On a weekend of violence after peaceful marches were denied permits, a prominent democracy activist offers his views, following his arrest on what supporters say are politically motivated charges

This is a by-invitation commentary in a series on “Hong Kong’s Future,” part of The Economist’s Open Future initiative, which aims to foster a global conversation across the ideological spectrum on vital issues. You can comment here or on Facebook and Twitter. More articles can be found at Economist.com/openfuture

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A wave of political persecution is underway in Hong Kong and our human rights and freedoms are on the brink of collapse. The world must not stay silent.

In the space of 30 hours, thugs have assaulted protest organisers and the police have conducted mass arrests of pro-democracy lawmakers and activists, including me. Our rights to protest have been shackled, as authorities banned a peaceful rally planned for August 31st.

At the same time, the government appears to be testing public reaction to the idea that it might invoke antiquated emergency laws. That would give the chief executive far-reaching powers to censor the press, conduct large-scale arrests and in effect put parts of the city under martial law—all without the help of the People’s Liberation Army. Meanwhile, Chinese troops and armoured vehicles are positioned near the Hong Kong border with the mainland, ready to roll into the territory "in ten minutes" in the words of the Chinese military. All these actions are intended to scare Hong Kongers into submission. But do the authorities really think that we will shut up and stay silent, or that we will come out and fight?

A wave of political persecution is underway in Hong Kong and our human rights and freedoms are on the brink of collapse

We roundly condemn this cynical campaign of fear and the ossified Soviet-era rhetoric that brands us as being “paid agents of foreign powers.” Day by day, authorities are edging closer to exercising their last resort.

But the people will continue to fight on, because this struggle is for the future of Hong Kong. We do not want to see a Hong Kong that enjoys freedoms on paper, but whose autonomous status conceals the workings of a totalitarian state beneath.

It is for our future that young people are prepared to pay the ultimate price in their fight. Many protesters—teenagers, some still in high school—now carry their "last will and testament" in their bags before heading to the frontlines of the demonstrations. Their bid for freedom is written with their blood. Some have committed suicide, been victims of police brutality, have been subject to savage and indiscriminate gang attacks.

Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam has alienated the youth by saying “they have no stake” in society. Rather, we turn the question back to her:

Who were the ones who did not give young people “a stake” in society?

Who barred young people, democratically elected candidates, from entering politics?

Who decided to ignore the will of the people and table the unpopular extradition bill in the first place?

The answer: an undemocratically selected government. The young, rather than being treated as future pillars of our society, have been denied any say when major decisions are made, though they will be the ones living with the consequences for longest.

The only way for stability to return is for Beijing to grant us free and fair elections in the city—one of the five demands made by the anti-extradition movement. They must present political reforms that include allowing us to choose our chief executive and to elect all members of our parliament, the Legislative Council. Universal suffrage was promised to Hong Kong under the “one country, two systems” principle that was established at the time of the 1997 handover.

The only way for stability to return is for Beijing to grant us free and fair elections

Our anger is not just against the extradition bill itself; it is directed all the more against the undemocratic government that continues to ignore the will of the people.

The international community can help the people of Hong Kong.

First, we ask that it put pressure on Beijing to withdraw the troops it has placed near Hong Kong’s borders. This sort of posturing by the Chinese paramilitary forces is a needless escalation of tensions.

China will reap a whirlwind of condemnation if it sends tanks into our city. This would throw into question its willingness to uphold its bilateral agreements. It could lead to America revoking Hong Kong’s special status under US law.

There are some Beijing-loyalists in the city who, out of blind deference to China’s authoritarian regime, support sending in troops to quash our movement. Apparently they are willing to risk the death of Asia’s finance centre.

Second, international leaders at the UN Security Council must make clear that the Chinese government should fully abide by the terms and spirit of the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984 that set the stage for the 1997 handover from British rule. We applaud the G7 leaders for backing our autonomy at such a trying time and ask that they continue to speak out.

Third, we ask everyone to back calls for the Hong Kong government to launch an independent inquiry into the police’s use of excessive force. We also call for an end to sales of crowd-control equipment to the Hong Kong police, who have shown in recent months a bloodthirsty penchant for violence in their policing tactics.

Finally, we urge politicians in America to support and pass the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act as soon as possible, to pay close attention to infringements of the “one country, two systems” principle and to impose sanctions on those who deny Hong Kongers their rights.

Our city finds itself in an uncomfortable place: on the front line between freedom and autocracy

I am not the face of Hong Kong’s protests this time. The anti-extradition movement is larger and much more organised than the Umbrella Movement in 2014.

The arrests will not stop our determination. We have before us many more long months of tears and suffering, as a looming purge threatens not just those who take to the streets, but also across all business, education, health-care and transport sectors of Hong Kong.

The entire city stands in a united front against the government, but every day Ms Lam’s administration fans the flames with threats. Her attempts at so-called dialogue convince nobody.

In any democracy, this level of resistance, over such a long period of time, would have finished the political career of a leader like Ms Lam. But because we do not live in a democracy yet, she can watch from her glass tower while battles rage outside, and her regime—under the directives of Beijing—continues to gobble up the children of Hong Kong.

Our city finds itself in an uncomfortable place: on the front line between freedom and autocracy. But our backs are against the wall and if we are cowed by fear now, there won’t be another chance to speak out. Beyond the barricades we long to see a Hong Kong free from tyranny and a puppet government.

We long to have a home where civil freedoms are respected, where our children will not be subject to mass surveillance, abuse of human rights, political censorship and mass incarceration. We stand with all the free peoples of the world and hope you stand with us in our quest for justice and freedom.

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Joshua Wong is the Secretary General of Demosisto. He was arrested on August 30th, and now released on bail, for his role in the ongoing pro-democracy demonstrations.

Other guest commentaries in the “Hong Kong’s Future” series include:

Regina Ip

Christine Loh

Fernando Cheung

Nathan Law Kwun-chung

Kevin Yam

Anson Chan