In 2005, I resigned as editor, went back to working as a lawyer and launched my website (www.aljasem.org). Since then I have been imprisoned three times as a result of articles I published on my website giving my opinions on political developments as well as constitutional matters in Kuwait; most were simple analyses of the ruling family’s history in governing the country, but some of them also called for a constitutional monarchy like that in Britain. My articles were the first to cross the “traditional red lines” in terms of freedom of speech. My imprisonments began in November 2009, right after I published a series of articles that exposed increasing Iranian influence in Kuwait.

At first, the Arab Spring had a major role in curbing the government’s oppressive policies. I was released in January 2011, just before Egyptian leader Hosni Mubarak was ousted. As the Arab Spring gained momentum, it temporarily had the effect of ameliorating the oppressive policies in Kuwait. Remarkably large demonstrations erupted as people demanded anti-corruption reforms. The prime minister, Nasser Mohammed Al Sabah, was forced to resign in November 2011, and the mostly opposition-led parliament was elected in February 2012.

But as the Arab Spring faltered, particularly in Egypt, the Kuwaiti government was emboldened to revert to its oppressive means. Within five months of the elections, the Constitutional Court dissolved the parliament. The government changed the electoral system in a way that granted it more control over the outcome of the elections, and the Constitutional Court, which many believe to be far from independent, granted it the authority to autonomously do so.

The largest demonstrations in Kuwait’s history broke out. People were back on the streets protesting the changes. The government, however, felt safe enough to quell the protests by expanding its oppressive policies through violence and prosecuting people for political reasons under legal pretenses.

The opposition noticeably weakened after several members were sentenced to three to five years in prison. Internal conflicts between its leaders rendered the opposition ineffective. People turned to Twitter to express their frustration, but the government continued its political prosecutions, accusing people of infringing on the emir’s rights.

Some opposition leaders demanded a constitutional monarchy. The government responded by revoking citizenships. It revoked the citizenship of Abdullah Barghash, a member of the opposition and former member of the parliament, along with that of 57 members of his family, including children.

Saad Al-Ajmi, another strong supporter of the opposition, was the most prominent victim of the government’s oppressive policies. His citizenship was revoked in September 2014. In April 2015, 70 members of the secret police abducted him while he was on his way to the barber. He was blindfolded and handcuffed as the secret police drove him to the Saudi border. They decided to exile him. He was denied his right to contact anyone, including his family. No one knew what had happened to him until after he arrived in Saudi Arabia.

Plagued with short-term thinking, the government has tried to stunt rising voices with violence. This strategy backfired, as voices only became louder and triggered more aggression.

The government then altered its strategy to drowning the opposition with cases and, subsequently, sentences. The public prosecutor used his authority to detain people and ban them from leaving the country as an early punishment during the investigation period. This new strategy delivered the fatal blow to the opposition. The sentences came, one after the other, as the government realized that cases and sentences were far more effective than tear gas and batons.

Now the Kuwaiti government is going to great lengths to maintain the status quo, i.e., absolute power with no accountability. The government continues oppressing people, as it realizes that any infiltration of freedom might lead to fundamental reforms it is not willing to accept.

Like many others, I live in a state of estrangement from my country because of the contradiction between my beliefs and reality. At times, this estrangement drives me to risk everything for the sake of change. At others, it drives me to isolation.

The GCC is more than a group of royal families that export oil and import weaponry. They have citizens, and we seek development and freedom. Our choice should not be limited to being oppressed by our governments or escaping to extremism.

There must be a third choice. A democratic, civil society that respects human rights, not just a U.S.-backed sheikhdom. At Camp David , I hope that President Obama's efforts at marketing his forthcoming Iran deal to GCC leaders and the reassurances of protection he offers them will not come at the price of people’s freedom in the region.

Is it too much to ask, Mr. President, that I should be able to leave my house without constantly looking over my shoulder? Or that Saad Al-Ajmi should be able to return home to his wife and children?