EGYPT'S looming presidential election will not be a clash of titans. So the country's electoral commission ruled on April 17th by barring on technical grounds ten out of 23 candidates, including three front-runners whose rivalry had threatened to raise tensions in an already charged political scene.

Many Egyptians breathed a sigh of relief. Not so the supporters of a former spy chief, Omar Suleiman, a Muslim Brotherhood financier, Khairat al-Shater, and an insurgent preacher-turned-politician, Hazem Abu Ismail, all of whom raged at the news.

Throngs of Mr Abu Ismail's backers, collectively known as “Hazemoon”—a kind of Egyptian tea party—have vowed to picket the electoral commission until it changes its mind. Mr Abu Ismail warns of an Islamic revolution unless he is allowed to run, but the Hazemoon probably have more bark than bite. The Muslim Brotherhood, for its part, condemned the unfairness of their man's exclusion for having a prison record, since he was jailed for political reasons. “The fraud began today,” thundered Mr Shater's lawyer ominously.

Supporters of the sinister Mr Suleiman were more sedate, despite some recent polls showing him in the lead. Egypt's chattering classes are perplexed by his exclusion, which was made on the ground that he had failed to present enough valid endorsements. Many had assumed Mr Suleiman was anointed by the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF). Some now say he joined the race only to justify the barring of his two main competitors, particularly Mr Shater, who has lately been uncharacteristically scathing about the generals. This bemuses more consistent revolutionaries, who have long accused the Muslim Brothers of pandering to the SCAF.

Those who might have cast a vote for the old order in the shape of Mr Suleiman can still do so by backing Ahmed Shafik, the last prime minister of the deposed president, Hosni Mubarak, or a less tainted establishment figure, Amr Moussa, the former head of the Arab League. More radical secularists can choose from various left-wing candidates, and Islamists also have a range of options.

Typically astute, the Brotherhood had registered a backup candidate, Muhammad Morsy, an experienced legislator who heads its Freedom and Justice Party. But Mr Morsy has nowhere near the stature of Mr Shater, whose campaign likened him to the prophet Joseph, imprisoned by the wicked pharaoh only to return as the visionary vizier who saved Egypt from famine.

Some may turn instead to Abdel Moneim Abolfotoh, a mild-mannered former Muslim Brother who also appeals to secular liberals. Mr Abolfotoh is unlikely to receive the Brotherhood's endorsement should Mr Morsy back out: he has testy relations with the group's leadership. Mr Shater in particular, will not forgive him, not only for disobeying the group by launching his own presidential campaign, but also for calling for more transparency in the Brotherhood, particularly in its finances, which are the source of Mr Shater's power.

Polls for now suggest Mr Moussa and Mr Abolfotoh are in the lead, but these do not yet account for Mr Morsy. Assuming the excluded candidates do not cause a new political crisis by taking to the streets, this should make for a quieter race. A welcome respite, perhaps, considering Egypt's many other pressing problems.