Retired Lt. Gen. Michael T. Flynn served as director of the Defense Intelligence Agency. Medal of Honor recipient and retired Maj. Gen. James E. Livingston, USMC, and congressional counterterrorism adviser Michael S. Smith II are co-founders of the strategic advisory firm Kronos Advisory. The views expressed are solely the authors' own. Watch 'Blindsided: How ISIS shook the world', a GPS special airing Monday at 9 p.m. ET/PT on CNN.

(CNN) Be afraid -- be very afraid. This is the warning the world deserves to hear. Because the leader of the free world refuses to look with clear eyes at the chief security challenges of the 21st century: the fruits of radical Islam.

The results of the Obama White House's innovative efforts to make the world a better place can be accounted for in the ever-growing numbers of victims of radical Islam in the Middle East, North Africa and South Asia. Not to mention here in the United States, Canada and Europe. Is it not a tragic irony that the Arab Spring-era policies of a Nobel Peace Prize recipient accommodated the transition of Syria into the world's newest jihad theater while leaving Libya a failed state and Yemen a failing state?

The Syrian jihad gave rise to the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, which now uses Syria as a rear operating base to support its jihad in Iraq, which could soon spill over into Jordan. Plus, Libya is now being used as a rear operating base by ISIS and other global jihadist elements striving to redraw the map of the Middle East, even as they plan attacks in Europe and North America.

Given the frightfully slow pace America's commander-in-chief is currently allowing our military and intelligence community to take action against both ISIS and its progenitor, al Qaeda, the picture of what's in store is clear: The body count will continue to grow in the places where these groups can generate buy-in for their agendas. And neither the United States nor our Western allies are immune to this cancer.

Academics who must say something new or different to garner interest in their work may describe the agendas of ISIS and al Qaeda as distinctly different. But the fact is they are not -- their agendas, which constitute the foremost threats to the global security environment today, are manifestations of radical Islam.

Of course, it's hardly a surprise President Barack Obama refuses to acknowledge all this in plain terms -- the president and his national security advisers have too often proven naïve, with a dangerous habit of viewing the world not as it is, but as they hope it could be.

There is no shortage of examples that highlight the absence of sound foresight on the parts of the world's most powerful politician and his national security team.

Just take the National Strategy for Counterterrorism published by the White House in 2011. That document contained the assertion that, "Since the beginning of 2011, the transformative change sweeping North Africa and the Middle East -- along with the death of Osama bin Laden -- has further changed the nature of the terrorist threat, par-ticularly as the relevance of al Qaeda and its ideology has been further diminished."

Yet, fast forward to January 2014 and America's top intelligence official, director of National Intelligence James Clapper, advised Congress that al Qaeda was no less capable of threatening the United States and our allies than a decade earlier.

Soon after Clapper acknowledged al Qaeda was not a band on the run, as President Obama had described the terrorist enterprise, a report by terrorism expert Seth Jones of the RAND Corporation highlighted yet another inconvenient truth for the White House: As restraints on freedom of expression of radical religious views vanished in places like Libya, Tunisia and Egypt during the Arab Spring, those states became fertile recruitment grounds for terrorist groups -- including al Qaeda and groups aligned with it.

According to data compiled by Jones, from 2010 through 2013, the number of Salafi jihadist groups increased by 58%. These groups are fueled by Salafiyya Jihadiyya, an ideology that not only informs the agenda of al Qaeda, but is the source code for the agenda of the al Qaeda offshoot ISIS.

Bin Laden's death 'didn't lift shadow'

Most recently, absent from the National Security Strategy produced by the Obama White House in February 2015 is any real meaningful discussion concerning threats posed by al Qaeda. Yes, Osama bin Laden was killed on President Obama's watch. But contrary to what the White House seemed to think in 2011, bin Laden's death has not lifted the shadow he casts over America's, or our allies' security.

Indeed, within days of our new National Security Strategy's publication date, in the seventh issue of ISIS's English-language magazine Dabiq, the group's leaders described their jihad as a continuation of the jihad charted by bin Laden, while accusing his successor, Ayman al-Zawahiri, of steering al Qaeda off the path of its former leader.

Meanwhile, Yemen -- home to al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, the al Qaeda branch that claimed credit for the January 2015 attack in Paris at the office of Charlie Hebdo -- has also become a failed state. AQAP is helmed by the second-highest-ranking official in al Qaeda writ large, and the Obama administration views it as the most dangerous component of al Qaeda's global network.

Photos: Unrest in Yemen Photos: Unrest in Yemen The sky over Sanaa, Yemen, is illuminated by anti-aircraft fire during a Saudi-led airstrike on Friday, April 17. The coalition's warplanes have been carrying out strikes against Houthi rebels since President Abdu Rabu Mansour Hadi fled the country in late March. Hide Caption 1 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen A Yemeni boy holds a rifle as Houthi supporters attend a rally in Sanaa, Yemen, on Sunday, April 5, protesting airstrikes carried out by a Saudi-led coalition against Houthi rebels. Hide Caption 2 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Yemenis dig graves on Saturday, April 4, to bury the victims of a reported airstrike by the Saudi-led coalition in the village of Bani Matar, Yemen. Hide Caption 3 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Yemenis search for survivors in the rubble of houses destroyed by Saudi-led airstrikes on April 4 in a village near Sanaa. Hide Caption 4 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Central Sanaa is covered in dust on Friday, April 3. Airstrikes have turned the bustling capital of Yemen into a ghost town. Hide Caption 5 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen A Yemeni man loads a TV set into a van as he prepares to flee Sanaa on Thursday, April 2. Hide Caption 6 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Militiamen loyal to Hadi take positions on a street in Aden, Yemen, on Thursday, April 2. Houthi rebels seized the presidential palace in Aden, a neutral security official and two Houthi commanders in Aden told CNN. The Houthis are Shiite Muslims who have long felt marginalized in the majority Sunni country. The Sunni Saudis consider the Houthis proxies for the Shiite government of Iran and fear another Shiite-dominated state in the region. Hide Caption 7 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen A framed photo and a purse hang on the wall of a house destroyed by an airstrike near the Sanaa airport on Tuesday, March 31. Hide Caption 8 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Buildings burn at the Jabal al-Hadid military camp in Aden on Saturday, March 28. Yemeni military officials said an explosion rocked the camp that houses a weapons depot, killing and wounding several people. The camp reportedly had been taken by security forces loyal to former Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh. Some of the forces aligned with the Houthis are also loyal to Saleh, who resigned in 2012 after months of Arab Spring protests. Hide Caption 9 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Yemeni supporters of the Houthi movement attend a demonstration against Saudi military operations Thursday, March 26, in Sanaa. Hide Caption 10 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen People search for survivors under the rubble of houses destroyed by airstrikes near the Sanaa Airport on March 26. Hide Caption 11 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Members of Yemen's General People's Committee deploy in Aden, Yemen, on Wednesday, March 25. The militiamen are loyal to Hadi. Hide Caption 12 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen On March 25, honor guards in Sanaa carry the coffins of victims who were killed in suicide bombing attacks several days earlier. Deadly explosions in Sanaa rocked two mosques serving the Zaidi sect of Shiite Islam, which is followed by the Houthi rebels that took over the capital city in January. Hide Caption 13 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Yemenis stand in front of burning tires during an anti-Houthi protest in Taiz, Yemen, on Tuesday, March 24. Hide Caption 14 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Medics treat an anti-Houthi protester who was injured during clashes with pro-Houthi police in Taiz on March 24. Hide Caption 15 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Armed men inspect damage after an explosion at the Al Badr mosque in Sanaa on Friday, March 20. Hide Caption 16 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen A man in Aden holds a police shield that he looted from a base belonging to forces loyal to Saleh on Thursday, March 19. Hide Caption 17 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Houthi supporters in Sanaa deploy giant national flags Wednesday, March 18, during a demonstration to mark the fourth anniversary of the "Friday of Dignity" attack. In 2011, forces loyal to Saleh opened fire on protesters who had gathered in Sanaa to demand the ouster of Saleh and his regime. Hide Caption 18 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Supporters of Ahmed Ali Abdullah Saleh, the son of the former President, wave banners and shout slogans during a demonstration in Sanaa on Tuesday, March 10. The demonstrators were demanding presidential elections be held and that the younger Saleh run for office. Hide Caption 19 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen A child raises his fist during a rally by Houthi supporters in Sanaa on Friday, March 6. Hide Caption 20 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Thousands of armed Yemeni tribal members gather in the southern province of Shabwa on Monday, February 23. Hide Caption 21 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Supporters of the separatist Southern Movement perform prayers during a demonstration in Aden on Friday, February 13. Hide Caption 22 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Houthi fighters guard the gate of the presidential palace where a bomb went off and wounded three people in Sanaa on Saturday, February 7. Hide Caption 23 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Yemeni soldiers guard the presidential palace in Sanaa on Friday, February 6. Hide Caption 24 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Members of the Houthi movement and their allies attend a meeting in the Yemeni capital on Sunday, February 1. Hide Caption 25 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Supporters of the separatist Southern Movement flash the victory sign after they seized police security checkpoints on Saturday, January 24, in Ataq, the capital of the Shabwa province in Yemen. Policemen were told to give up their weapons and return to their bases before the militiamen raised flags of the formerly independent South Yemen at the checkpoints. Hide Caption 26 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Houthi rebels fight with Yemeni protesters during a rally in Sanaa on January 24. Thousands of Yemenis took to the streets of Sanaa in the largest demonstration against Houthis since the Shiite militiamen overran the capital in September. Hide Caption 27 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen On Friday, January 23, Houthis carry coffins of those killed during recent clashes with presidential guard forces in Sanaa. Hide Caption 28 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen A Houthi militiaman sits near a tank near the presidential palace in Sanaa on Thursday, January 22. Hide Caption 29 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Houthi men wearing army uniforms stand guard on a street leading to the presidential palace in Sanaa on Wednesday, January 21. Hide Caption 30 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen A wounded man rests at a hospital in Sanaa on January 21. He was reportedly injured in fierce clashes the previous day. Hide Caption 31 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen A tank is stationed in front of the Sanaa house of President Abdu Rabu Mansour Hadi on January 21. Hide Caption 32 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen A Houthi rebel mans a checkpoint near the presidential palace on January 21. Hide Caption 33 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen A man walks inside a heavily damaged house near the presidential palace on Tuesday, January 20. Hide Caption 34 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen A woman walks past closed shops in Sanaa on January 20. Hide Caption 35 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen An armed member of the Houthi movement stands guard in the streets of Sanaa on January 20. Hide Caption 36 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen A man surveys his damaged home in Sanaa on January 20. Hide Caption 37 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Houthis inspect a damaged mosque in Sanaa on January 20. Hide Caption 38 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Houthi men raise their weapons during clashes near the presidential palace on Monday, January 19. Hide Caption 39 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Smoke and flames rise in Sanaa during heavy clashes between presidential guards and Houthi rebels on January 19. Hide Caption 40 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Tribal soldiers protecting the city from Houthi rebels stand guard at the city borders in Marib, Yemen, on January 19. Hide Caption 41 of 42 Photos: Unrest in Yemen Houthi men guard a Sanaa street on January 19. Hide Caption 42 of 42

So it is interesting that, in the months before the Yemeni government was overthrown by Iran-backed rebels, President Obama described the U.S.-Yemen counterterrorism partnership as a shining example of success in the fight against al Qaeda -- interesting because the President did not do more to help that "partner" government remain in power. Once again, the president and his advisers appear to have either ignored or failed to recognize the trajectory of events in the Middle East.

What were they thinking? And how do they plan to combat AQAP now?

Despite what the White House wants the world to believe, a sober look at the security environment reveals the following key realities:

ISIS controls a large amount of territory in the Middle East, and the group is rapidly growing its ranks in places such as Libya and Afghanistan , while at the same time inspiring and plotting attacks in the West.

And, although ISIS is trying to "out al Qaeda" al Qaeda, resorting to attention winning stunts to boost its profile on television sets around the world, al Qaeda itself is no less of a threat to the United States and our allies today than it was in January 2014.

At the same time, the routine failures of President Obama and his advisers to understand the security environment, and to appropriately tailor America's national security posture in a manner demanded by it, foretells more disasters lie ahead.

Will Obama make the difficult decisions?

Not only Americans, but also our allies should be very, very afraid. Indeed, President Obama's refusal to simply call a problem like radical Islam by its name strongly suggests he is unwilling to make the difficult decisions that must be made today if we are to stand a chance of defeating radical Islamist groups.

History has shown the dangers that millions can be placed in if our leaders don't face down a looming threat by calling it what it is and putting our full weight behind efforts to vanquish it.

President Obama has the resources at his disposal to do just that. But if he wants to help define a future for the Middle East and North Africa in which fewer threats emanate from those regions, he must spend more time listening to talented professionals in our military and intelligence community versus the idealists and yes-men surrounding him at the White House. There is too much at stake in the near term to continue down the path of experimentation with Pollyannaish theories about how to attain this future that have actually rendered us less safe.

Indeed, President Obama should also pay closer attention to what representatives from Arab states are saying behind closed doors. Most of their bosses would love to be the claimants to the prize of defeating ISIS and al Qaeda.

However, all of them recognize that, unless we all want things to get a whole lot worse before they might get any better, the United States will have to deploy considerably more of our "kinetic" resources to put those victories in sight.

This does not mean a ground forces-intensive response is required from us at this time. But if the President thinks it prudent to wait on our Arab partners to do most of the heavy lifting, he could be guaranteeing this will be the case in the not-too-distant future.