“This is a battle of wills.” That’s how two Hong Kongers described the situation to me in the days leading up to July 27.

From June to July, they both showed up at protests pretty much every weekend, joining with hundreds of thousands if not more than a million people during the day, braving the heat to march a few kilometers. At night, they have donned black shirts and masks to blend into the darkness, standing among a group of strangers occupying streets, surrounding government buildings, confronting fully armed riot police.

These two friends had never regularly taken part in demonstrations in the past, their idea of activism similar to that of many people in Hong Kong – “peaceful, rational, and non-violent.”

This time, they have been hit by tear gas a few times, but have remained well behind the front lines, far removed from clashes with police or the triad gangster attack in Yuen Long on July 21. They have generally headed home before Hong Kong’s MTR system shuts down for the night at midnight, but remained on the scene as long as they can out of concern for the young protesters on the front lines who wore helmets, masks, and plastic wrap and armed themselves with water bottles and umbrellas to protect themselves from riot police.

They represent the faces of this movement: anonymous, middle-class citizens living stable lives, seeking justice out of their love for Hong Kong.

The anti-extradition bill movement has evolved into a campaign to safeguard Hong Kong that has drawn the participation of all of the city’s residents. (Source: GettyImages)

Like many, they never imagined a summer without time for a vacation, in which their souls were trapped within a three-kilometer stretch from Central to Sheung Wan, marching between the Central Government Offices, Hong Kong Police Headquarters, the Legislative Council, and China’s Hong Kong Liaison Office. Even those who did go on vacation to places full of beauty were still preoccupied and anxious, spending their time on Facebook or Hong Kong forum LIHKG and watching live streams of protests.

These two Hong Kongers also never imagined a summer in which they would acquire so much specialized knowledge inconceivable during the peaceful times of the past, learning about first aid, the law, privacy, protest gestures and even weapons, such as the difference between and potential harm of rubber bullets, bean-bag rounds and sponge rounds.

They also had to grapple with how to set to social messaging app Telegram so they could not be tracked, distinguish between hand signals for adhesive tape, cable ties and plastic wrap, and figure out what to do if protesters who suffered from depression and showed suicidal tendencies disappeared.

A Water-like Movement, Spreading throughout the City

In the 49 days from June 9 to July 27, a movement that began with a million people taking to the streets to oppose extremely unpopular amendments to Hong Kong’s extradition law has evolved into a campaign that has seeped like water into all corners of the city.

The process used to try to push through the amendments and the government’s reaction to the protests triggered long pent-up angst among Hong Kongers over the erosion of such core values as freedom and the rule of law, leading to sustained mainstream support for the resistance.

The movement’s lack of centralized leadership has also shaped it in a positive way. It has spawned a “no big stage” phenomenon that has enabled every participant to take part in a way they see fit and gravitate to roles through which they can do their utmost for Hong Kong, strengthening their feeling of ownership and belonging.

Because of these many factors, the movement continues to expand at many different levels with unprecedented energy.

The protests escalated to a new level on July 21 when demonstrators threw black ink on the emblem of China’s liaison office in Hong Kong. (Source: GettyImages)

Mainstream Hong Kong society has been peaceful and rational and generally frowned on violence during demonstrations (whether throwing water bottles at police or the destruction of public property). During the major demonstrations over the past 12 years, whenever people have engaged in such behavior, they have invariably been castigated by those at their side.

More recently, however, as trust in the Hong Kong government and acceptance of its authority have gradually eroded, mainstream society has been more accepting of protest tactics from different ends of the spectrum. During the current movement, even the people who have never been on the front lines are sympathetic to more radical protesters.

One can also see the geographical coverage of the movement inexorably expanding. Massive gatherings have been seen in the usual centers of dissent on Hong Kong island, in the area stretching from Victoria Park in Causeway Bay to Central and also along Harcourt Road in Admiralty, which was famously occupied during the Umbrella Movement protests [for universal suffrage] five years ago.

But in a movement distinguished by its decentralization, the rallies, marches and even clashes with police have spread to Wan Chai, Sheung Wan, and Sai Wan in Hong Kong, Tsim Sha Tsui and Mongkok in Kowloon and Sheung Shui, Sha Tin, Yuen Long and Lantau Island in the New Territories, flowing from streets to major malls, subway stations and Hong Kong’s airport.

The concept of the Lennon Wall – a mosaic wall created during the Umbrella Movement giving expression to people’s views – has been replicated in 18 areas, turning highly frequented transportation hubs, shopping centers, and residential communities into public spaces.

We see a movement that is extremely dispersed in form but extremely united at its core confronting a ruling authority that appears resolute in form but with an internal structure as fragile as dominos. As the movement has sustained its momentum, the tensions between the two sides have continued to escalate.

As the protests reach their 50th day, everybody, whether active in the movement or sitting on the sidelines, can sense the many threats and rumors (i.e. the People’s Liberation Army has entered Hong Kong) originating from China, the unleashing of a public opinion war, and the urgency of the statements of moderate groups, all suggesting that the movement may soon be reaching a climax.

What kind of a climax that will be, however, nobody knows.

What we do know is that just as a protest movement is not a script, its ending is not pre-determined. Looking back at the proceedings over the past seven weeks, how the two sides have shaken Hong Kong to its core and what those actions will leave behind for the future of Hong Kong will determine the direction in which the former British colony will go after the confrontation ends.

This article will offer one perspective, from the evolution of six protest slogans and five changes of strategies by the holders of power, to assess how Hong Kong has reached this point.

The protest slogans are as follows:

1. No Withdrawal, No Dispersion

If you don’t withdraw the extradition bill, we will not disperse. This has been the mainstream slogan encapsulating the entire movement. It emerged into prominence on June 16, when the second protest rally to draw more than 1 million people within a week was held. It focused attention on the announcement made by Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam at a press conference at 3 p.m. a day earlier that the process to amend the extradition bill would be “suspended.”

The first million-person march broke out on June 9 to protest the government’s efforts to amend the extradition bill, which people in Hong Kong feared would undermine the territory’s rule of law and allow China to further interfere in its affairs. The size of the rally was the biggest since Hong Kong was handed over to China, far exceeding the 500,000 people who took to the streets in 2003 to oppose the legislating of the anti-subversion Article 23 of Hong Kong’s Basic Law, which many feared would curtail freedom of speech.

The only bigger rally up to that point in Hong Kong came in 1989, when more than a million Hong Kongers gathered to support the student movement in Tiananmen Square that was brutally suppressed by Beijing authorities.

On the night of June 9, after a full day of agitation, a huge crowd remained gathered at the march’s end in the Central/Admiralty area and refused to disperse. The government responded with a very brief statement, saying essentially that it had taken note of the protest and that the “draft bill will resume its second reading at the Legislative Council on [June] 12.”

Immediately after that, riot police swung into action, using batons and pepper spray at close quarters to clear the streets of people peacefully gathered near the Legislative Council and young people who had yet to disperse.

The government’s almost dismissive reaction to the initial demonstrations and efforts to forcibly suppress them only further outraged the protesters. They came out again in huge numbers on June 12, occupying Admiralty the way the Umbrella Movement protesters had done five years ago.

But this time, the government decided it did not want the occupation of Hong Kong’s nerve center to continue, and at 3 p.m. the police unleashed an unprecedented show of force to disperse the crowd. Within two hours, it had shot off 150 rounds of tear gas, 20 bean-bag rounds and many rubber bullets, with one protester nearly losing his sight in one eye after being hit. This use of force was far stronger and more intensive than initial efforts to suppress the Umbrella Movement in 2014.

The police also moved quickly to label the peaceful protest of June 12 as a “riot” (though they later changed their tune) and searched hospitals to hunt down protesters. This hardline approach sent the situation spiraling out of control. An outraged public stepped up its demands, calling for an investigation into police abuse in addition to the withdrawal of the extradition bill legislation, further fueling the movement and making it less likely to wind down.

The Hong Kong government’s dismissive tone and suppression tactics have only angered protesters, leading to bigger and more strident demonstrations. (Photo by Ming-Tang Huang/CW)

On June 15, Lam tried to appease the public by announcing she would “suspend” consideration of the bill. But by that time, it was no longer June 9, and after the violence of June 12, Lam’s timing and choice of words could no longer stem the protest tide. That’s why the slogan “No Withdrawal, No Dispersal” continues to resonate to this day.

2. No Blood, No Injuries, No Arrests

No Divisions, No Betrayal, No Blame

This was the most important slogan in the first half of the movement and rose to prominence after the occupation of Admiralty on June 12 and the violent dispersal of the crowd.

On that day, people realized that the movement would continue on beyond the June 12 demonstration. But what would it morph into? Would it occupy ground, engage in civil disobedience, or go on the attack? Who would speak for it? At the time, nobody had any idea.

After June 12, countless numbers of people began discussing the issue online and in person, and the “no big stage” aspect of the movement started to take shape. Without leaders, how would participants unite? Without a central location, how would the movement gain cohesion? Everybody became aware of the problem, and without a leader telling them what to do, they all began finding their own solutions to the movement’s many challenges.

The parallel usage of these six slogans emerged through continuous discussion and adjustments by Hong Kongers.

The first three phrases – “No Blood, No Injuries, No Arrests” – are directed at protesters on the front lines. The three phrases do not show support or tolerance for the idea of “fighting bravely.” Instead, they exhort young people on the front lines, who lack direction because of the absence of central leadership, to take care of themselves and avoid being hit by police batons or rubber bullets, avoid resisting to the death and taking to fighting, avoid being arrested, and be prepared for the long haul.

The second group of three phrases is targeted at protesters who are not on the front lines. They may be present at a venue watching from afar or catching a live stream of an event at home. The slogans “No Divisions, No Betrayal, No Blame” urge followers to stay united with protesters on the front line, to not suspect that those around them are “moles” and report them, and not blame people on the front lines for being too aggressive.

The emergence of the six slogans originated in part because of the movement’s lack of a central command, meaning that all participants had to care for themselves and unify around each other’s most heartfelt demands. But they also reflect the painful lesson from the Umbrella Movement five years ago that saw Hong Kong’s civil society split apart. At the time, “localist” and democracy factions attacked each other, and groups preaching non-violence disavowed factions advocating violent resistance.

This slogan’s emergence and widespread use exemplified the fundamental spirit of the movement: don’t forcibly occupy an area, don’t seek out a fight and retreat when dispersed to save yourself for another day. The theme of unity is also strong, with protesters on the front lines urged not to chastise people pulling up the rear for not pulling their weight, and those in back urged not to blame those in front for pushing too hard. The message is that everybody should work together from whatever position they have staked out, with demonstrators on the front lines representing the will of the movement and those behind them appealing for society’s support.

This unifying awakening that infused the movement in its early days has almost miraculously enabled the campaign to survive several traps and crises and remain cohesive and full of creativity.

On the night of July 26, a protest was held a Hong Kong International Airport at which a human Lennon Wall appeared, displaying the voices of Hong Kong’s people. (Source: GettyImages)

3. Brothers Climbing a Mountain, Each Doing their Best

Unlike the other slogans that have been chanted at protest venues, this saying has gained strong traction online since the June 12 demonstrations.

The previous “six noes” are typically directed at rally participants, while this phrase appeals to anybody who sympathizes with the protest movement. Without a central command, this slogan offers the theme of scaling a “mountain” as a common goal that brings all protesters together. This goal includes fulfilling the movement’s main appeals and the core values underlining those positions. “Brothers climbing a mountain, each doing their best” delivers the message that as long as there exists a general consensus, people simply have to give their best effort wherever they are, whether at protests or in their daily lives, on the job or in a social role. Exerting even small amounts of effort dedicated to the movement’s overriding value – safeguarding freedom – is enough to make a difference.

If the “six noes” succeeded in unifying protesters to the greatest possible degree at rally sites, the theme of brothers climbing the same mountain signified Hong Kongers bringing the movement into their daily lives, completely blurring its boundaries.

Decentralizing the campaign has turned every venue into a center of its own; without any one rallying point, every place is a rallying point. Making that possible have been countless ordinary people in their individual fields – medicine, firefighting, social work, academia, the law, financial services, sales & marketing, international affairs, translation, visual design, media, music and construction – all contributing whatever they can.

Only because of that have we been able to see in just 49 days the emergence of mass marches, “guerilla-style” occupations, millions of crowdfunding ads, a G20 campaign, creative endeavors large and small, spontaneous rescue teams, supply teams and psychological relief teams, and countless other activities systematically initiated by nameless faces that have shown creativity, efficiency and world-class execution. (Click to read part 2 of this essay: From “Be Water” to “Liberate Hong Kong” - The Evolution of the Protest Slogans)

Have you read?

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♦ For Hong Kong, No Turning Back

Translated by Luke Sabatier

Edited by Sharon Tseng