Balancing rights and public health hasn’t been easy in theory or practice. Private companies such as Facebook haven’t figured out how to share data about what’s going on within their platforms in a way that helps us measure and understand the real-world effects of false speech. And even if we knew what thresholds for falsity or harassment we wanted, there remains reasonable skepticism about whether these private companies should be making the kinds of speech-limiting decisions that, when governments made them about protests in public squares, become fodder for the most debated decisions from the Supreme Court. And the First Amendment as a public “terms of service” is a very permissive one: Much more speech is restricted by the rules of Facebook and Twitter.

Figuring out what someone can say and others will see is no longer a mere “customer service” function of a social-network help desk, if ever it was. I join those legal academics who are intrigued by the possibilities of Facebook’s independent advisory board. A bunch of retired judges or other thoughtful people on that board can, perhaps, deliberate, show their reasoning, and thus convince even those who don’t agree with them that the process wasn’t rigged against them. It borrows from the design of a legal system, which, when it works, brings otherwise intractable conflicts to resolution and legitimacy, even though some people, even many people, will understandably be disappointed by any given decision that emerges from it. And for Facebook, it’s a way to say: Don’t blame us for that decision that you’re convinced came out wrong; the board did it.

Yet while an independent oversight board might help with the interpretation of content policies, the job of fact-checking questionable ads is, naturally, fact-specific. The 2020 campaign could see the placement of hundreds of thousands of distinct ad campaigns—far more than Facebook’s oversight board could handle either directly or on some kind of appeal. And there won’t be easy consensus—outside of those obviously deceptive vote-next-Wednesday messages—around what’s “demonstrably false.” That’s not a reason not to vet the ads, especially when the ability to adapt and target them in so many configurations makes it difficult for an opposing candidate or fact-checking third party to catch up to them and rebut them. Instead, we should be thinking as boldly as we can about process.

That brings us back to juries. For all that people might disparage them, and try to avoid serving on them, that small group of citizens has been designed to play a vital role in the high-stakes administration of justice, not as much because 12 randos have special expertise, but because they stand in for the rest of us: I might not agree with what they did, but I wasn’t there, and they heard the evidence, and next time it could be me asked to play their role.