“I think Jews, of all people, should know that when you embrace a xenophobic movement, even if in that moment Jews aren’t on the top of that list, we’re not far behind,” said Savage in an interview. “In the moment, I felt a deep sense that we should know better.”

The other instinct—Kestenbaum’s—is one of privacy: Perhaps being involved with Ivanka and the Trump campaign shouldn’t be read as a reflection on the Jewish people at all. Political disagreements are fine, but people should keep their religious community out of it. “This type of a public, ad hominem attack—even if it weren’t on the rabbi—it’s like an invasive species: It doesn’t belong in our community,” he told me. A similar argument could be made about Ivanka: She should be able to be privately Jewish, and it’s not appropriate to use her religious affiliation as a point of critique.

What’s curious is that neither letter stated a view on Ivanka’s responsibility for her father’s campaign and the ensuing drama in the KJ community. She’s the obvious link between Lookstein and the RNC; KJ was still represented at the convention, only by one of its members, rather than its rabbi. Neither side sought to disavow or defend the daughter of the Republican nominee; they were silent about her position in their community, and what her new role in politics says to the world about Judaism. Even those who felt moved enough to call out a revered rabbi were stumped on what to say about their fellow Jew.

Throughout the campaign season, Ivanka and her husband have only occasionally been called to account for the anti-Semitism of the Trump campaign. In July, Kushner wrote an editorial for the paper he owns, the Observer, rebutting a staffer’s article that directly criticized him for enabling vitriol and attacks against Jews. “My father-in-law is not an anti-Semite,” Kushner wrote. Trump “is an incredibly loving and tolerant person who has embraced my family and our Judaism since I began dating my wife.”

There’s something uncomfortable about a Jewish adviser to a presidential campaign being personally held accountable for its wrongdoings; all political operatives should be held equally responsible for their alleged involvement with bigotry. Yet, even in this case, it was Kushner who was singled out to defend his family. Ivanka hasn’t spoken out about her Judaism or its connection to politics at all. “Except for some boilerplate stuff about how much she loves Judaism, I haven’t heard [Ivanka] speak on any Jewish issues or on Jewish ethics or anything other than Judaism as a lifestyle brand,” Savage pointed out. (Her representatives declined an interview request for this article.)

It’s not that Orthodox Jews aren’t worried about Trump, including those who travel in Ivanka and Jared’s comparatively conservative world. “I’m a member of the Rabbinical Council of America,” said Eleff, referring to the clerical organization associated with the Modern Orthodox movement in the U.S. “As a member of that community, I know its leaders are terribly disturbed by those images [of a Jewish journalist portrayed in a concentration camp] and by white-supremacist people who do support the Trump campaign.” A few dozen Orthodox rabbis recently signed a statement in protest of Trump, arguing that his rhetoric is “morally offensive” and that his policy proposals “violate fundamental religious norms.” Yet, at least publicly, it’s not clear that these worries have reached their obvious point of connection to the campaign: the candidate’s daughter.