Since I wrote a piece for TVO.org on how halting trade won’t solve globalization’s problems, several people have asked me the same question: If the same forces of automation and globalization are affecting both the United Kingdom and Canada, why hasn’t Canada had its Brexit moment?

It’s a reasonable question. I would argue that in Ontario and Canada we are seeing Brexit-like backlashes to inequality and a loss of local control, but they are manifesting themselves in smaller and occasionally benign ways. Here are three examples.

British Columbia’s HST referendum

One of the most memorable Brexit moments for me came the day after the referendum. I was listening to BBC One and they were asking Leave voters if they had any regrets, particularly in light of global stock markets losing $2 trillion in value and what this might mean for the economy. One retired man in his late 50s laughed and said something to the effect of “I can’t afford to have any money in the markets. Why do I care if a bunch of rich snobs took a hit?”

I was instantly reminded of a point fellow economist Kevin Milligan likes to make. In British Columbia’s 2011 referendum to scrap the HST and return to the PST, voters were nearly three times more likely to believe the HST was better for the economy than the PST. However, they were also more likely to believe that the reverse was true for their family. Feeling forced to choose between their own prosperity and that of the province, most voters not surprisingly voted to eliminate the HST to, in their view, make their families better off. The lesson from both Brexit and the HST referendum is that if we are to have pro-growth policies, we need to ensure the benefits are widely distributed and there is no disconnect between economic growth and middle-class prosperity. These are themes of Milligan’s recent work.

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Paul Cheng for mayor of London, Ont.

In the 2014 mayoral election in London, Ont., a largely self-financed, little-known, globe-trotting oil industry consultant named Paul Cheng finished a strong second, leapfrogging over well-known candidates Roger Caranci and Joe Swan. Cheng’s campaign was marked by grandiose promises, such as putting overpasses at every rail crossing in the city and having a 100 per cent high school graduation rate ̶ an issue largely out of the control of any municipal government.

Although there was widespread recognition, even among many of his supporters, that Cheng’s promises were absurd, he was able to express the discontent and frustration experienced by many in the city. Cheng’s message was that there was a very strong old guard network in London whose members were prepared to do “anything and everything to preserve their turf at all costs.” That message resonated with people who felt (not unreasonably) that the city was declining economically and local leaders were either unable or unwilling to do anything about it.

Cheng’s campaign was about seizing control back from a callous and ineffectual elite, a message I have no doubt that future local candidates will emulate. The Cheng phenomenon is far from unique to London; Toronto residents may see some parallels with Rob Ford.

Leamington and ketchup patriotism

The fad has died down somewhat, but for a couple of months this year, “ketchup patriotism” was the topic of conversation at the dinner table and on talk radio. A Facebook post by Oakville’s Brian Fernandez on why he would be buying French’s ketchup rather than that from Heinz went viral, with loyalty to Canada cited as a prime reason.

“Since Heinz decided to pull the plug on its Canadian plant in Leamington, 740 jobs were lost,” Fernandez wrote. “Heinz decided to make its ketchup solely in the USA. Then, French's (known for its mustard) stepped in and decided to make ketchup. They also decided to use those same Leamington tomatoes from Canadian farmers. The result: A ketchup ... free of preservatives. Free of artificial flavours. Also, free of high fructose corn syrup!! We bought a bottle. Absolutely love it!! Bye. Bye. Heinz.”

Like many memes that go viral, the “Buy French’s” campaign was a combination of facts and misconceptions. National Post columnist Colby Cosh did a magnificent job of laying out some inconvenient facts and deconstructing some of the more absurd elements around ketchup patriotism. For example, French’s ketchup is ultimately bottled in Ohio, not Ontario.

Over-focusing on details, however, misses the broader context and fails to recognize why the idea connected with so many. Ontarians, particularly those living in manufacturing areas, are tired of the fates of their communities being decided in boardrooms thousands of miles away. They are desperate to find ways to bring prosperity and local control back to their communities.

Yes, buying a $4 bottle of French’s ketchup will not make much a difference in the grand scheme of things, but what is the alternative? What else can consumers do to support local manufacturing besides purchase locally manufactured products (or in the case of French’s ketchup, buy products with locally manufactured components)?

If Canadian governments at all levels are going to avoid Canadian versions of Brexit, they need to find ways to ensure that the benefits of the economic policies they implement are widely distributed and give citizens the tools they need to support local prosperity. But are they getting the message?

Mike Moffatt is an assistant professor with the business economics and public policy group at Western University’s Ivey Business School.