What the dysfunctional state of Conservative politics is now poised to perpetrate on the British people is the final chapter of Brexit madness: to oblige them to resolve whether we leave the EU in the most extreme form — no deal — in a general election.

This is wrong in principle, against the national interest, against the self-interest of many MPs, and born of political calculations that are highly suspect.

Strip out all the political noise and thunder and there is one basic question: is a no-deal Brexit mandated by the June 2016 vote? Many, including those who accept we should leave the EU, say it isn’t, and that during the referendum campaign the winning side consistently argued there would be a deal.

The Brexiteers say it is so mandated, because the people voted for Brexit, and that means on whatever terms.

There is no way of clarifying who is right on this point; except, plainly, by asking “the people” to clarify.

Parliament is deadlocked. Boris Johnson himself now says we must “go back to the people” to break the deadlock. The taboo against a fresh vote on Brexit is broken. It is conceded that we require one — but why, then, not ask the people directly? Why mix up the general with the particular? We took the original decision with a specific referendum; why reconsider it via a general election?

The answer is politics. The Johnson calculation is that the Tories can wrap up the issue of no deal in an election and watch the Opposition vote split between Labour, the Lib Dems and the SNP so that even if a majority of votes are for parties opposed to no deal, the Prime Minister can claim a mandate for it.

Labour has, very sensibly, not blundered into the trap. It should stay on this course. Jeremy Corbyn is now in control of whether no deal happens. He has the most sensitive parts of Johnson’s political anatomy in his hands. Johnson cannot move without his consent. Keep it like that! It is the right politics, and right in principle.

Otherwise, even with the legislation banning no deal, we then have an election in which Johnson seeks a mandate to overturn it. If he wins, we have no deal anyway.

The trap is not simply an election before October 31. The trap is the conflation of two questions which should be kept separate.

Labour’s position should be: we should have an election; but Brexit should be decided as a standalone issue — a position also consistent with Labour’s existing policy to promise to hold a referendum. As a matter of principle, this is right. As a matter of politics, I urge MPs and their leaders to revisit their calculations.

For the Tories, in the last few days, public opinion around Johnson has shifted. Prorogation and the withdrawal of the whip from longstanding Conservatives have underscored worries about the fanaticism and mercurial temperament of the Prime Minister and those around him. Scotland minus former Scottish Tory leader Ruth Davidson will be harsh terrain for the party; Northern Ireland is uncertain for the DUP; and the general polling shows extraordinary levels of volatility. This is a huge gamble for Johnson.

As regards Labour, by contrast, Jeremy Corbyn has looked credible putting country before party. He needs time for this sense to grow, for the doubts about the Prime Minister to take root and for the doubts about himself to diminish. If he forces anti-no-deal Brexit voters to choose at this point, a lot will be looking to change their choice — maybe to the Liberal Democrats, maybe to some form of cross-party alliance.

Corbyn is now in control. He has the most sensitive parts of Johnson’s political anatomy in his hands

Elections for politicians are always tumultuous affairs. But for the electorate, votes are like leaves on the ground, and often if the air is calm or there is just a light breeze, not much shifts. In this election, the votes will swirl in gale-force conditions. No one can be sure where they settle.

For MPs, I cannot think why they want a Brexit general election. Imagine you’re a Tory in a seat with a substantial Remain vote. You want to campaign on the dangers of a Corbyn government, not spend your time explaining why no deal is not a greater risk. Imagine if you’re a Labour MP in a Leave seat. You want to campaign on the iniquities of the Tories, not be defending yourself against charges of betrayal from angry Brexit voters.

The 2017 election should warn us against confusing a normal election with the not-normal but enormous issue of Brexit.

Go back to the people and ask them direct: Brexit on the Government’s terms, or Remain.

It means Johnson can fight an election with a united Conservative Party. Corbyn can say, “Bring the election on” and turn the “chicken” jibe used against him onto Brexiteers. MPs won’t have to fight for their seats in a ghastly and unpredictable hybrid between a choice of government for five years and a choice of national destiny for generations.

The public wants Brexit resolved. It’s true they won’t thank us for another referendum. But they won’t thank us for an election either, especially if a large part of them feel they’re squeezed between a rock and a hard place. And suppose — it’s not implausible — that after another election we have another hung Parliament? Then nothing will have been resolved!

The worst feeling as a politician is not the taking of the tough decision, but when you feel the pressure of time and events is taking it for you. Then, as the walls close in and the doors slam shut around you, you need that moment of clarity amidst the panic, to escape.

The get-out is staring our politicians in the face. They must take it.