Florida Gov. Charlie Crist, who was effectively pushed out of the GOP this spring, could emerge as the de facto Democratic nominee in the Senate race this fall. Dems flirt with backing Crist

The emergence of a politically unknown billionaire self-funder in the Florida Senate race is prompting top Democrats in the state to say publicly what some have been whispering for weeks: If Jeff Greene, who got rich betting on the collapse of the housing market, becomes their nominee, many in the party will have the cover they need to get behind Republican-turned-independent Gov. Charlie Crist.

Establishment Democrats in Florida, for now, are sticking with Rep. Kendrick Meek, who lags far behind in early general election polls against Crist and Republican Marco Rubio. Yet with Greene promising to drop at least $40 million of his fortune on the primary and pulling neck and neck with Meek in one survey, Sunshine State Democrats are beginning to consider the increasingly realistic prospect that their nominee might be a “meltdown mogul” — one who collects erotic art, had Mike Tyson serve as his best man and once hosted “Hollywood Madam” Heidi Fleiss as a house guest.

Faced with such an awkward possibility, many influential Democrats indicated that supporting Crist — who has quickly moved leftward since leaving the GOP — or just remaining quiet would be the better of the unenviable options.


The situation is fluid. Many unknown factors hang between now and the August primary, as well as the general election — not the least of which is how Crist and Rubio will be affected by a criminal investigation into the state Republican Party that has already resulted in a former party chairman’s arrest.

But in the two months since he dropped his party affiliation, Crist has unapologetically altered his position on a variety of issues to get in line with core constituencies of the Democratic Party, and in doing so, he has managed to cut deeply into Meek’s vote share within his own party. Meanwhile, Greene has already spent $4 million of his own money to blanket the state’s 10 media markets with ads.

With Greene’s baggage and Crist’s efforts to woo liberals and moderates, senior national Democrats indicate privately that they’d most likely remain on the sidelines if Meek is not the nominee.

It all adds up to this: Crist, written off this spring after being effectively pushed out of the GOP by Rubio, could emerge as the de facto Democratic nominee this fall.

Or, as Broward County Democratic Chairman and former state Democratic Chairman Mitch Ceasar put it, Crist could head the “anybody but Marco campaign.”

“If polls indicate that Greene is down by 20 points, then Crist becomes more attractive because then, at least, you stop Rubio and extremism,” Ceasar said.

Florida Democratic officeholders, dreading the prospect of sharing the same ticket as Greene, are even blunter about what they might do should Meek lose.

“What a lot of us will have to decide is, do we stay out of the race or support Crist,” said one member of the Florida congressional delegation. “It will be tempting to endorse Crist.”

Of Greene’s big-money effort, this Democrat fumed: “The whole thing is obnoxious.”

Florida’s leading Democratic donors are also unambiguous about their distaste for Greene, and they fear the consequences of his winning the nomination.

“I think if Greene wins the primary, which I don’t think is going to happen, the conventional wisdom is it would help Charlie Crist,” said Chris Korge, a Miami-area real estate developer and party bundler. “A lot of the [Democratic] base won’t vote. Some will go to Crist.”

Korge added that the defeat of Meek, who is African-American, could depress black turnout, which is key for the gubernatorial hopes of Democrat Alex Sink.

“It would become a national nightmare for the Democratic Party,” Korge said.

Mitchell Berger, an influential attorney and donor based in Fort Lauderdale, said the affable Crist “has made a point of being personable to people of all political persuasions.”

Even though the attorney is a Democratic stalwart, Berger noted that Crist still sends him notes whenever he wins major cases.

“In a three-way race, that will count for something,” the Democrat said, “as opposed to somebody who tries to buy something.”

Berger said that Meek, whose mother held his seat before him and who has been in elective office for 16 years, could keep the Democratic base from rushing to Crist but that Greene would face a situation similar to 1994.

That’s when Democrats nominated Hugh Rodham, Hillary Clinton’s brother, to take on Sen. Connie Mack, who enjoyed wide popularity.

“A lot of the Democratic base wasn’t enamored with Hugh Rodham but did like Connie Mack,” said Berger, suggesting Crist would play the role of Mack, his former boss, who crushed Rodham that year.

Another top Democratic donor in the state who is close to the Obama administration didn’t hesitate when asked about a Greene vs. Crist matchup — he’d choose Crist. “I couldn’t publicly come out and support him, but I would vote for him.”

The new developments represent a remarkable twist of fate for the governor, who has gone from Republican rising star to man without a party to independent, third-party front-runner in the space of a year.

Crist’s improved fortunes are partially the result of a series of dizzying position changes.

The governor has vetoed an education reform bill teachers unions didn’t like, vetoed a bill abortion rights advocates didn’t like, reversed his stance on gays in the military, reversed his support for offshore drilling and come out for the Supreme Court nomination of Elena Kagan, after opposing Sonia Sotomayor when he was running as a Republican.

He’s also made symbolic overtures to Democrats, appearing at the state AFL-CIO convention, hiring well-known Florida and national party strategists and racking up minutes on his cell phone through calls to activists.

“It’s smart politics,” said Ceasar, who got a call from Crist last month before the governor came to his area.

Further, the oil spill in the Gulf has granted Crist multiple opportunities to appear with President Barack Obama — including Tuesday, when he appeared with Obama in Pensacola — and garner publicity as more governor than candidate.

It has all translated in the polls. A Quinnipiac survey earlier this month showed that in a three-way race with Meek, the congressman would win 44 percent of Democrats, while Crist would be close behind with 37 percent of Democrats.

Overall, Crist led the race with 37 percent to Rubio’s 33 percent and Meek’s 17 percent.

Florida Democratic Party Chairwoman Karen Thurman said there was a simple reason Meek was languishing in the teens: “He hasn’t gone on TV yet.”

After that happens, she argued, he’d surge past Greene, who got into the race only in April.

“At the end of day, the hard work he has put into this race will pay off,” Thurman said of Meek.

There is no doubt, though, that Greene has Democrats spooked.

Steve Schale, a top Democratic operative in Tallahassee who ran Obama’s Florida campaign in 2008, said Greene’s TV campaign and his effective tie with Meek in the Quinnipiac poll earlier this month have awakened party leaders to the threat he poses.

Recalling a meeting he had with Democratic donors in Orlando last weekend, Schale said the common refrain was: “What are we going to do to help Kendrick get out of the primary?”