Donald Trump continues to test the limits of his office, and has yet to face any real consequences for his constant violations of political norms. Republicans looked the other way when video emerged of him bragging about grabbing women by the genitals, just as they did when he insulted John McCain’s war record and feuded with the Muslim parents of an American soldier who was killed in Iraq. Party leadership has defended his constant, increasingly vicious attacks on the press, offered excuses for his bizarre affinity for despots and dictators, including Vladimir Putin, and did little more than grumble privately after he fired the director of the F.B.I. for investigating what he called “this Russia thing.” Over the past week, Trump’s gone further, accusing a female journalist of “bleeding badly” from a facelift (“this is a president who fights fire with fire,” his spokesperson said) and then tweeting a doctored video of himself appearing to beat up a man at a wrestling event, with the CNN logo superimposed over his face. In the last two cases, a handful of the president’s Republican allies expressed shock. “I don’t see that as an appropriate comment,” House Speaker Paul Ryan said after Trump called Mika Brzezinski “low I.Q.” But Republicans in Congress remain focused on the big picture: repealing Obamacare, including hundreds of billions in taxes, and overhauling the tax code, which would cut taxes by hundreds of billions more. While Democrats are strategizing how and when they might impeach the president, Republicans are sticking by their man—for now, at least—as the donor class awaits the ultimate payoff for securing control of Congress and the presidency.

Still, as his presidency hangs in the balance, there remain a handful of things Trump could do that might cause Republicans to rethink their unflinching support. And one of them is apparently under consideration within Trump’s own West Wing:

Steve Bannon is causing a stir inside the administration by pushing an idea that’s anathema to most Republicans: raising taxes on the wealthiest Americans to pay for steep middle and working-class tax cuts. (Some officials who’ve heard Bannon’s idea think it’s crazy, but the President’s chief strategist believes it’s a potent populist idea.)

According to Axios’s Jonathan Swan, “Bannon has told colleagues he wants the top income tax bracket to ‘have a 4 in front of it.’” What that top-line number might be is unclear, but the highest bracket is currently 39.6 percent households that earn more than $418,400.

It wouldn’t be the first time that Bannon, Trump’s point man on all things populist-nationalist, has suggested riling up the Republican establishment. In an interview with The Hollywood Reporter last year, Bannon boasted that he and Trump would “build an entirely new political movement” based around a trillion-dollar infrastructure that would drive conservatives “crazy” and put the Reagan revolution to shame. Nor would it be the first time that Trump has flirted with political heresy, like when he accused a hedge-fund manager of “getting away with murder” or hinted that he supported a single-payer health-care system. But as my colleague Tom Frank writes, Trump has been captured by the Republican establishment he swore to challenge. While he’s leading a rebellion against the dignity of his office, he’s largely conformed to conservative orthodoxy on taxes, regulation, and health care.

Bannon’s idea could prove popular among Trump’s working-class supporters—particularly if it happens to rile up Washington. But it’s not clear how it would fit into the plan being drafted by fellow Trump advisers Gary Cohn and Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, who have been grinding away at their attempt to slash the corporate tax rate to 15 percent. It’s possible that Trump could achieve some sort of bipartisan compromise, uniting Republicans and Democrats around a plan to cut the corporate rate while increasing top marginal taxes on the very rich. But it seems unlikely that Bannon, despite surviving several attempts to push him out of the West Wing, retains enough capital to revive whatever populist promise the Trump campaign once offered. The president has already folded on his campaign pledge to defend Medicaid and to provide health insurance for everyone; there is little reason to think that he is about to do a 180 on tax reform. Still, the latest whisperings emanating from the West Wing suggest that at least some Trump allies are still looking at ways to pivot his administration as the president’s approval rating continues to slump.