Syria Direct 3.8.16 View this email in your browser March 8, 2016 Nusra deflects blame for protest suppression: ‘Mandate flag…sows division’ AMMAN: One day after masked men allegedly affiliated with Jabhat al-Nusra and Jund al-Aqsa dispersed a non-violent protest in Idlib city, citizen journalists in the eponymous northwestern province released a statement on Tuesday condemning the “demeaning” treatment of protestors. “Today those whose lenses the regime has failed to shutter—are being arrested and mistreated by those we thought were one with us and were here to defend us,” said the statement. The men reportedly responsible for breaking up the protest, smashing participants’ cameras and arresting 10 people were members of the Security Committee, made up of fighters from the Victory Army, Idlib province’s ruling rebel coalition, protester Abu Bara told Syria Direct on Monday. The protesters say they were demanding “freedom, the fall of the Assad regime and the unification of opposition factions,” said Abu Bara.

The sign reads "don't let the door hit you on the way out" at Monday's protest before the crackdown. Photo courtesy of Al-Marra Today. “When we started the protest, there were a number of masked men from the Victory Army’s Security Committee watching us,” said Abu Bara, adding that he confirmed the men’s affiliation based on their vehicles. Demonstrators say they were told not to march while holding up the “mandate flag.” “We’ll fire on you if anyone raises the mandate flag,” said one of the masked men according to Abu Bara. The so-called “mandate flag” was used by the Syrian Republic during the period of the French mandate from 1920–1946, the latter being the year of Syria’s independence. The flag remained Syria’s national symbol until Hafez al-Assad seized power in 1970. Since 2011, the flag has served as a symbol of the revolution against the government of Hafez al-Assad’s son Bashar, but is seen as a remnant of foreign influence by some Islamist groups. There were two kinds of flags carried at the protest, said a second protester who requested anonymity. “The first, and the most widespread, was a white flag with the words ‘No God but God, Mohamed is the Prophet of God,’” and the second was the mandate flag. When some protesters insisted on raising the disputed flag anyway, masked men began beating people and confiscating cameras, said the same protester. “They pulled one young guy into a café across from the clock tower square and started beating him until other protesters were able to pull him out,” he said. The masked men arrested 10 protesters and smashed five cameras and three camera phones throughout the dispersal, three protesters told Syria Direct. Once the mandate flags were gathered up and confiscated the men replaced them with black Jabhat al-Nusra flags, said the eyewitnesses. Despite the security personnel driving Victory Army vehicles, the men who dispersed the protest were acting specifically on behalf of Jabhat al-Nusra and Jund al-Aqsa, an official with Ahrar a-Sham, one of the largest fighting groups within the rebel coalition, told Syria Direct on Tuesday. “What happened Monday was not the result of a decision by the Security Committee to break up the protest,” said the Ahrar official, requesting anonymity. The crackdown was the result of “the actions of individual elements within Jabhat al-Nusra and Jund al-Aqsa,” he said, adding that “the other groups in the Victory Army bear no responsibility.” “Ahrar a-Sham completely denounces this behavior and calls on all factions involved to punish those fighters who participated [in the demonstration’s suppression] and hold them accountable" said Ahrar a-Sham in an official statement released Monday. Jabhat al-Nusra has not commented publicly but a member of the group in Idlib province, who requested anonymity, spoke with Syria Direct by social media on Tuesday. The Nusra member first denied that the protest had been dispersed at all, but then said that those who confiscated the flags and beat participants were other protesters “upset by the mandate flag.” Despite denying that Nusra had been involved in the incident, the fighter said that his group supported the removal of “fabricated flags” meant to “sow division.” “Only one person was arrested” he added, “the reason was that he was photographing women.” One of the protesters who spoke with Syria Direct Tuesday listed the names of four friends and colleagues arrested at the protest who are still being held in Jabhat al-Nusra and Jund al-Aqsa prisons. A popular Saudi preacher and Victory Army jurist, Abdullah al-Muheisani, told Ara News on Tuesday that the decision to disperse the protest was an “unfortunate mistake.” While the mandate flag does not represent “proper Islamic procedure” it should be permitted at anti-Assad protests, the judge said. But in this case, it wasn’t. And at least some of the protesters say the Victory Army is ultimately responsible for the behavior of its fighters, rogue or not. “The Victory Army must put an end to these infringements on people’s freedom,” said Abu Bara. “Otherwise Idlib will be ruled by gangs like Nusra and Aqsa.” Syrian Arab Army soldier: ‘I just want the war to end’ Six years ago, a 22-year-old Syrian studying law at university began his mandatory military service, expecting to spend a year and a half in the armed forces before returning to regular life. Today, Ali, not his real name, is 28, and still serving in the Syrian Arab Army, four years past the end of his mandatory service. Ali is one of several soldiers behind the “Demand to Discharge Group 102 from the Syrian Arab Army” Facebook page for servicemen who enlisted in 2010 remain so today. “We have the right to be discharged,” Ali, speaking under condition of anonymity, tells Syria Direct’s Muhammad al-Haj Ali. “We just want our voice and the voice of every soldier who has [served] for more than five or six years to be heard.” Formed in 2014, the Group 102 page and an accompanying Facebook group have a combined following of more than 13,000 users. (See Syria Direct’s previous coverage of the group here and here.) “Those who contact us are brothers in arms who pass along their complaints and concerns,” says Ali. Others come to the page “accusing us of treason,” he adds. For now, Ali and others like him remain trapped in military service. “My ambition used to be to finish studying law at the university, marry and build a family,” says Ali. “Now, I just want the war to end.” Q: Talk about the consequences of remaining on active duty in the Syrian army for the past four years of war? Our salaries only get us through half a month. There are married soldiers who have to pay rent, and it isn’t cheap. Abject poverty is the worst nightmare that we face. It’s also been impossible to continue our educations. Some of us enlisted before finishing our studies in the hope of serving and studying at the same time, but since the war broke out this has been impossible. We also spend long periods away from our families, and sometimes can’t contact them. Q: What motivated you to establish this page and group? First of all, the lack of a discharge except through bribes or connections. There are scores of military-aged young men who delay [their service] and have been given permission to travel. Why? Isn’t this their homeland as well, or is it only ours? Did you know that some salaries in the army, and mine is one of them, are no more than SP25,000 (approx. $132) a month? In comparison, the National Defense [militias] and other [groups working alongside the Syrian Arab Army] receive SP50,000 (approx. $265) and above. They also get leave every month or so, and serve near their homes while we get five days of leave every six months. We founded this page for a number of reasons, but not from a lack of love for the homeland and its defense. Isn’t six years of service enough? Q: What type of reforms are you requesting from the president and government officials regarding the conditions of those serving in the Syrian military? In order to ensure the equal distribution of national duties, it is every soldier’s right, whether in the reserves or active duty, to know that there is a specified, pre-determined term of service. The 102nd is entering its sixth year of service, while at the same time there are families with five sons, none of whom are in the military. We have the right to be discharged. Our second request is that legislation be passed to strengthen the military judicial system and provide soldiers with basic protection against infringements on their rights. Finally, and most importantly, there is the issue of living conditions and salaries. If you were to compare between us [soldiers] and any government employee in terms of the hours and nature of the work, you would see a huge difference. Why are service members given worse salaries than others in the public sector? Why aren’t soldiers in the army paid the minimum [needed] for the current cost of living? Q: Your Facebook page has a wide following. Do you believe that your requests have reached the pertinent authorities? I’m sorry that this is the answer, but our requests are falling on deaf ears, which in a sense has led to the marginalization of the Syrian army. This matter affects the entire country, not just soldiers. The Syrian army is the sole guarantor of Syria’s security and sovereignty. We are not criticizing any organization working alongside the army [such as volunteer militias such as the National Defense Forces, Self-Defense Divisions, et cetera]. However, the army is being denied the privileges of other organizations [whose members receive higher pay and are at least in theory free to stop fighting if they choose]. Q: Have any of your requests been implemented? Has anyone contacted you to coordinate about some of these problems? Recently daily rations were increased by 25 percent, a negligible amount. Before that, we were given a monthly bonus of SP10,000 (approx. $53), which is not enough to improve our situation because a soldier’s salary is no more than SP30,000 (approx. $160). Nobody [official] has contacted us at all. Those who contact us [on Facebook] are brothers in arms who pass along their complaints and concerns, or people accusing us of treason. You are the first media outlet to contact us. Q: Are you or the others who run the page afraid of backlash or problems in the future because of it? If so, why do you continue? Take a look at the posts on the page. We’re considered traitors because we’ve demanded to be discharged. Of course there is some anxiety, but we are trying to carry on while exposed to the utmost risk. Q: What are the main complaints that you have received from your colleagues serving in the Syrian army? The most difficult are humanitarian cases: the wounded, the missing. Cases have reached us of wounded soldiers being neglected and improperly cared for or forced to personally pay the costs of their treatment. Most of them aren’t able to cover the costs of treatment. Q: Are there soldiers on the fronts who run or contact the page? Yes, there are admins of the page who are both on and off the fronts. There are also other educated people who manage it when the directors don’t have time or when they are on the fronts. I can’t give any additional information about those who run the page. We just want our voice and the voice of every soldier who has [served] for more than five or six years to be heard. We want an official discharge, so that nobody will accuse us of treason. Q: President Bashar al-Assad issued a general amnesty for draft-dodgers that last month that gives those evading military service currently inside Syria 30 days to turn themselves in to avoid punishment, and anyone outside Syria 60 days. As you are well aware, the Syrian army is suffering from a personnel shortage and lack of enlistment. There are a number of reasons for this, but the most important is the sharp decline in the standard of living. There is little food, clothing or sleep. Shifts go on for days with few breaks. Not to mention the lack of demobilization and the extension of service and the other negative impacts of service. In peacetime, military service was morally and materially affordable. With the war, this is no longer the case. Every Syrian knows that. We view this [amnesty] decree as a gift from the president [that shows] his compassion. However, we ask that the president accompany it with necessary reforms to conscription and redress for those who have met the call of the homeland during this war. Those reforms are not up for discussion, as they are in the public interest before any personal interest. Q: Do you have a message for President Bashar al-Assad? First, our sincere condolences to the commander of the homeland for the passing of his mother. We say to him: We are Syrians, and we belong to Syria, but we have some requests and rights which are not up for discussion. We hope he would honor us by listening to them. We are with him and will fulfill our obligation, even if the state of the homeland does not allow for most of our rights to be met. Q: As for you personally, what do you think about the end of the war? What do you want to do afterwards? Do you have any particular dreams or ambitions? My ambition used to be to finish studying law at the university, marry and build a family. Now, I just want the war to end. My greatest aspiration right now is to be discharged. I can’t think about anything else, because once I’m discharged everything becomes clear: I’ll look for work and marry the one I love, who is waiting for me. Life in an encampment on the Turkish border: Two war widows tell their stories An estimated 3.2 million women and girls are among the 6.6 million internally displaced inside Syria, according to a report in late 2015 by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. On International Women’s Day, Syria Direct’s Bahira al-Zarier spoke with two internally displaced women, both of whom reside in the Atma refugee camp in northern Idlib. They requested their last names not be published. The Atma camp comprises more than 50 sub-encampments scattered along the Syrian-Turkish border in the rebel-controlled Idlib countryside. The area serves as a temporary home for an estimtated 60,000 displaced Syrians. Rami Ayoub, director of one of the aid organizations working in Atma, described “immense” overcrowding, inadequate health services, lack of shelter and the spread of disease in the camp in an interview with Syria Direct last month. “With every day that passes I remember my children, my husband, my lost home and how my situation has changed,” says Fatima, 36-year-old schoolteacher from the east Homs countryside who lost her husband and three children to an airstrike in late 2014. Ghada, a 41-year-old widowed mother of five children who bakes and sells bread in the camp, still hopes for a better life for her children than her own. “I don’t know how to read or write and I don’t have a trade, she says. “I was adamant that my children go to the school in the camp.” Fatima, a 36-year-old schoolteacher, originally from Qaryatayn in the east Homs countryside I used to be married with three children. In late 2014, my husband and children were killed by bombardment in our east Homs town, while I escaped with light injuries. Later, when the Islamic State came I was forced to flee alongside most of the residents of Qaryatayn and came to the Atma camp, suffering a lot to get here. The situation in the camp, where I share a tent with an elderly widow, is bad in every way. There are no bathrooms or sanitation facilities, no electricity and a severe shortage of heating materials. Despite the bad circumstances in the camp after losing my husband and children, I have turned my tent into a place to teach the camp’s children to write. I’ve gone beyond my profession to provide love, tenderness and hope to these children in the place of my own children who I have lost. One year and three months have passed since I first found myself in the Atma camp. With every day that passes I remember my children, my husband, my lost home and how my situation has changed. All that has only increased my belief that the children I am teaching are the ones who will build Syria in the future. Ghada, 41-year-old widowed mother and breadwinner for five children, originally from Darat Izza in the western Aleppo countryside My husband died and my house was destroyed in the bombing of Darat Izza two years ago. I tried to enter Turkey, but the border was closed, so I headed with my children to Atma. I don’t know how to read or write and I don’t have a trade. I was adamant that my children go to the school in the camp, which is a group of tents. My children, the oldest of which is my 15-year-old son, are excelling in school. Having lost my house and my husband, I refuse to lose my children’s future. I have become both a mother and a father to them at the same time. I make and sell saj bread, which gives me an income, so I am not forced to wait for aid, of which there is very little if it comes at all. I will remain hopeful about returning to Syria without a war. A new approach to aid distribution: Vouchers provide shopping experience in Idlib An estimated 13.5 million people in Syria, including millions of children, are in need of humanitarian assistance, according to a February report by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. Last month, the non-profit Violet Organization for Aid and Development in rebel-held Idlib province opened the doors of its Beit al-Kheir (“Charitable House”). Founded in 2011, Violet is based in Turkey but provides humanitarian aid inside Syria. A total of 850 families in Idlib city received coupons with different point values. The vouchers can be redeemed at Beit al-Kheir, a distribution center resembling a department store, for non-food items such as clothes, bedding, cleaning and kitchen supplies. The House aims to “preserve the dignity of the beneficiaries,” Muhammad Haddad, the director of Violet’s Emergency Kit Program tells Syria Direct’s Sham Omeaa and Sama Mohammed, by giving them “the freedom to choose what they need.” “It’s better when they select the goods for themselves.” Q: How did you come up with this idea and what makes it different than other aid distribution projects? The Beit al-Kheir project has two primary goals. First we hope to preserve the dignity of the beneficiaries by giving them the sense that they are shopping while using the vouchers. Secondly the project offers the beneficiaries the freedom to choose what they need. Aid parcels provide beneficiaries with a set inventory of goods from which only a portion may be useful.

Beit al-Khair in Idlib City. Photo courtesy of Violet. Q: Were there complaints from residents or a feeling of humiliation when aid parcels or money was distributed? Even if the people did not complain, of course there would be grumbling about one’s turn or the crowding. We noticed that it’s better when they select the goods for themselves than when they come already packaged. Q: How many families does the project serve and how were they selected? In the first phase we selected 850 families whose primary breadwinner has died or is imprisoned. In the future we would like to open the project up to other families who are living in extreme poverty or are internally displaced. Q: What goods are available at the Beit al-Kheir? The Beit al-Kheir has clothes and shoes (both new and used) in addition to household items, bedding, kitchen and cleaning supplies as well as toys. A portion of the goods were donated from abroad while others were purchased locally.