KIEV — Comedian Volodymyr Zelenskiy thrashed incumbent Petro Poroshenko in the first round of Ukraine’s presidential election Sunday, setting the stage for a decisive runoff between the two in three weeks.

Zelenskiy, a political upstart who has never run for public office before, finished first with about 30 percent of the vote, followed by Poroshenko with 18 percent, according to exit polls. Former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko finished third with 14 percent. The rest of the vote was split among some three dozen other candidates.

Poroshenko described his second-place finish as a “hard lesson.” Zelenskiy told supporters he is “very happy,” but cautioned that the campaign isn’t over. Turnout was high with 64 percent of eligible voters participating. Official preliminary results are expected on Monday.

The result presents Ukrainians with a stark second-round choice between the status quo and the unknown.

Poroshenko, a billionaire business magnate elected in the wake of the 2014 Euromaidan uprising, has struggled to end the country’s war with Russian-backed separatists and to make good on the promise of reform that vaulted him to power. Though Poroshenko came from behind in recent weeks to make it to the runoff, popular discontent with his stewardship runs deep.

“Zelenskiy is a clown and I really care about the future of this country" — 18-year-old first-time voter

That frustration opened the door to Zelenskiy, whose only brush with Ukrainian politics has been to play the president in a television show called “Servant of the People,” a popular satire about a teacher who wins the country’s highest office.

Whether the 41-year-old actor has the skills to lead a country of more than 40 million, beset by a complex set of domestic and foreign policy challenges — from the war against separatists to endemic corruption and a stagnant economy — is another question.

Zelenskiy’s political positions remain largely unknown, beyond a vague pledge to push through sorely needed reforms. During the campaign, he avoided giving interviews to journalists, preferring instead to stage rally-like performances for which he charged an entrance fee. He refused to participate in a television debate with Poroshenko and Tymoshenko.

Despite his top finish Sunday, many Ukrainians have doubts about the comedian's qualifications. Those concerns helped Poroshenko battle his way into the second round. Many of Poroshenko’s supporters say that while he has many shortcomings, he represents the “lesser evil.”

“Zelenskiy is a clown and I really care about the future of this country,” said an 18-year-old first-time voter from western Ukraine, adding that Poroshenko represents stability.

Poroshenko, who ended his campaign with a simple appeal to voters — the slogan “think” — is sure to accentuate that message in the coming weeks and raise questions about Zelenskiy’s qualifications for the job.

Poroshenko is also likely to focus on Zelenskiy’s ties to Ukraine's vested interests.

Zelenskiy is reportedly backed by Ihor Kolomoyskyi, one of Ukraine’s most powerful oligarchs, whose assets range from banking to media. His broadcaster, 1+1 Media Group, carries “Servant of the People.”

Zelenskiy denies he’s being funded by Kolomoyskyi and both men deny suggestions that they are collaborating.

In the murky world of Ukrainian politics, where the delineation between politics and business is fluid, it’s often difficult to discern who is backing whom.

That said, Kolomoyskyi has made no secret of his dislike for Poroshenko, who has sought to curtail some of the vast influence oligarchs enjoy in Ukraine, most notably by nationalizing PrivatBank, a bank controlled by Kolomoyskyi, which the government has accused of defrauding savers.

Monitors have noticed a shift in Russia’s tactics from television to social media during the presidential campaign.

Last week, Kolomoyskyi said “anyone but Poroshenko” could win the election.

“I believe that if a politician isn’t successful, they should give way to others who will work for the benefit of the country,” he told Ukrainian media.

In addition to Zelenskiy, the oligarch has also supported Tymoshenko’s candidacy, Ukrainian political observers say.

Tymoshenko, who ran on a populist platform, promising voters a return to government gas subsidies and other benefits, accused the government of rigging the election but provided no evidence.

Ready for a second round

Ukrainian police registered thousands of complaints on election day, ranging from vote-buying to ballot manipulation. Ukraine’s Central Election Commission insisted there were “no systemic irregularities.”

Among the reports flagged by StopFake.org, a Ukrainian non-profit organization focused on rooting out disinformation, are stories claiming that Poroshenko was prepared to exchange Crimea for NATO membership and that some polling stations were requiring young men to sign up for the army. There’s no evidence to support either claim.

Monitors have noticed a shift in Russia’s tactics from television to social media during the presidential campaign, StopFake’s co-founder Yevhen Fedchenko said.

“Social media is very important in this election, which wasn’t the case in previous elections,” he said.

Poroshenko supporters fear Tymoshenko will eventually endorse Zelenskiy, a step that could give him the boost he’d need to prevail in the second round.

Some observers predict Tymoshenko will ask for Zelenskiy’s support if she mounts another bid for prime minister in parliamentary elections, scheduled for October.

On Sunday, Zelenskiy denied suggestions that he had reached any arrangements with Tymoshenko or the other first round losers.

“We don’t care who else is going to enter the second round,” he said.

Such bluster aside, the actor could have a tough time unseating Poroshenko.

So far, Ukraine’s oligarch-owned television stations have served as the main stage for the campaign. That has allowed Zelenskiy to shield himself from critical scrutiny. To beat Poroshenko, however, he’ll likely have to be more bold by engaging more with critical journalists or agreeing to a head-to-head debate.

Even if Zelenskiy’s agenda isn’t clear, there’s little doubt that his style would represent a radical departure from the status quo.

That contrast was apparent Sunday at the two candidates’ choice of venues for their election night events.

Poroshenko held his gathering in an 18th century arsenal that has been converted into a cultural center, a choice of surrounding which underscored the president’s claim to gravitas.

Zelenskiy, meanwhile, chose a trendy modern nightclub in central Kiev with an open bar.

As his youthful supporters awaited the first exit polls, they sipped wine and beer, or challenged one another to a game of ping-pong or air hockey. Befitting Zelenskiy’s showman image, the event had a carnival-like atmosphere.

Not so different on foreign policy

Image aside, analysts say they don’t expect either candidate to deviate from Ukraine’s current course on foreign policy.

Under Poroshenko, the country has enshrined its Western orientation within the constitution, making a radical shift difficult if not impossible. Though some commentators speculate that Zelenskiy, who is a native Russian speaker, might be more willing to make concessions to end the war with Moscow, most observers dismiss such predictions.

“It’s unlikely we will see any deviation from the foreign policy of the past four years,” said Sergiy Korsunsky, the director of the Ukrainian Diplomatic Academy and a former ambassador. “The population is very anti-Russian, so there will be continuity.”

For the time being, Ukraine’s aspirations to join either NATO or the European Union seem out of reach, regardless of who prevails in the second round. Nonetheless, the goal of anchoring the country firmly in the West remains an article of faith for Ukraine’s political elites, past and present.

Despite the current set of challenges Ukraine faces, there should be no doubt about the country’s democratic path, said former President Viktor Yushchenko.

“The worst is behind us,” he said, adding that he expected Ukraine to be invited to join NATO “in the next five years.”