“If we accept that gender is constructed and that it is not in any way ‘naturally’ or inevitably connected to sex, then the distinction between sex and gender comes to seem increasingly unstable. In that case, gender is radically independent of sex, ‘a free-floating artifice’ as [Professor Judith] Butler puts it, raising the question as to whether ‘sex’ is as culturally constructed as gender; indeed, perhaps sex was always already gender, so that the sex/gender distinction is not actually a distinction at all. Butler dispenses with the idea that either gender or sex is an ‘abiding substance’ by arguing that a heterosexual, heterosexist culture establishes the coherence of these categories in order to perpetuate and maintain what the feminist poet and critic Adrienne Rich has called ‘compulsory heterosexuality’ — the dominant order in which men and women are required or even forced to be heterosexual.”

— Sara Salih, Judith Butler (2002)

“Only the disciplined mind can see reality, Winston. You believe that reality is something objective, external, existing in its own right. You also believe that the nature of reality is self-evident. When you delude yourself into thinking that you see something, you assume that everyone else sees the same thing as you. But I tell you, Winston, that reality is not external. Reality exists in the human mind, and nowhere else. Not in the individual mind, which can make mistakes, and in any case soon perishes: only in the mind of the Party, which is collective and immortal. Whatever the Party holds to be the truth, is truth. It is impossible to see reality except by looking through the eyes of the Party.”

— George Orwell, Nineteen Eighty-Four (1948)

Feminist gender theory, explained by Professor Salih in her synopsis of Professor Butler’s influential 1990 book, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity, is totalitarian in two senses of the word. First, it is a political invention, a belief system that claims to define reality in order to advance the claims of a group to exercise complete power. Second, feminism is a totalitarian movement in that its adherents employ methods of terroristic intimidation to silence those who dissent from feminist ideology. This is most evident in academia. On those rare occasions when any critic of feminism appears on a university campus, they are met by angry mobs of feminist protesters.

In October 2014, when columnist George Will gave a speech at Miami University in Oxford, Ohio, more than a thousand students signed an open letter claiming that hosting this Pulitzer Prize-winner “sends the wrong message . . . about the tolerance of rape culture and predatory sexual behavior at Miami University.” Chanting and waving signs, dozens of students protested outside Will’s speech, angry about a column he’d written four months earlier. Will’s column explained how the Obama administration was coercing universities to comply with policies based on the bogus 1-in-5 campus rape statistic.

What none of the protesters did (because they could not do) was to refute the facts as Will stated them in his column.

Facts mean nothing to feminists because they are determined to use political power to force others to accept their ideological claims: “Whatever the Party holds to be the truth, is truth.”

A decade ago, feminism’s hegemonic power in academia was demonstrated when Larry Summers was forced to resign as president of Harvard University after he had dared to suggest that there are “innate differences” between men and women. Like Winston Smith, he believed “that the nature of reality is self-evident” — men and women are different — and yet feminist ideology denies this self-evident reality.

Feminism declares that the categories “male” and “female” are fictional constructs through which people are “forced to be heterosexual.” This claim of oppression by the “dominant order” of a “heterosexist culture” is a core principle of feminist theory.

“The radical feminist argument is that men have forced women into heterosexuality in order to exploit them . . .”

— Celia Kitzinger, The Social Construction of Lesbianism (1987)

“There are politics in sexual relationships because they occur in the context of a society that assigns power based on gender and other systems of inequality and privilege. . . . [T]he interconnections of systems are reflected in the concept of heteropatriarchy, the dominance associated with a gender binary system that presumes heterosexuality as a social norm. . . .

“As many feminists have pointed out, heterosexuality is organized in such a way that the power men have in society gets carried into relationships and can encourage women’s subservience, sexually and emotionally.”

— Susan M. Shaw and Janet Lee, Women’s Voices, Feminist Visions (fifth edition, 2012)

Feminists see normal sex roles as “oppression” by “male supremacy,” and deny that heterosexuality is natural. These claims predictably lead feminists into hopeless confusion. The UCLA student newspaper published a column “calling for the government to provide women with free tampons in order to promote gender equality.” However, in order not to offend transgender activists, the editors of the UCLA Bruin felt the need to include a disclaimer:

Editor’s note: This blog post refers to individuals who menstruate as women because the author wanted to highlight gender inequality in health care. We acknowledge that not all individuals who menstruate identify as women and that not all individuals who identify as women menstruate, but feel this generalization is appropriate considering the gendered nature of most health care policies.

Winston Smith could not be reached for comment.

Feminism 101: The GENDER BINARY is a SOCIAL CONSTRUCT of the HETEROSEXUAL MATRIX. @nathanrosswhite @kausmickey pic.twitter.com/gtQAzEjx1d — Robert Stacy McCain (@rsmccain) July 22, 2015









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