Narendra Modi’s first hundred days in power may not have brought big bang economic reforms or sweeping social initiatives, but the shift in dynamics across political, bureaucratic and corporate circles has been huge. Except for the period of the Emergency four decades ago, which turned everything upside down, never have the customary power equations of Lutyens Delhi become so redundant.



1. The Bharatiya Janata Party

The biggest impact of Modi’s arrival at the seat of power has been on his own party. The Bharatiya Janata Party today is looking like a punctured balloon. This was one of the few remaining political outfits in the country that still routinely practiced internal debate. After Modi’s victory, the hush among the BJP leadership has been deafening. The party is under Modi’s thumb and is now feeling the pressure of Amit Shah’s palm as well. Apart from the overwhelming presence of these two leaders, no one is quite sure about the hierarchy in the party. Party members don’t know whom to approach for what, since everybody else seems so powerless. There is surprisingly little triumphalism or celebratory swagger among BJP leaders in the aftermath of such an astounding electoral victory.



2. The council of ministers

In the beginning there was some envy about those who got plum ministerial positions. But a few of them, such as power minister Piyush Goel, and environment and information minister Prakash Javdekar, were reported to have been ticked off like schoolboys. As a result, a ministerial post does not look so inviting anymore. Individual ministers have never before been so devoid of the powers to dispense favours. In the past, some politicians were able to wrangle such favours even if they were in opposition. The ministers are instead driven to work relentlessly from early in the morning to late in the night, driving teams of sleepless bureaucrats, some of whom appear to have more direct access to the prime minister’s office than their political superiors. The word out is that Big Brother is watching and any sign of laxity will not go unpunished.



3. Parliament

There also appears to a conscious decision by the new prime minister to bypass conventional parliamentary processes for policymaking. Standing committees were set up very late. Such is the apathy to parliament that even seat allotments to different parties in the new Lok Sabha are yet to begin. Clearly, Modi does not have much inclination for parliamentary debate and review to make policies.



4. The bureaucracy

Significant changes in the corridors of power are also evident. The bureaucracy, from top to bottom, is still struggling to cope with the drastic departure from the slow pace of government. Office hours are not only being imposed in terms of punctuality, but can also get extended indefinitely.



Two stories doing the rounds in bureaucratic circles are illustrative.



The first relates to a presentation to the prime minister by a power ministry team. This was scheduled late afternoon but got delayed to 8.30 in the evening. Half an hour after the presentation started, Modi had to suddenly leave for some urgent work. After waiting for a while, the power ministry team left for home, assuming that they would finish the presentation the next day. Much to their horror, they were woken up at 1.30 in the morning to be told that the prime minister had returned, asking what happened to the presentation. All of them had to troop back. By the time they had finished, it was three in the morning.



The second story underlines the difficulty in imposing office discipline on the bureaucracy, particularly at the middle and lower levels. It seems that in the Home Ministry, one of the largest, middle and lower level employees have found a novel way of following new punctuality rules. Many of them live in the far suburbs of Delhi and find it nearly impossible to finish their baths and breakfast before travelling several hours to reach office in the morning. So instead of coming late to office, they have started reaching office on time without bathing or eating, and then disappearing from their desks for a few hours to finish their personal routines at the office. Ultimately as a senior bureaucrat pointed out, the staff is still available for the same number of hours as when they used to come late.



Nevertheless, some senior bureaucrats in key economic ministries are very happy with the new prime minister’s style of functioning. Most of them are used to working for long hours, and appreciate that the person right at the top is personally interested in their work and is accessible. They are no longer at the beck and call of the minister. Most importantly, they do not have to accommodate corporate lobbying. A top bureaucrat of a sensitive economic ministry said that for the first time in his career, he faces virtually no interference from outside in framing policy and making decisions.



5. India Inc

The relationship between corporate groups and the Modi government in the first hundred days has belied fears, particularly of liberal-left opinion makers, that it would be a willing instrument for crony capitalists. So far this has not been the case. It has become increasingly clear that the country’s largest industrial magnate Mukesh Ambani, who was supposed to be one of the main moneybags to bankroll the Modi campaign, is not calling the shots. Even Gautam Adani, known to have been personally close to Modi when he was Gujarat chief minister, has not been patronised. Power minister Piyush Goel was said to have been pulled up for publicly hobnobbing with the industrialist whose power company was also slapped with a clear energy cess in the budget.



This is not to suggest that the new prime minister has turned his back on industrialists. He has had individual meetings with a number of them including Cyrus Mistry of the Tata group, Anil Agarwal of Vedanta and Anil Ambani, although mysteriously not the latter’s elder brother, Mukesh. The message so far has been clear. The new government was ready to consider all proposals as long as they fit into the regime’s scheme of things, but would not be manipulated through fear or inducement on specific projects or policies. Ever since the new government came to power, the vast army of corporate lobbyists in Lutyens Delhi have been sitting idle.



6. Sycophants and cheerleaders

Finally, the most striking difference between the Modi regime and previous ones, is the way the new prime minister has spurned a long queue of sycophants and cheerleaders who had expected to be rewarded for their services to the Modi campaign. Quite a few of them are in the media, or experts who are hoping to be accommodated in think tanks now that they have been overlooked for plum government posts. The impression, however, is that the prime minister is adamant about horses for courses, and will only elevate someone he feels will be able to do the job.



Those close to Modi have assiduously cultivated the image of a prime minister who has his party leaders by the scruff of its neck, the bureaucracy on tenterhooks and business magnates at an arms distance – “a tough guy who does not dance”.



It remains to be seen whether this is just a temporary ploy till Modi finds his feet, or if it will develop into a full-fledged style of governance for the long haul.



