder of the social feeling of the day, to some Irish this was not acceptable but to some they were remembering their dead and perhaps those who undertook service within the British army did as a means to provide for family’s and out of necessity, regardless of the position of the Irish State, and the manner in which it was crippled financially. Outburst such as this seen at Trinity College ‘treaded the line between upholding constitutional rights of assembly whilst avoiding offending nationalist elements within Ireland’[19].

In relation to Irish workers in Brittan that had no affiliation to military service or military activity, it can be stated that the level of emigration rose dramatically during the Second World War from Ireland to Brittan. Traditionally, Ireland sees the majority of its migrant diaspora ending up in Northern America. However, significant events shift this trend of emigration towards Brittan as the migration destinations of Irish change during the Second World War. The 1930s depression in America and the outbreak of war ‘Britain can be seen as launching a major campaign in Ireland to recruit workers for the British labour force’[20], thus the level of Irish immigrates to Britain and its war effort rises. According to data records for emigration from Ireland to Britain between 1936 and 1946 it can be seen that 189,942 emigrated legally to Brittan this being an ‘annual average increase of 13.9 per cent since 1926’[21]. This substantial rise can be seen as a result of Brittan’s recruitment drive. This drive on non-military related labour recruitment was a package for the Irish that included the providing of passage to Brittan and even allocated work permits and established entry level jobs. It can be argued that emigration was not an option for everyone and due to this restrictions were placed on persons with jobs in Ireland that were deemed essential for the Irish state itself. One can argue this meant that this recruitment package and emigration to Britain was predominately appealing for the unemployed and unskilled within independent Ireland. An example of employment deemed essential for the Irish state is that of ‘turf cutters and food production employees’[22].Furthermore, the travel I.D cards allowing movement to and within Britain had to be applied for through the Gardaí and not all were successful. Like the Irish volunteers who enlisted within the British army, it is impossible to gauge a true figure on number of labours who worked in war time Britain. However, Tracy Connolly in his article highlights the number of travel permits issued by the Irish department of external affairs, Connolly notes that ‘a total of 172,000 permits were issued from 1941 to 1945,[23] with Ireland contributing so many of its populace to the allied war effort it can be argued as difficult to classify Ireland as a full long-haul neutral. It can be seen that Brittan witnessed high demands for labour due to the Second World War by interpretation of Connolly’s data his findings show that Britain required approximately ‘8.5 million men and woman were needed in its labour force for such jobs as working in munitions factories’[24]. As a result of this demand, it can be seen that employment agenises were also set up in Ireland to recruit Irish labour into the British war effort. Thus, Irish men and woman emigrated from neutral Ireland to a county at war in order to find work, in sectors contributing to the war effort industries such as ‘aerodrome construction, the manufacturing of armaments and production for wartime equipment’[25]. With this it can be seen that Ireland as a neutral state was playing a direct role in the British war efforts by providing an influx of Irish labour to the allied war effort.

As mentioned previously, the interpretation of the data indicates vague and unreliable sources in relation to numbers of Irish men and woman who enlisted in the British military and the differing motivations for their joining. Nevertheless, the Irish contributions were made, Richard Doherty highlights how volunteering to British forces was unsurprising and ‘their country’s neutrality was irrelevant’[26]. Arguably, financial reasons can be easily stated for this however, a more cultural complex reason for the contribution to allied armed forces is apparent. Doherty notes that some ‘believed they had a duty to do so…[to enlist in the British army]…’[27], this can be seen as interesting in relation to the infancy in which the Irish state was and perhaps were their loyalties lay. It can be seen that many of the Irish population were veterans of the Great War when Ireland was still a member within the commonwealth, this indicates that many had served in old Irish regiments of the British army and that ‘in many families there was a respect for the British Army’[28]. This arguably highlights that regardless of the political atmosphere the Irish populace had their own attitudes and agenda in relation to neutrality and the second world War itself, ‘the evil that was evident in Nazism had to be fought’[29]. Doherty comes to the conclusion that there is not an ambiguous nature towards Irish neutrality and that Irish involvement within the Second World War was for ‘noble sentiments and a willingness to help others and to fight injustice’[30] this argument provides depth to the nature of Irish neutrality. Irishmen and woman volunteers did contribute to the allied war effort thus, the question of neutrality is politically ambiguous yet culturally defined by the manner in which volunteers contributed to allied forces. This also highlights a personal side, while political neutrality was a strategic move for the volunteers it was for a greater need to help and connect to familial ties.

This might have been the attitude towards neutrality with some of the general populace within Ireland but on an international and political scale Irish neutrality arguably was unwelcomed, due to the Irish government being reluctant to be persuaded into a war. Regardless of the number of Irish labour and enlisted service personal working and serving abroad, Ireland contributed to the allied war effort in great numbers but still was surrounded by turbulent international relations. The Saturday Evening Post a United States newspaper in 1947 published a post war article entitled ‘Ireland turns away from the U.S.A’[31]. The author Demaree Bess, portrays Ireland’s international reputation and America’s relationship towards Ireland in a negative and hostile light. With this the author questions Irelands neutral stance within the war stating that Ireland is willing to take financial aid and remittances, ‘Irishmen in the united states send home almost $10,000,000 a year to their homeland’[32] yet Ireland still refused to take the allies side during the war. An example of damaged Irish international relations can be seen post-war when the Marshall Plan funding came into Ireland, the majority of which being in the form of loans and not the more sought after grants ‘the US government provided $128.2 million in loans and $19,2 million in grants’[33]. This was not an ideal situation and highlights international tensions over Ireland’s lack of war formal contributions and wiliness to help the allied cause.

Arguably the issue of Irish men and woman serving within the British army can be seen as topic of controversial discussion within the British parliament, Evidence of this is seen upon interpretation of the parliamentary sources, when conservative politician Major Petherick questions the deputy Prime Minster on figures relating to Irish men serving in the armed forces of the crown. The Deputy Prime Minster, Attlee Clement states ‘there is no information regarding Irish volunteers numbers’[34] with Major Petherick stating this is correct but regardless of the numbers ‘it is a great tribute for Irish men who fight voluntarily for the crown despite the neutrality of their government’[35]. Arguably, heightened tensions surround the Irish government and tones of resentment towards its position of neutrality. It can be argued that officially Ireland remained a non-belligerent but contained what R.M Smyllie calls ‘paradoxes and anomalies’[36]. An example of this being Ireland holding legation in Berlin and Berlin holding legation in Dublin, this can be seen as raising an unsettling position for the British war-time effort. Evidence of this can be seen when questions were put to British Prime Minister Winston Churchill by Commander Sir Archibald Southby ‘dose anybody doubt that, if it suited Hitler’s book, he would make Éire a base for attack upon this country? Members who have studies the map know that Éire is one of the places from which we are apprehensive that an attack may come’[37]. This only adds to the insecurity felt by the British parliament in relation to Irelands lacking in choosing a side, and that an ambiguous nature in Irish neutrality is not to be trusted.

Smyllie argues that an influx of Irish volunteers and the ability to leave Ireland in order to enlist in the British forces was acceptable and that ‘de Valera could have for example made it an offence to fight in foreign services of any of the belligerent powers’[38] but this was not the case, this only adds to the paradox that Smyllie mentions with Ireland not implanting such actions as other European neutrals did. It can be seen that while vast numbers of service men were contributing to the British armed forces, Irelands own defence forces were being strengthened. Some 40,000 members were in the Irish defence forces during the war. However, it can be argued that even the Irish Army may be characterised as ambiguous in nature due to the fact that, ‘this neutral force was armed entirety by the British army, and Irish Army heads of staff held a close relationship with that of British generals’[39]. One can argue that another way in which the neutral Ireland helped contributed during the course of the war can be seen with the exporting of food to Britain. Perhaps with Brittan in such a mobilised and industrious state, less emphasis was placed on British agricultural activates with this ‘every available ounce of foodstuff particularly livestock was shipped across the Irish Sea’[40].This can be seen as important in relation to the Irish wartime rationing, a necessity yet an unpopular situation in Ireland. Arguably, Irish farmers were finding it difficult to obtain such things as feed for animals or fertiliser, and ‘housewife’s finding it difficult to buy flour, or beef’[41] nevertheless, neutral Ireland was exporting livestock and food products to Brittan. Financially, this can be seen as a positive in relation to Ireland but highlights that Ireland could never be self-relent and a full neutral state, that the interdependence between Ireland and Britain would always tread the line of contributing to the war effort and being neutral. One can argue that whether it is food, labour or wartime service the reliance Ireland held with Britain would always affect the nature of its neutral position within the war.

Furthermore, it can be said that Ireland provided some vital intelligence such as weather information to the allies also, ‘meteorological information and navigational facilities’[42] were made available to allied navy and air force, evidence of this level of co-operation can be seen in files realised by the MI5 in January 1999. Arguably, MI5 took full advantage of the Irish position and played to the paradoxes and ambiguous nature surrounding Irish neutrality. John, A. Murphy’s article, Irish neutrality in historical perspective highlights this taking initiative of unsure Irish neutrality best when he denotes how MI5 files mention and accept the Irish pro-allied slant and the how the files mention it as an ‘invaluable contribution of emigrant Irish labour to the war effort in Britain, especially in the construction of airports, so desperately needed’[43]. In stark contradiction to Murphy’s MI5 files, a contemporary newspaper articles suggest that weather reports were not made available, even to the Irish populace. Maurice Walsh published an article dating to the 1 January 1940 in an American paper The Saturday Evening Post, in which the author mentions that ‘no weather reports are published…[in Ireland]… and that the Irish Government agreed to give direct aid to neither combatant’[44]. This article suggests that during the war a pro-allied slant and contributions in favour of the allies was hidden from the wider media and that these released MI5 files from 1999, best characterise the ambiguous nature of the Irish Neutrality. Highlighting not only the pro-allied slant in which the Irish government took, but also the level of secrecy in which information must have been kept and how some of Irelands contributing factors to the war effort was much more covert than the commonly known influx of labour and army volunteers.The defeat of Hitler’s Nazi Germany sees the ending of fighting within the European theatre of war. Upon this defeat Winston Churchill transmits a radio broadcast on the, 13 May 1945. Within this broadcast Churchill acknowledges Irish soldiers who fought in the War, but can be seen as hostile to the Irish government in relation to the nature of their neutrality, ‘The de Valera government to frolic with the German and later the Japanese’s representatives to their hearts content’[45]. By Churchill acknowledging the ‘thousands of southern Irishmen, who hastened to the battlefront to prove their ancient valor’[46]this reinforces the contribution made by Irish soldiers to the allied war effort.

To conclude, it can be seen that Ireland during the Second World War developed a complex foreign policy of neutrality. By expanding the understanding of scholarly work on this topic characteristics emerged that regard Ireland as ambiguous and contradicts Eunan O’Halpin. By showing how Ireland surly cannot be regarded as a long- haul neutral, due to the numbers highlighted who served in wartime Brittan, and traditionally Ireland being a supplier of manpower to Brittan. The Irish government is seen to do little to prevent this, evidence of which can be seen with, ease of emigration and that free movement between Ireland and Brittan was assured. Contemporary parliamentary speeches indicate the political atmosphere with Brittan welcoming an influx of Irish people to their war effort whilst seeming to always be questioning the Irish government on its neutrality While Dáil debates are more concerned with National Security rather than the political paradox in which they are being perceived within an international context. Conflicting record figures and census data indicates the numbers who immigrated as unreliable, this can be seen as irrelevant, as the smallest estimated figure of 100,000 Irish individuals contributing in war time Britain is still a significant number and enough to deem Ireland as a contributing country within the context Second World War due to the small population of Ireland. It is with this that the influx of Irish labour and enlisted serviceman and woman also the limited size of the Irish defence forces and lack of resources in Ireland, Ireland proved to be more helpful to the war effort as a neutral than it could ever had been as a member of the allies. Thus, it can be said that the Irish government and politics can be characterised as ambiguous towards neutrality. However, the general Irish populace can be regarded as quite certain and unambiguous as to their feelings and position in regards to neutrality as shown by the vast numbers in which they enlisted, worked and therefore contributed to the allied war effort

Bibliography

Articles in a Book

Connolly, Tracy, ‘Irish workers in Brittan during Wold War Two’, in Girvin, Brian & Roberts, Geoffrey (eds.), Ireland and the second world War; politics, society and remembrance, ( Dublin, 2000), pp 121-133.

Doherty, Richard, ‘Irish heroes of the second world war’, in Girvin, Brian & Roberts, Geoffrey (eds.), Ireland and the second world War; politics, society and remembrance, (Dublin, 2000), pp 91-107.

Murphy, A, John, ‘Irish neutrality in historical perspective’ in Girvin, Brian & Roberts, Geoffrey (eds.), Ireland and the second world War; politics, society and remembrance, (Dublin, 2000), pp 9-24.

O’ Halpin, Eunan, ‘The long haul neutrals’, in Wylie, Neville (ed.), European neutrals and non-belligerents during the second world war, ( Cambridge, 2002), pp 283-304.

Kavanagh, Cormac, ‘Neutrality and the volunteers Irish and British Government policy towards the Irish volunteers’ in Wylie, Neville (ed.), European neutrals and non-belligerents during the second world war, ( Cambridge, 2002), pp 76-89.

Books

Doherty, Richard, Irish men and woman in the Second World War (Dublin 1999).

Keogh, Dermot, Twentieth century Ireland (Dublin 2005).

Willis, Claire, That neutral island; a cultural history of Ireland during the second world war, (London 2007).

Articles in a Journal

Gwynn, Stephen, ‘Ireland and the war’, in Foreign affairs, Vol.18, issue 2,(January 1940), pp 305-313.

Smyllie, R.M, ‘Unneutral Neutral Éire’, in Foreign affairs, Vol.24, No. 2,(January, 1946), pp 317-326.

Willis, Claire, ‘The aesthetics of Irish neutrality the second world war’, in Boundary2,Vol.31, issue 1,(2004), pp 119-145.

Primary sources

Newspaper articles

Demaree, Bess, Ireland turns away from the U.S.A, in Saturday evening Post, Vol,219,Issue 51. 21 May 1947, pp 15-124. Available at:

http://web.ebscohost.com.jproxy.nuim.ie/ehost/detail?vid=4&hid=25&sid=bce04cad-d8c1-41438df8fc33357f58ff%40sessionmgr13&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWhvc3QtbGl2ZQ%3d%3d#db=a9h&AN=19962082 [13 October 2012].

Walsh, Maurice, Ireland in a warring Europe, in Saturday Evening Post, Vol.212, Issue 29. 13 January 1940, pp 27-45. Available at: http://web.ebscohost.com.jproxy.nuim.ie/ehost/detail?vid=3&hid=25&sid=bce04cad-d8c1-41438df8fc33357f58ff%40sessionmgr13&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWhvc3QtbGl2ZQ%3d%3d#db=a9h&AN=19960727 [14 October 2012].

Dáil debates

Dáil Éireann, Committee on finance, ‘National Security Ministerial Statement’, 28 May, 1940. Available at: http://historical-debates.oireachtas.ie/D/0080/D.0080.194005280009.html [19 December 2012].

Parliamentary speeches

Attlee, Clement, (British deputy prime minster) address question proposed to the House of Commons, Éire citizens (British armed forces), 07 July 1943, Vol.390.Avalable at:

http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1943/jul/07/eire-citizens-british-armed-forces#S5CV0390P0_19430707_HOC_201 [13 October 2012].

Churchill, Winston, address to the House of Commons, War situations, 05 November 1940, Vol.365.Avalable at:

http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1940/nov/05/war-situation#S5CV0365P0_19401105_HOC_271 [ 12 October 2012].

Radio broadcast transcripts

Churchill, Winston, ‘Five years of war’, 13 May, 1945. Available at:

http://www.ibiblio.org/pha/policy/1945/450513a.html [12 October 2012].

De Valera, Emanon, ‘International morality, answer to Churchill’, 16 May 1945. Available at:

http://www.ibiblio.org/pha/policy/1945/1945-05-16a.html [12 October 2012].

[1]Eunan O’Halpin, ‘Irish neutrality in the second world war’, in Wylie, Neville (ed.), European neutrals and non-belligerents during the second world war, (2002), p, 283.

[2] Claire Wills, ‘That neutral island; a cultural history of Ireland during the second world war’ (London 2007),

p. 45.

[3] Eunan O’Halpin, ‘Irish neutrality in the second world war’, in Wylie, Neville (eds), European neutrals and non-belligerents during the second world war, (2002), p, 290.

[4]Ibid., p. 286.

[5]Ibid.

[6]Ibid., p290.

[7]Ibid., p. 301.

[8]Ibid.

[9]Ibid.

[10]R.M Smyllie, ‘Unneutral Neutral Éire’, in Foreign affairs, Vol.24, No. 2,(January, 1946), p. 321.

[11] Eunan O’Halpin, ‘Irish neutrality in the second world war’, in Wylie, Neville (eds), European neutrals and non-belligerents during the second world war, (2002), p, 302.

[12]Dáil debates, ‘National Security Ministerial Statement’, 28 May, 1940.

[13]Ibid.

[14]Cormac Kavanagh, , ‘neutrality and the volunteers Irish and British Government policy towards the Irish volunteers’ in Wylie, Neville (ed.), European neutrals and non-belligerents during the second world war, (2002), p 78.

[15]Ibid., p. 79.

[16] Ibid., p. 82.

[17]Ibid.

[18]Ibid.

[19]Ibid.

[20]Tracy Connolly, ‘Irish workers in Brittan during Wold War Two’, in Girvin, Brian & Roberts, Geoffrey (eds.), Ireland and the second world War; politics, society and remembrance, (2000), p. 121.

[21]Ibid.

[22]Ibid.

[23]Ibid., p. 122.

[24]Ibid., p. 123.

[25]Ibid., p. 122.

[26]Richard, Doherty, Irish men and woman in the Second World War (Dublin 1999). P. 15.

[27]Ibid., p. 27.

[28]Ibid.

[29] Ibid., p. 46.

[30]Ibid.

[31] The Saturday Evening Post, 21 may. 1947. p.122.

[32]Ibid., p. 122.

[33]Dermot Keogh, ‘Twentieth century Ireland’, p.31.

[34] Parliamentary speeches, ’Éire citizens (British armed forces), House of commons, Vol . 390. 07 July 1943.

[35]Ibid.

[36]R.M Smyllie, ‘Unneutral Neutral Éire’, in Foreign affairs, Vol.24, No. 2,(January, 1946), p. 319.

[37] Parliamentary speeches, ‘War situation’, House of commons, Vol, 365. 05 July 1940.

[38]Ibid., p. 320.

[39]Ibid., p. 321.

[40]Ibid., p. 322.

[41] Claire Wills, ‘That neutral island; a cultural history of Ireland during the second world war’ (London 2007), p. 57.

[42]John A. Murphy, ‘Irish neutrality in historical perspective’ in Girvin, Brian & Roberts, Geoffrey (eds.), Ireland and the second world War; politics, society and remembrance, (2000), p.14

[43]Ibid., p. 15.

[44] The Saturday Evening Post, 1 January 1940 . p.39.

[45] Winston Churchill, Radio broadcast, ‘Five years of war’, 13 May, 1945.

[46] Ibid.