Conservative columnist and eleven-time best selling author Ann Coulter has a message for the Republican political class: Follow Trump’s lead or face political extinction.

“A.T.– After Trump– the Republican Party is the party of America for Americans,” Coulter writes in her latest book. “The GOP either will follow his lead and end up a better, stronger party or it will go the way of the Whigs. And the cause will be the same: some people’s need for cheap labor.”

Coulter’s new book In Trump We Trust: E Pluribus Awesome! is set to hit shelves on Tuesday, August 23rd.

The book comes just one year after her seminal work, Adios America, helped lay the intellectual foundation for Trump’s historic primary campaign and the political revolution that ensued. The book’s profound impact on the national electoral stage prompted The Atlantic’s David Frum to dub Coulter, the Harriet Beecher Stowe of 2016. As Frum wrote at the end of last year:

The phrase ‘political book of the year’ is a usually an empty compliment, but if the phrase ever described any book, Adios America is it. In its pages, Trump found the message that would convulse the Republican primary and upend the dynastic hopes of former-frontrunner Jeb Bush. Perhaps no single writer has had such immediate impact on a presidential election since Harriet Beecher Stowe.

Now, the woman who was among the first to predict Trump’s meteoric rise, is out again with a new book that could prove to be the definitive text explaining the reason for Trump’s triumph and outlining the path forward for the GOP, if it is to continue as a successful political party.

The book accomplishes this by not simply offering a succinct and coherent explanation of the nation-state conservative movement that Trump has come to represent, but also by meticulously deconstructing an assortment of false narratives proffered by corporate media and political elites—narratives which, Coulter argues, attempt to downplay the true implications of Trump’s primary election success, while simultaneously working to undermine his future success in the general election.

Coulter refutes these falsehoods and exposes the true motives behind those who promulgate them in a logical, rational and, frequently, hilarious manner.

The book is written in a clear, at times aphoristic, prose that seems to encapsulate sentiments about the 2016 election that have remained unaddressed by corporate media.

Some of Ann’s axioms include:

“Trump is like a Shakespearean ‘fool’: he seems crass because he speaks the truth”

“The rule that it’s not presidential to hit someone was written by people who aren’t good at hitting.”

“If he weren’t so boring, people might have noticed that Kasich is out of his mind.”

“Immigration is changing the country, and there will be no changing it back. If you don’t understand that, you are the enemy of any conservative undertaking.”

“Politicians opposed a wall not because they thought it wouldn’t work, but because they knew it would.”

The book is a must-read for any voter who supports Trump’s pro-America policies, but is daunted by the potential avalanche of criticism and condemnation that seems to accompany proclaiming as much in polite society. The book gives cosmopolitan Trump-conservatives the tools necessary to come out of hiding and express their views.

Coulter begins by dissecting the beltway’s opposition to Trump—noting that after Trump launched his campaign on the promise of championing a lawful immigration system that prioritizes the needs of American workers, “the Republican Brain Trust had no choice” but to try to “destroy Trump as an example to the others”.

Neither the liberal nor ‘conservative’ media could forgive him. Americans weren’t supposed to find out that they had were being replaced with foreigners to benefit the rich.

Yet Coulter explains that the elites’ attacks on Trump proved unsuccessful, in part, because they allowed Trump to demonstrate that he was “not consumed with the approval of the elites” and was not “impressed by New York Times editorials unleashed against” him.

“This is why the working-class Americans love Trump. They know he’ll never sell them out to look sophisticated,” Coulter writes.

Coulter notes that—while the media simultaneously tries to argue that Trump has no policies, his policies are polarizing, and his policies will never work—the real reason for Trump’s success is that the Republican electorate likes his policies— and, more broadly, they like his worldview (which Coulter describes as “America for Americans”).

Coulter praises Trump for abandoning the donor class agenda of Republican party elites in order to champion the needs and desires of the American electorate. By attacking the dogmas of the party’s donor class, Trump “freed conservatives from the Republican Party,” and its preoccupation with issues that are not priorities for its electorate—such as military adventurism and “magical cure-all” tax cuts, she writes.

Without Trump in the race, the only way Rubio would have known about the 250 tech workers fired by Disney World and replaced by foreigners would be if it had happened at Disney World Damascus.

The book is a scathing indictment of the beltway’s media-donor-consultant political machine in which no one is spared: Coulter attacks the “media retards,” the “Republican Brain Trust,” and the “consultant-created candidates” (such as Marco Rubio).

Perhaps most insightfully, Coulter takes on the failed campaign models of Republican consultants, which have proven to be unappealing to a large swath of the American electorate—particularly, working-class Americans who have been negatively impacted by the globalist policies of the GOP’s donor class. For instance, Coulter attacks:

The party’s “Be Reagan!” strategy:

The only deep insight Republicans have had for the past three decades is: Be Reagan! This wouldn’t be a bad plan… except: (1) Reagan was president in the 1980s, and (2) today’s Republicans don’t seem to remember Reagan. Party elites’ disdain for its voters: Republican insiders treat the base like children. They have an affectionate disregard for voters, as if they were dealing with little kids who don’t want to go to bed. The party’s “impotent” think tank class: The RNC, Heritage Foundation, American Enterprise Institute, American Conservative Union, and the rest of the Brain Trust are like disease foundations. They have permanent offices, organizational structures, annual fundraisers, and twenty-fifth-anniversary galas. But we don’t want a successful organization. We want to cure the disease. And the “I have an optimistic message” strategy of party consultants: Did Reagan ever blurt out something as insipid as ‘I have an optimistic message’? Instead of characterizing their messages, why don’t Republicans tell us the message and let us decide whether to be optimistic? It was reminiscent of the first President Bush, who blurted out at a 1992 town hall, ‘Message: I care.’ Evidently those were his stage directions, not intended to be read out loud. But today, describing in your ‘message’ to voters is considered Churchillian.