The return of fascism, from the alt-Right, to the expansion of white supremacist hate groups, to the upsurge in the KKK, to the rise of the more moderate, “alt-Lite” groups such as the Proud Boys is not a dress rehearsal. Nor are these groups purely an online, meme-driven phenomenon. These movements are like old ghosts coming back to haunt the body politic, they contain both standard features of fascist politics and they also have new ideas, new myths and new experimental approaches to expanding their power and following. We should avoid the liberal and mainstream conservative line that downplays their size in numbers and by extension dissuades radical leftist tactics to combating these groups. What the recent violence in Charlottesville showed was that these movements are emboldened and they have been justified by Trump in his refusal to condemn them.

In this essay, I want to situate the neo-fascist movements, specifically the alt-Right in an historical context that examines both the conditions that capitalism reaches wherein it begins to produce fascism, and also provide an account of the internal development and deployment of the alt-Right compared to prior fascist movements. The historical period in which fascism first arose, the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, provides an important point of reference for understanding the external societal conditions as well as the internal function of fascism. In The Birth of Fascist Ideology Zeev Sternhell notes two defining characteristics of what led to the fascism of the 1920’s and 1930’s in France and Italy: Firstly, there was a steady cultural revolution aimed at overthrowing liberalism in response to the failure of Marxist approaches to revolution which emphasized an economic revolution to the modes of production.

Secondly, and this is perhaps a distinctive feature of every fascist movement, these political movements of the early 20th century turned against Enlightenment metaphysics of materialism and science, replacing the reason of Marxist revolutionary thought and action with an emphasis on mobilizing followers around a romanticized myth. Sternhell argues that the myth that began early 20th century fascism was the event of the violent general strike as theorized by the reactionary socialist syndicalist Georges Sorel (1847 – 1922). This myth would eventually be modified to adhere to nationalist and biological racism with the rise of the Nazi’s, but the important functionalist point is that fascism requires the deployment of a myth to organize its followers.

Introduction

In what follows, I aim to develop the way in which the various neo-fascist movements of today are fashioning myths, or experimenting with myths of a vague impending crisis, what the arch-theorist of the new fascists, Aleksandr Dugin calls the “Great Event.” The obscure and foreboding Great Event is a coming catastrophe, or another name for the imminent dissolution of welfare state style capitalism, an event that holds profound cultural precarity as it will usher in a total disintegration of the long historical reign of white supremacy and cultural dominance which relied on a relative racial-based economic advantage for the Middle Class. But the alt-Right, as is common with fascist movements, does not frame the impending crisis in terms that resonate with labor, or with disaffected workers. Nor do they seek to mobilize followers around identification with work and labor struggles.

Like the fascist movements of the early 20th century, the alt-Right abandons worker identification and they abandon equating liberty or freedom with economics or even with the market. As Angela Nagle notes in her new book on the rise of the alt-Right, Kill All Normies, this is a movement that is theoretically speaking a parasite of leftist theorists such as Antonio Gramsci’s ideas of waging hegemonic assaults on the cultural basis of liberalism. Philosophers Harrison Fluss and Landon Frim have also analyzed the alt-Right’s obsession with the occult and conspiracy in a Jacobin article where they connect this obsession with the occult to a more long-standing irrationalism of fascism historically.[i] The anti-Enlightenment approach of the neo-fascists is most potent in the smaller movement known as Neoreaction. These analyses of the alt-Right have sought to sketch out what is at stake in the return to fascist forms of politics in our present political moment. But what has been neglected in these analyses of the alt-Right is the way they are fashioning a new myth to further their political project.

One of the most central theoretical concepts in the alt-Right lexicon is metapolitics, a term they pluck from Heidegger’s politics of being. It refers to a type of spiritual form of political identification that shifts the ground of ontological politics away from its tethering to political economy and towards a mythical plane of being. Metapolitics, as a concept has experienced a resurrection with leftist theorists Jacques Rancière and Alain Badiou both devoting texts to the concept. In Rancière’s conception, metapolitics begins with Karl Marx’s The German Ideology where politics is subtracted from the logic of bourgeois consensus and proletarian or plebeian subjects affirm maxims of equality. The alt-Right deploys an anti-equality based metapolitical strategy that seeks to shift the very ground of political identification towards a white supremacist identity-base. As we will explore in what follows, the metapolitics of the alt-Right today is based on an experiment in building a ground of identification that is attempting to both forge a new identity and resurrect an old glorious body in which this new identity can inhabit.

Fascism as a Myth-Building Project

In Georges Sorel’s most widely read text, Reflections on Violence, he develops a theory of revolution based on syndicalist worker collectives uniting around the form of the general strike. Sorel’s wider theory stepped back from the Marxist project of overturning capitalist modes of production and sought to forge a social revolution in a fundamentally different modality. Sorel and his movement of strategic praxis went on to influence the rise of Mussolini and other forms of nationalist-based fascism throughout Europe in the 1930’s and before. At the core of Sorel’s theoretical work was the idea that the Enlightenment-based theories of the human, specifically Marx’s scientific analysis of modern capitalism, namely the labor theory of value, must be replaced with an irrational and vitalist embrace of myth.[ii] It was the thought of Henri Bergson and his concept of duration that would prove most central to Sorel’s embrace of vitalism. Sorel read Bergson’s theory of duration along the lines of a mythical class-based theory – it was the proletariat who were able to enter into pure duration if they could overthrow the rationalist financial capitalist bourgeoisie Jewish banker class who rejected mythical duration. This strange theory of anti-Semitism is central to Sorel’s critique of the bourgeoisie.

But Sorel sought a break with the much wider rationalist and scientific project of early 20th century Marxism. It is essential that we understand the wider context of worker upheavals in the early 20th century and the continual failure that labor-based resistance produced before we understand how Sorel’s pessimistic position gained the type of following that it eventually did. Proletarian politics in the late 19th and early 20th century were centered on the strike, a phenomenon so prominent that in the year 1906 alone, a total of 406,000 strikes occurred across Europe and each strike lasted for an average of 22 days.[iii] These strikes ended in compromise and defeat

The repeating failure of the strike-form of agitation set off a cycle wherein the bourgeoisie and the capitalist class continually bought off the striking workers in order to return production to a state of normalcy, thus preventing a more transformative revolution in the modes of capitalist production. In this context, the project of revolutionary socialism was divided internally between those who argued for the party form and those that argued for a more social democratic compromise with the bourgeois class. Sorel staked out a completely different position. While Sorel remained a revolutionary socialist, he argued that key features of capitalism, namely private property, technology and production could no longer be overthrown. Since capitalism contained these unalterable features, the site of revolution was to be liberalism itself. The Marxist project failed to overthrow capitalism, Sorel argued, precisely because deploy reason and rationality to achieve its revolutionary ends. Sternhell writes:

Since it appeared the masses could not be activated by reason, since socialism persisted, one had to adapt a theory of socialism that would be adequate for the times and this theory would be based in the irrationalism of social myths.[iv]

Sorel never defined what he meant by myth but he desperately sought to locate it within the primary feature of proletarian politics of the time: the strike. Where Marxist thought put forth a utopian vision of a society beyond capitalism, Sorel put forth a theory of revolution in the act of a violent strike, a destructive act aimed at overthrowing the liberal class. This violent event would come about by channeling the “sentiments, images and myths[v]” of proletariat struggles. This vision of revolution was deeply pessimistic and the desired outcome was a revolution in morals that would overthrow all the achievements of the Enlightenment and return the wider culture to something resembling early Christianity. As Sternhell notes, Sorel’s project can be reduced to a single mantra, “one must live out a legend instead of live out history.[vi]”

Sorelian fascism gave way to a vision of revolution that set its sights on overturning liberalism, a move that was completely anathema to the political economy approach of Marxist historical materialism. The agents of this overthrowing of decadent democracy and liberalism were to be the syndicalist factions scattered across France and Italy. The influence of Nietzsche’s critique of the decadence of 19th century Christianity is central to Sorel’s pessimistic theory of revolution in that it was the cultural decadence of liberalism, and not capitalist economic power, that was the primary enemy of the proletariat.

Sorel’s syndicalist project would go on to influence the rise of a nationalist socialism, wherein the nation came to replace the general strike as the myth necessary to facilitate revolution. The class struggle was thus converted away from economic class and racialized into an organic hierarchy. As we noted above Sternhell identifies reveals two features in the rise of fascism: Firstly, fascism begins as a cultural revolution in the face of a working class that fails to effectively overthrow capitalism. Secondly, fascism turns against Enlightenment metaphysics of materialism and science and seeks out a myth to organize the masses.

The Shadow: A Myth-Building Project

The alt-Right’s move away from a politics of reinforcing the autonomy of the free market and the economic sphere is a novel development in contemporary American politics on the right. Politics is recognized as something more fundamental, a spiritual politics tied to social being and identity. In Heidegger’s conception, metapolitics is a form of politics that seeks an ontological shift in identification towards politics as a specific type of becoming. The Heideggerian version of metapolitics championed by the alt-Right is molded into a spiritual sort of politics, which serves as the very ground of their turn to myth, to the obscure and to irrationality. Metapolitics is a type of politics of truth, wherein the effort of political action is to orientate subjects towards a different constitutive ontological sphere of the political. Metapolitics thus thinks in this topological mode as spaces where subjects negotiate their own political and public subjectivity. Metapolitics, as a form of ontological politics is more experimental than ordinary representative politics that consists of petitions, lobbying, protesting, etc.

A part of this re-fashioning of political subjectivity is a turn to the constitutive nature of the self. The psychoanalyst Carl Jung’s concept of the Shadow is an important point of influence on the alt-Right’s myth-building project. Jung’s concept of the Shadow is a source of myth that provides a platform for the alt-Right to imagine a counterpoint to the liberal subject. The project of realizing one’s Shadow opposite to liberalism holds the potential for opening the door to myth. Before his podcast Unconscious Cinema was taken down by Soundcloud for racist commentary, Alt-Right intellectual provocateur Richard Spencer analyzes Hollywood cinema based on Carl Jung’s theory of the “collective unconscious.” Jung’s theory of the unconscious provides a key to unlocking the hidden repression of white pride buried deep in the popular culture. The podcast contains very little substantive reflection and falls into a nonsensical racism that derides “Jewish” film directors such as Steven Spielberg for conning white America into an embrace of Jewish identity. But what is most central to the podcast is Spencer’s invocation of Jung’s collective unconscious.

Richard Spencer’s political slogan and the wider mantra of the alt-Right is “become who you are[vii]”—a phrase which sounds rather New Age for an otherwise blood and soil white supremacist movement. This mantra is grounded in an identity politics for white people, but it’s pitched as a “choose your own adventure” for disaffected white young men to become the outcast, to pierce through the liberal PC restrictions and become who you are. Becoming who you are is another name for becoming what Jung calls the Shadow. Unlike the New Age reading of Jung’s Shadow that sees the task as integrating the dark part of one’s self; the alt-Right embrace of the Shadow is more political and directly subversive. To become the Shadow is to become the villain, to go against the suppression of white identity. Jung saw his practice of therapy to be one in which,

Patients are to be reconciled with themselves, that is, to reintegrate in their personality those very parts which they neglected to develop, and which are as if alienated in Images, where they lead a dangerously autonomous life.[viii]

Obscurity and Violence: The Resurrection of the Body

The philosopher Alain Badiou provides a definition of fascism that helps us understand the way in which myth becomes a central feature of fascism. In Badiou’s thought, fascism is contrasted to reactionary politics, or the ‘reactive subject.’ In reactionary politics, subjects actively deny any novelty in the field of politics, i.e. revolutionary potential is extinguished and replaced with the present order of things. A fascist politics, on the other hand, what Badiou names the “obscure subject” turns from both the present order and any potential emergence of egalitarianism or justice within it and locates political truth in a prior historical time. The obscure subject identifies with an old transcendent body located in a prior mode of political action, an already saturated and long since defeated body.

The obscure subject therefore seeks a resurrection of a mythical body long-since dead to the present. Badiou’s theory of the obscure subject offers a different take on the thesis that fascism is inextricably tied to the deployment of irrational and constant violence. If, as Wilhelm Reich notes in The Mass Psychology of Fascism, twentieth century fascism deployed violence as a libidinal acting out of repressed desire, alt-Right fascism seeps with pre-violence as a consequence of its inability to resurrect the old glorious body. An obscure politics is thus a politics that seeps with violence as an outcome of the impossibility it finds in resurrecting the already defeated glorious body.

It is a politics that transposes the conflict over the failure to resurrect the old body into a vitalist conflict within the cage of the present body. Obscure politics thus make the libidinal forces within the present body tortured and fraught with impossibility, leaving nothing left but the fantasy of lashing out in violent rage. Violence emanates in all directions as an after-effect of a subjectivity trapped within the finitude of the body and failing to forge a link to the prior mythical body it seeks to resurrect. This is the core reason why the obscure subject is obscure: they side with the old mythical body over any truth that may occur in the present situation. The street battles between the alt-Right and ANTIFA since Trump’s inauguration, which reached a crescendo in Charlottesville, where a young alt-Right supporter murdered a protestor with his car, are clear signs of this immanent violence.

The symbolism of the failed attempt to resurrect the old body is pertinent for Charlottesville in that the Robert E. Lee statue in Charlottesville, VA. The protests at Lee’s statue were led by chants: “you will not erase us!”—Translated as: you will not erase that which has already been erased. Obscure subjects harken back to a body that has already come and gone; from a time that has already been extinguished. The obscurity of the alt-Right is located in what type of subject they imagine, in this case a subject that is deeply embedded in a longing for the myth of the glorious confederate subject.

What the obscure subject seeks out is ultimately incorporation with the dead body within the self (the Shadow) and a wider politics that can resurrect the suppressed old body at the collective level. One approach is subjective while the other is collective. The dialectic of obscure politics thus attempts a synthesis between these two bodies: the old dead confederate father of the horde with the suppressed white masculinity of the neoliberal present. Next to the alt-Right, the other paramount obscure subject in today’s political field is ISIS. ISIS, like the alt-Right seek to elevate the transcendent body of the perfect community, the Rashiddun and they attempt to force this body into literal existence. But the failure of this body to live in the present produces the most irrational violence.

In Badiou’s Platonist and materialist conception of truth, subjects construct a truth by nominating and experimenting with something that was formerly impossible to bring about. Using the example of Spartacus’ slave rebellion, Badiou argues that Spartacus’ slave revolt located a new name of equality for the slaves who were barred from having an identity other than slave. The event of Spartacus’ slave rebellion thus has an identity-based significance, as the novelty of Spartacus’ declaration what that he named himself Spartacus; a naming that had never been given proper social existence for the class of slaves were held as the property of their owners. Spartacus thus opened a mode by which a new form of equality can be realized by the slave class.

The obscure subject denies any politics of the new and of equality, but not only do they reject the newness of a political truth in a given situation—the obscure subject opts for the resurrection of the transcendent body above all else. In Badiou’s formula, the concept of a body is a figure of collective social existence that gives support to a “truth procedure.” In contrast to the reactionary and obscure subjects, the privileged “militant subject” in contrast to the obscure subject enters into a different process of becoming; they accept and build a new truth. Where the militant subject patiently follows the traces of the event, the obscure subjects renders the traces of the event silent.[ix]

The obscure subject produces a politics of inevitable and repeating failure. This failure resides in the incapacity of the existence of the glorious body to fill a contemporary truth. This failure results then leads to a dynamic of constant ethno-nationalist violence, where white identity politics engages in turf wars and street fights with anti-fascist movements and racial justice groups. Despite the alt-Right’s political aspirations and consciousness raising goals, their main strategy of identity promotion is a blatant strategic imitation of socialist emancipatory forms of identity politics started by black power movements and black feminist movements in the 1960’s and 70’s.[x] Identity politics is not the only imitation at play here, for the alt-Right also sees itself as punk. What they can’t see coming is that the shadow rebel they try to integrate is integrated but this integration is on the terms of capital. In the world of capital, the old body remains dead. The villain only plays the villain, he never becomes one.

Generational Conflict and the Great Event

Although he is now outside the White House, the former Chief Strategist to Trump, Steve Bannon’s apocalyptic vision and flirtation with obscure fascist thinkers such as the esotericist Julius Evola, a prominent figure in the rise of Italian fascism, have been noted in a number of profiles and articles. Bannon’s Bible for thinking the future of American politics is found in a work of amateur historical research called The Fourth Turning. There has been much discussion and a number of think pieces on how Bannon sees the world based on the model of this book.[xi] Many of these pieces have noted Bannon’s invoking of The Fourth Turning as a central way to understand his dire view of American politics in decline. This book has captured the attention of the private sector and is a favorite of countless marketing mavens, consultants and American politicians for the past 30 years. Al Gore distributed The Fourth Turning to his staff as a Senator and Bannon’s documentary Generation Zero relies heavily on The Fourth Turning model to frame the post-2008 economic meltdown.

In this highly idiosyncratic interpretation of American history, two amateur historians William Strauss and Neil Howe argue that the driving force of history is the conflict and negotiation over values between younger and older generations. The Fourth Turning relies on a mystical theory of what propels history and events. The hidden figure in the text is Jung and his theory of the Archetype and the Shadow. While Jung’s ideas are cited only briefly in the text[xii] they account for the backbone of what makes any given generation congeal around a common and collective archetypal personality. This reliance on Jung’s idea of the Archetype and the Shadow is different than Spencer’s idea that one must become the repressed shadow.

Strauss and Howe argue that generations act as shadows to one another; which means that if the Baby Boomers properly gauge the collective personality of the Millennials they can effectively intervene and shape the direction the Millennial archetype becomes. Every generation forms a collective archetype according to the organic laws of what they call the wider Saecelum. A Saecelum is an 80-year life cycle—the life of a single individual—wherein every 20 years a new collective generation emerges unfolding in a predictable and pre-ordained sequence each time. Beginning with the founding Prophet generation that lays down the values and institutions, to the Nomad, the Artist and Hero. The Hero emerges as the most pivotal generation in this sequence because they are the ones who are faced with taking up the end-point of the saeculum; they must bear the load of creating new institutions and surviving the crisis.

The Millennial saeculum from the post World War II period to the present is what they name the “Millennial Saecelum” which was founded during the Golden Age of the G.I. generation, the Prophets who laid the foundations for a time of unprecedented global capitalist expansion and U.S. hegemony. Every Saecelum is founded by an institutions-founding event or an “awakening” that sets the new Saecelum in a distinctive values-based and spiritual direction.[xiii] But every saeculum ends and they predict rather grimly that the Millennial Saecelum will end in roughly the year 2025.

For the past 40 years, the Millennial Saeculum has entered a period of “unraveling” where the institutional and social fabric has entered a tailspin, but this crisis period is not analyzed in relation to capitalism or the economic sphere. While they acknowledge in many ways that Reaganism brought about the unraveling that propelled the generations into a period of “Culture Wars,” they understand crisis as a conflict over different value registers of the generations and not the material circumstances of the situation. In the Strauss and Howe fantasy of history, the cycles of capitalism can always be reigned in by heroic generations. As long as they breed great men, a generation can withstand any storm.

Our present period is one of unraveling where new values emerge and grow under the surface—a transition towards “shorter days and longer nights.” Bannon’s Generation Zero documentary argues that the economic crisis of 2008 propelled us into the final stage of the Millennial Saeculum before the Great Event. By 2017, the Millennial Saeculum is like a big Frankenstein body bumbling down the road to the Great Event.

Strauss and Howe’s concept of the Great Event is based in the Stoic concept of ekpyrosis, a natural cyclical idea that every so often the destruction of the cosmos re-starts natural life in a new direction. The strategic value of their book is thus twofold: they have provided a framework for reading our own time and the news is bad: it’s all coming to an end. But there is a solution available: the Millennial generation must be shaped and molded to forge ahead in the face of crisis

The hero archetype is made, not born, and the making begins in childhood at the hands of parents gripped with spiritual confidence and secular anxiety.[xiv]

Their elders must give Hero generations such as the Millennials in order to prepare them for the period of crisis and the eventual Great Event. Yet Strauss and Howe argue that the impulse of Baby Boomers to shape Millennials as if they were putty is based in feelings of atonement from past childhood neglect they received from their Silent or G.I. parents. Before the Great Event, Strauss and Howe note, “graying Boomers will see in Millennials a powerful tool for realizing their values and visions deep into the twenty-first century.[xv]” Before the Great Event that ends the saeculum Strauss and Howe evoke a dark figure of redemption that emerges to accelerate the Great Event, from John Brown stoking the Civil War to Samuel Langdon stoking the American Revolutionary War—one gets the impression that Bannon sees himself as a Gray Champion to the Millennial Saeculum.

Mysticism and the Great Event

As we saw with Sorel’s mystical theory of the violent event of the general strike, a common feature of fascism is the tendency to locate a mystical event that brings with it the potential to overthrow the existing order. Moving beyond America, another important thought leader in the new constellation of fascist thinking today is Aleksandr Dugin. Like other alt-Right intellectuals, he’s taken as a bit of a joke by the mainstream culture in Russia. His thought is eclectic, combining fascist, Marxist and Orthodox mystical Christianity together, Dugin argues that our time is one in which tradition is being embraced and a coming apocalyptic event is imminent. In his most widely read book, The Fourth Political Theory he advocates a return to “Traditionalism” in recognition that our era is one of transition where people cling to identity. Embrace of identity is a necessary, but temporary stage before the collapse of the global system. Dugin’s embrace of tradition and of a return to identity-based politics is not an embrace based on any intrinsic value of identity as Spencer argues, it is rather of strategic common sense given the return to traditionalism during the present crisis.

Similar to Sorelian syndicalism of the early twentieth century, Dugin imagines the enemy to be liberalism and not capitalism. It is the perverted direction that liberalism has taken after its turn to identity politics and multiculturalism that is the primary enemy in the political field.[xvi] Spencer and the American alt-Right take Dugin’s critique of liberalism further by developing a strategy to purify liberalism and return it to its Greco-Roman white supremacist origins; i.e. the cultural strategy (outlined above). For Dugin, the world is approaching a point where politics must pivot towards the ontological sphere, as such; politics must develop a new ideological orientation towards chaos and destruction, to participate in what Dugin names a chasmotic form of political becoming. From the immanent destruction of the liberal order, a mystical Event will take place that ushers humanity towards a new relation to being—the time in-between this Event is one of learning to live with chaos.

Conclusion:

The Sorelian signs of fascism include a cultural revolution against a decadent and decaying liberal order and an embrace of anti-Enlightenment materialism. Both of these features are apparent in today’s neo-fascist movements. But aside from the myth of the Great Event that is championed by some key theorists, they lack a myth which functions to galvanize a wide swath of followers. The metapolitical experiments of the alt-Right should be read as attempts to develop a new ground of meaning for political subjectivity. This deeply experimental, shifting ground is one in which a myth can emerge to form a praxis of political action and mobilization. We should not neglect the role of myth in radical leftist opposition to the alt-Right and the wider fascist movements. There is something of a myth in every political movement. The Black Bloc contains an aesthetic myth of anonymity and radical physical solidarity in their stealth formation. But there is a dangerous impulse in forging a political theory and praxis upon a vitalist politics of the body and anti-materialism.

We must reject the violent evental metapolitics of The Fourth Turning (Bannon) and The Fourth Political Theory (Dugin) as they are premised on a destructive decisional ethics that pushes humanity towards obscure catastrophe. The strategy of “No Platforming” is a solid objective in fighting neo-fascists precisely because we know the power that mythical politics can produce and they must be denied the ground by which to deploy mythical politics. It is only through a revitalization of a strong leftwing movement that the alt-Right Cultural Revolution can be brought to a halt.

[i] Fluss, Harrison and Frim, Landon Aliens, Antisemitism, and Academia Jacobin March, 2017 https://www.jacobinmag.com/2017/03/jason-reza-jorjani-stony-brook-alt-right-arktos-continental-philosophy-modernity-enlightenment/

[ii] Sternehll, The Birth of Fascist Ideology, Princeton University Press, 1994, 52.

[iii] Ibid, 52.

[iv] Ibid, 53

[v] Ibid, 48

[vi] Ibid,

[vii] Spencer, Richard “Become Who You Are” Radix Journal, 2013 http://www.radixjournal.com/podcast/podcast/2013/4/29/become-who-you-are

[viii] Jung, Carl The Shadow 34.

[ix] Badiou, Alain Logics of Worlds, Continuum 2009, New York. P.60

[x] For more on the history of identity politics and socialism, see Salar Mohandesi’s “Identity Crisis” Viewpoint Magazine https://www.viewpointmag.com/2017/03/16/identity-crisis/

[xi] Peters, Jeremy “Bannon’s Worldview: Dissecting the Message of ‘The Fourth Turning’” https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/08/us/politics/bannon-fourth-turning.html

[xii]

[xiii] Strauss and Howe The Fourth Turning, Broadway Books, 1996, 87.

[xiv] Ibid, 211

[xv] Ibid, 250

[xvi] See “The Errors in The Fourth Political Theory” http://www.radixjournal.com/journal/2015/1/20/the-errors-of-the-fourth-political-theory