In The Arena Ukraine Can’t Survive On Its Own

Something extraordinary is happening in Ukraine. I just returned from a three-day trip there in my capacity as vice chair of the National Democratic Institute — an organization created by Congress to help developing countries build stronger democratic institutions — and I was truly inspired by the spirit I witnessed in a people who have been through so much turmoil in the past two years.

Since declaring its independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, Ukraine has struggled mightily with major challenges both in and outside the country. While corruption, poor political leadership and economic fragility significantly hampered domestic progress, Russian military intervention has caused enormous upheaval and even the loss of Crimea, long part of Ukraine, just last year.


Russia continues to provide significant military and economic assistance to pro-Russian separatists in Donetsk and Luhansk provinces along the eastern Ukrainian border. Yet thus far, the West has failed to meaningfully reciprocate. Ukrainian pleas to the European Union and the United States for significant military and economic assistance have largely been ignored. However, the poorly funded and outmanned Ukrainian military forces have surprised the international community with their success and demonstrated impressive resolve in containing Russian military efforts.

I met determined, courageous reformers in government, parliament and civil society who are starting to lay the foundations of a modern democracy. This would be difficult enough even if there were no conflict in the East and the economy was performing well. The regime of former President Viktor Yanukovych, which was toppled by a popular revolution in 2014, left a pitiful legacy. The people of Ukraine were left with hollowed-out institutions, a dysfunctional military and a society demoralized and impoverished by systemic corruption.

Yet almost miraculously, the Ukrainian people are coming together to rebuild their country from scratch. The latest research, sponsored by NDI, confirms what I heard from young leaders like Hanna Hopko, the new chair of the Foreign Relations Committee; Sergii Leshchenko, a member of the Petro Poroshenko Bloc; and Andriy Sadovyi, the mayor of Lviv. They emphasized that the same expectations and demands that underpinned the “Revolution of Dignity” in 2014 remain unifying demands in Ukraine today.

Overwhelmingly, they told me, the Ukrainian people are not willing to give up their right to determine their own future. Every leader with whom I spoke emphasized that they — and a clear majority of the country’s people — want to join the European Union. The meetings also confirm the results of NDI’s research about Russia: These young parliamentarians forcefully articulated what nearly 80 percent of their citizens regard as Russia’s highly negative influence on the country. Virtually all of the leaders in civil society with whom I met are impatient to see political parties respond to the needs of society as a whole and challenge — rather than protect — the interests of a small clique of oligarchs.

In large measure because of this new generation of leaders, elected just last October, entirely new parties have emerged. Against the odds, some important pieces of legislation have already been passed, including police and energy policy reform. Much more is now under consideration, although the key will be not only enactment but implementation.

So far, the five-party ruling coalition has largely managed to work together in the national interest — even though this dynamic has required tough decisions. The successes achieved to date would not have been possible without the emergence of a more energized and vigilant civil society. During my visit, I learned that, somewhat counterintuitively, the pressure Russia continues to put on the country has motivated the Ukrainian people to work together for change. They know there is no going back. There is little nostalgia for the Yanukovych era, even among those who voted for the opposition last year.

Volodymyr Groysman, the newly elected speaker, reminded me that the Ukrainian people are paying a huge price for daring to pursue the future they want. More than 170 soldiers have been killed, and more than 900 wounded, just since the so-called cease-fire was signed in February. Many people, he explained, are worse off economically than they were a year ago. Around 1.3 million have been internally displaced, more than 20 times the number in Georgia following Russia’s invasion in 2008.

In almost every conversation, Ukrainians argued that there are few places in the world where American assistance is more needed or more deserved and would have more impact. The United States provided more than a billion dollars to help Georgians during their time of need — money that had a great effect. Thus far, U.S. assistance to Ukraine has been a mere fraction of that.

What is needed is a comprehensive set of initiatives that would help Ukrainians address the wide range of humanitarian, economic, security and political challenges that they face.

There are five specific actions the United States could take that might actually mean the difference between success and failure at this critical time.

First, I believe President Barack Obama should visit Ukraine. While vitally important symbolically, as Ukrainians fight for and work at the construction of their democratic republic, it would be enormously catalytic in encouraging and strengthening the reform leadership both in government and civil society.

Second, the men and women in the Ukrainian military must be empowered to defend themselves. They have performed valiantly. Much like our own revolutionary forces two centuries ago, they continue to courageously defend their land and people against a determined foe in spite of being outnumbered and extremely underfunded. The United States simply cannot ignore their plea for help. Earlier this year, the Obama administration agreed to provide $75 million in nonlethal aid to Ukraine’s military in addition to several hundred Humvees. There have been calls by such reputable organizations as The Atlantic Council and the Brookings Institution to provide as much as $3 billion in lethal and nonlethal military assistance in order to give Ukraine “modern” defensive weapons to counter Russia’s “modern” offensive weapons.

Third, special emphasis should be placed on enabling Ukraine’s citizens to advocate effectively for the changes they want. Both the U.S. government and nongovernmental organizations can be enormously helpful in building political parties and governmental institutions capable of responding to those demands. Repeatedly, the leaders were very clear on one point. Because they have had such little experience with building a democratic republic, they need to be given guidance and far more assistance if they are going to do it right. That includes making their political and legislative process more transparent, creating a culture for respect for the rule of law, allowing more citizen participation and creating a legislative and executive infrastructure that provides for meaningful accountability.

Fourth, humanitarian assistance and economic support, including initiatives to augment the growth of small business and private enterprise, is essential. Ukraine has enormous economic potential. But reaching its goals for political and government reform is inextricably linked to developing that potential. It is heartening that Congress is now considering substantial aid to Ukraine for next year. The key will be to ensure that the assistance for military, democratic, humanitarian and economic purposes is dispersed quickly.

Finally, I was taken by something that I heard frequently. It is the victims — not the beneficiaries — of corruption who initiated Ukraine’s movement toward democracy and justice. For this reason, they told me, U.S. assistance should be conditional on progress toward a prescribed set of democratic goals, including the elimination of corruption, constitutional and political reforms and significant decentralization of governmental institutions.

There may be no place on the globe where the stakes for democracy and freedom are higher or more realizable than Ukraine. The United States shouldn’t let the opportunity pass.

Tom Daschle is founder and CEO of The Daschle Group and a former U.S. Senate majority leader.