Many Donald Trump supporters have generously taken time in recent days to explain what the president-elect would have to do to lose their support. So far, I’ve highlighted two emails that represent significant if opposing factions within the Trump coalition: an immigration restrictionist hoping for conservative Supreme Court appointments and a moderate who wants Trump to govern as a liberal-centrist. It will be tough, I think, for the president-elect to satisfy both of those factions.

Today I present an email from a different kind of Trump supporter. He represents a much smaller part of the Trump coalition. And yet, it is a part that depresses me, because my 20-something correspondent has given up on the American experiment. Lest you think I exaggerate, I’ll let him present his ideas in his own words.

He begins:

I'm a college-educated white male in my late 20s. Before I became a devotee of Trumpism, I voted for Ron Paul in both 2008 and 2012. I used to define myself as a Libertarian, but have intellectually drifted away from it. These days, I'm probably better defined as a Neo-Reactionary with a fondness for the writings of Nick Land and the political economy of Lee Kuan Yew. To answer the question as to why I would support Trump and how he could break my support, I think it’s important to step back and consider the broader context of Trump’s rise. In the late 1970s, the assumption was that the Soviet Union’s system was effectively a permanent fixture in world affairs. Few would have imagined that within 10 years, the system that had looked so stable would collapse. The ideological boundaries it set for itself rendered it unable to address the crisis that afflicted its economy. We might have imagined 10 years ago that Liberal Democracy was similarly stable, but today, that looks increasingly less certain. This should be no surprise. Every social idea, every system, is born for a particular set of conditions, and dies when the conditions that permitted its existence no longer hold. Liberal Democracy's underpinning was very simple: no other system could deliver constant gains to living standards, widely distributed prosperity, and government which was institutionally capable. The alternatives had either been systematically destroyed and buried by history or collapsed upon themselves. The conditions which legitimized Liberal Democracy have now ended. Liberal Democracy, in the aftermath of the financial crisis, has produced a crisis of underemployment, stagnant growth, systemic incompetence, and total declining living standards for all but a tiny minority of people who have reaped essentially all meaningful benefits from globalization.

Here I want to pause for two interjections: