April 9, 2012

Canadian socialist Paul Kellogg considers the direction of the New Democratic Party and what it means for the left in this article from his blog PolEcon.net .

CANADA'S NEW Democratic Party (NDP) has a new federal leader. Thomas Mulcair, has no roots in the social movements, a long history of being a senior Liberal Party member, and is someone openly committed to pushing the NDP considerably to the right. The implications for all interested in progressive social change are sobering.

The conservative Globe and Mail praised his victory, calling it a win for "pragmatism" and a "shift to the center" (The Globe and Mail, 2012). This "shift to the center" will be a shift against the environment. He sent a strong signal to the oil industry at his first press conference, carefully using the term "oil sands" rather than the more accurate (and pejorative) "tar sands" (Ivison, 2012).

This "shift to the center" will see any residual "left" phrases in party literature confined to the history books. Mulcair is committed to ending use of the term "democratic socialism" in NDP literature (Leblanc and Galloway, 2012).

Leadership candidate Niki Ashton challenged Mulcair during the campaign, saying, "You've attacked our [the NDP's] opposition to unfair trade deals, our links with the labor movement, our championing of ordinary people."

Thomas Mulcair participates in a debate ahead of NDP leadership elections

His response? "Between the Ontario border and the [British Columbia] border, we now hold a grand total of three seats" (Ibbitson, 2012). Progressive policies, in other words, need to be sacrificed on the altar of political expediency.

In raising the issue of trade deals, Ashton was putting her finger on something quite important. One of the defining issues of the last generation has been building opposition to the neoliberal policies embedded in so-called "trade deals" such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). But Mulcair, far from profiling his opposition to NAFTA, profiles his work with NAFTA.

His website proudly announces that he was president of the Quebec Professions Board from 1987 until 1993. "The work done by the Quebec Professions Board on the Free Trade in services portion of the NAFTA had led to increased contacts with the U.S. on these issues" (Thomasmulcair.ca, 2012). During the campaign, Mulcair announced that he had helped draft some of NAFTA's articles which centered on the environment (Cameron, 2011).

On international issues, Mulcair doesn't occupy the center. He is firmly on the right. He was part of a caucus revolt in 2008, causing the late Jack Layton, then leader of the NDP, to withdraw NDP support for the 2009 United Nations-sponsored Anti-racism Durban Review Conference, a follow-up to the 2001 World Conference against Racism (WCAR) (National Post, 2008).

What was WCAR's supposed crime? Its Declaration and Program of Action expressed "concern about the plight of the Palestinian people under foreign occupation" (WCAR, 2009). Mulcair was "successful in muting NDP criticism of the January 2009 Israeli bombardment of Gaza," but was not muted at all the next year when he joined with Tory Jason Kenney and then-Liberal leader Michael Ignatieff in condemning Israeli Apartheid Week (Shniad and Presentey, 2012).

In truth, we don't really need all this evidence. His willingness to serve for years as a cabinet minister under Quebec Liberal Premier (and ex-Tory) Jean Charest, in many ways tells us everything we need to know. Thomas Mulcair is a man of the establishment, not of the movements.

BUT MULCAIR won, and actually won quite easily. He led the first ballot, capturing 19,728 votes (30.3 percent). The next ballot, his vote increased to 23,902 (38.3 percent), 8 percent up on his first result, double the rate of increase of Peggy Nash and more than double that of Brian Topp and Nathan Cullen.

The third ballot was the only one where another candidate increased support faster than Mulcair, Topp's support increasing by 6.6 percent compared to Mulcair's 5.5 percent. On the last ballot, Mulcair's vote soared 13.4 percent compared to 11.2 percent for Topp, giving Mulcair 57.2 percent of votes cast, and a clear victory (CPAC, 2012).

Not that Topp would have been a particularly "left" alternative. For a quarter of a century, he has been very far removed from the social movements, serving as a backroom apparatus-man--a staffer for either the NDP or the union bureaucracy (Kellogg, 2012). His principal claim to fame was pushing the party not to the left but to the right, attempting to forge a coalition with the Liberal Party in 2008.

Mulcair announced at the time that if the NDP shared governmental power with the Liberals, they would also share the prosecution of war in Afghanistan, telling the press, "the NDP is putting aside its differences that have existed historically with the Liberals on such issues as Afghanistan" (Kellogg, 2009).

There were two candidates who galvanized social movement activists. Many were understandably attracted to the youth and social movement orientation of Nathan Cullen. Judy Rebick said that his "language was very close to the politics of the New Politics Initiative. He speaks of social struggles and the alliance between the party and First Nations and environment groups" (Rebick, 2012). But his main profile in the campaign became calling for an alliance with the Liberals--the same kind of approach that was so clearly wrong in 2008.

So it was Peggy Nash who became, for many, the best hope of social movement activists. Like Topp she has spent many years in full-time union and political positions. But unlike Topp, her early years were spent on the shop floor as a union activist. She has always been a friend of the social movements, appearing on the platform of many demonstrations--including demonstrations against the Afghanistan war which Topp and Mulcair were so ready to support in 2008.

But her first ballot result of 8,353 votes (12.8 percent), more than 2,000 votes behind Cullen and far behind Topp and Mulcair was extremely disappointing. She lasted only one more ballot. As for Cullen, he did manage to increase his vote total to 15,426 (24.6 percent) by the third ballot.

But again, this was far behind the two frontrunners. The end result was a sharp defeat for candidates associated with the social movements, and a surprisingly strong victory for the most mainstream leader in the history of the NDP.

For all the candidates, their relationship to the social movements was a more accurate standard by which to assess their politics, than by the usual NDP standard of relationship to labor. In this campaign, the message from the union movement was completely confused.

Some labor leaders took a clear principled stand. Sid Ryan of the Ontario Federation of Labour (OFL), and the United Steelworkers Toronto Area Council, were prominent backers of the Nash campaign (peggynash.ca, 2012). But the United Steelworkers of America (USWA) as a whole was quite happy to overlook the pro-war coalition moment of 2008, and endorse Topp as a candidate (Galloway, 2011). Much worse, United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) Canada, the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), and Toronto's Local 113 of the Amalgamated Transit Union (ATU) all declared for Mulcair (UFCW, 2012).

REBICK'S INVOCATION of the New Politics Initiative (NPI) points to the importance of the social movements, and also captures the extent to which the NDP has travelled to the right this century.

The NPI was formed just over 10 years ago, with a view to dissolving the NDP, and launching a new party rooted in the anti-globalization movement, a party "with two key objectives: promoting the environment and combatting 'corporate globalization'" (MacKinnon 2001). This push for a new party--supported by Nash among others--was very narrowly defeated, losing by just 684 to 401 at the November 2001 convention (O'Neill, 2001).

That November 2001 vote was the high-water mark for the social movement left inside the NDP. Unfortunately, the NPI became reoriented away from the anti-globalization and antiwar movements, and toward facilitating the leadership campaign of Jack Layton.

When he launched his bid, he was very much an outsider--and the NPI provided a door in. The only two NDP federal caucus members to support Layton's leadership bid in 2002-2003, were leading NPI figures Svend Robinson and Libby Davies. Riding the wave of the anti-globalization movement which the NPI reflected, and coming out openly for participation in antiwar demonstrations against the war in Iraq, Layton won a crushing first ballot victory with 53.5 percent of votes cast.

But this victory has proven pyrrhic. It was Layton who opened the door to Mulcair. "Jack, his wife Olivia Chow, Tom [Mulcair] and Catherine [Pinhas] had a meeting and supper together at a restaurant in 2007," leading to Layton naming Mulcair his "Quebec Lieutenant" (thomasmulcair.ca, 2012). The NDP did not become a vehicle with which to amplify the issues and concerns of the social movements. The NDP became a vehicle focused on national office, and suddenly that vehicle has ex-Liberal Thomas Mulcair in the driver's seat.

Gregg Shotwell, a retired veteran of the autoworkers in the United States, had a message for activists in last year's Occupy movement. Be careful of orienting on the Democratic Party, "where all good movements go to die" (Shotwell, 2012).

The situation may not be quite so extreme in the NDP. But it's not far off. What at first seems like a comfortable home can too often be transformed into a debilitating trap. When the focus shifted from the NPI and movement building to Layton, leadership selection and electoral success, the end result has been the most movement-averse leader in the history of the party.

Some will draw other lessons from this process. Former leader of the Reform Party, Preston Manning, sees the NDP's problem as having "rooted itself in Quebec" (Manning, 2012). This is a noxious reminder of the anti-Quebec politics of Manning's (and Stephen Harper's) Reform Party roots.

It is also completely wrong. The problems with Mulcair are not his Quebec roots. The problems with Mulcair are his establishment roots.

In a certain sense, what we need is to root ourselves more, not less, in Quebec. It is Quebec, after all, which is the home of Québec Solidaire (QS), "a party of the ballot box and the streets" (Life on the left, 2011). A massive student movement is sweeping the province, and QS spokesperson Amir Khadir proudly wears "the red cloth squares of the striking students" (Dougherty, 2012).

At a press conference on March 22 before a wonderful 200,000-strong demonstration against tuition fee hikes, the other QS spokesperson, Françoise David, was there, calling for taxing the corporations to pay for education (Steuter-Martin and Gallant, 2012).

That is the way we win our gains--building mass movements, and posing politics in class terms. One last thought which might just sum it all up--the man against whom the students are protesting is Liberal Premier Jean Charest. We've met him before. He's the ex-Tory who gave Thomas Mulcair his start in politics.

References

Cameron, Duncan. 2011. "Tom Mulcair Plays a Terrible Hand on Trade." Rabble.ca.

CPAC. 2012. "NDP Leadership – Mulcair Wins Leadership." Cpac.ca.

Dougherty, Kevin. 2012. "10 Questions and Answers About Quebec's Student Strike." The Gazette, March 6.

Galloway, Gloria. 2011. "United Steelworkers Endorse Brian Topp for NDP Leader." The Globe and Mail, October 12.

Ibbitson, John. 2012. "Enter Mulcair." The Globe and Mail, March 26.

Ivison, John. 2012. "Mulcair Denies Cabinet Demand; NDP Leadership Hopeful Had 2007 Talks with Tories." National Post, March 2.

Kellogg, Paul. 2009. "Dear Jack: Do You Really Want This War?" PolEcon.net.

Kellogg, Paul. 2012. "Topp and Mulcair--the Apparatus Man and the ex-Liberal." PolEcon.net.

Leblanc, Daniel, and Gloria Galloway. 2012. "A Principled Pragmatist Who's Always up for a Fight." The Globe and Mail, March 26.

Life on the left. 2011. "Québec Solidaire: A Québécois Approach to Building a Broad Left Party (Part II)." Lifeonleft.blogspot.ca.

MacKinnon, Mark. 2001. "Rebels Aim to Dissolve NDP, Form New Party." The Globe and Mail, June 6.

Manning, Preston. 2012. "The NDP's Mulcair." The Globe and Mail, March 27.

National Post. 2008. "Layton Backtracks on UN Racism Conference." Canada.com, June 24.

O'Neill, Juliet. 2001. "NDP Delegates Vote Against New Party: Policy Convention Leaves Some in Tears as Members Argue over Party's 'Mushiness.'" The Ottawa Citizen, November 25.

peggynash.ca. 2012. "Peggy Nash: Announcements." Peggy Nash.

Rebick, Judy. 2012. "Understanding the Victory of Thomas Mulcair." Rabble.ca.

Shniad, Sid, and Fabienne Presentey. 2012. "Thomas Mulcair--Israel, Right or Wrong." Independent Jewish Voices (IJV) Canada.

Shotwell, Gregg. 2012. "Where Workers Have Power." SocialistWorker.org, March 27.

Steuter-Martin, Marilla, and Jacques Gallant. 2012. "Hundreds of Thousands Flood the Streets." The Concordian, March 22.

The Globe and Mail. 2012. "Editorial--Mulcair's Moment." The Globe and Mail, March 26.

thomasmulcair.ca. 2012. "About Tom." Thomas Mulcair.

UFCW. 2012. "NDP Leadership Candidate Thomas Mulcair Gaining Momentum as We Head Toward Convention." UFCW Canada.

WCAR. 2009. "Durban Declaration and Programme of Action." In Durban, South Africa.

First published at Polecon.net.