The new "Super Congress", or "super-committee", of 12 lawmakers tasked with the enormity of putting the United States' fiscal house in order bears close scrutiny. Doubtless, these public servants are committed to finding solutions. Their many financial backers will be working equally hard to preserve their interests in the coming budget retrenchment.

The legalised system of quasi-bribery known as the American campaign finance system allows millions of dollars to flow from individuals and corporations to support federal candidates. Not a single member of Congress attains a coveted seat without the monetary support of key special interests. Those favours must be repaid – either in helpful legislation, or protection from taxation and other federal interference.

So, who owns the new Super Congress? With the nomination of the final three members of the 12-strong joint select committee on deficit reduction, the co-chairs will be Republican Representative Jeb Hensarling of Texas and Democratic Senator Patty Murray of Washington. Each has sterling credentials on the right and left, respectively. But this political yin-and-yang share something big in common: they have specific friends to look out for.

As a rule, Republicans tend to have strong corporate backing. Since 2009, Rep Hensarling has received at least $35,000 from the giant auditing firm KPMG, another $35,000 from UBS bank and $32,500 from Bank of America. No surprise, he's vice chairman of the House financial service committee. During the same timeframe, Democrat Patty Murray has enjoyed the support of the American Federation of Teachers ($30,000) and the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers ($20,000). She, too, has corporate friends: Washington-based Microsoft Corp has given her at least $21,000.

Another measure of influence is the revolving door used by former congressional staffers to become lobbyists. The high attrition rate of Capitol Hill workers to the influence-peddling industry is no accident. They are courted and handpicked because of their inside knowledge of Congress – and their good relationships with their former bosses. An added bonus: lobbyists tend to earn big money.

In this department, Jeb Hensarling's staff hasn't hit the revolving door (yet). But several key Murray staffers have made the transition: her former chief of staff, Rick Desimone, is now a lobbyist with McBee Consulting, representing shipbuilding, pharmaceutical interests and Washington State University. Her former senior legislative aide, Dale Learn, now lobbies for Gordon Thomas Honeywell Government Affairs, where he represents several local governments in the state of Washington.

You can see how it works. Over the years, Washington has evolved into a highly oiled special-interest machine, plying candidates with money, on one hand, and grooming insiders to help close the deal, on the other. So far, this ethically corrupt system has proven extraordinarily resistant to reform.

The rest of the Super Congress members also have their supporters to protect. For example, Democratic Senator John Kerry of Massachusetts has received at least $20,000 from defence contractor Raytheon Company since 2009; Republican Rep Fred Upton of Michigan has taken in at least $30,000 from the telephone giant Verizon.

And who will stand up for the public interest? Theoretically, all members of Congress should. But with all the players bought and paid for, it is also true that any final budget solution represents a party line battle of special interests.

Which is how the American debt problem grew so large in the first place.