Josep Borrell, the new EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, has a reputation for being direct or undiplomatic, while he was Spain’s top diplomat. He described the EU foreign affairs council as “more a valley of tears than a centre of decision-making.” And he lamented Europe’s “ostrich politics” when it came to migration and demographics. Now as the new EU diplomat-in-chief, his mission is to strengthen the bloc’s role in the world.

The author says the EU must be capable of navigating the choppy waters of “raw power politics,” in which ruthless leaders – Putin, Trump, Xi Jinping – have no qualms about using military force, weaponising trade policies and other instruments – data streams and technologies – to achieve their political goals, the EU “must relearn the language of power” and be more assertive, seeing itself as a “top-tier geostrategic” player in a multipolar world.

It is crucial that the EU can single out the challenges it faces, and deal with “the world as it is, not as we hoped it would be.” The bloc – through its political ties, economic clout, security initiatives or technical expertise – is well-positioned to play a positive if not indispensable role in the ongoing US-China rivalry, instead of becoming a loser on the sidelines. This would require a departure from the idea that the EU was created “to abolish power politics.”

Initially the bloc’s goal was to build a peaceful, united and prosperous Europe, securing the rule of law, “by separating hard power from economics, rule-making, and soft power.” For decades “multilateralism, openness, and reciprocity comprised the best model” not only for Europe but also for the rest of the world. Today, Europe is facing a much “harsher reality” and it must adapt to new challenges and threats to its security.

According to the author, Europe’s “problem is not a lack of power. The problem is the lack of political will for the aggregation of its powers to ensure their coherence and maximize their impact.” The bloc can capitalise on “trade and investment policy, financial power, diplomatic presence, rule-making capacities, and growing security and defense instruments,” that offer the EU “levers of influence” in foreign policy that match its status as the world’s biggest trading bloc.

To start with, the EU needs to be more strategic, and more united in its approach to external relations. Indeed, “with unanimity rules, it is difficult to reach agreements on divisive issues, and the risk of paralysis is always present. Member states must realize that using their vetoes weakens not just the Union, but also themselves. One cannot proclaim to want a stronger European role in the world without investing in it.”

Apart from addressing domestic grievances and crises in Europe’s backyard, the author identifies “two other key priorities.”

First, Africa seems one of the EU’s top priorities in foreign policy. Days after the new president of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, took office on 1 December, she travelled to Africa. Economic development could help stem the flow of economic migrants. The author says: “We need to think big and use our policies on trade, innovation, climate change, cyberspace, security, investment, and migration to give substance to our rhetoric about being equal partners.”

Second, “we must get serious about devising credible approaches to dealing with today’s global strategic actors: the United States, China, and Russia. While different in many ways, all three are practicing issue linkage and power politics. Our response should be differentiated and nuanced, but clear-eyed and ready to defend EU values, interests, and agreed international principles.”

Perhaps the author would have more luck than his predecessor, Federica Mogherini, who faced criticism for steering clear of some tricky issues, such as EU’s relations with Russia, Turkey and other rogue states. While she wanted to avoid conflict, others did not find it useful.