We would like to make explicit some of the inferences that can be made from the information presented in the chart. First, we might mention that ES T J is the largest male category, and ES F J is the largest female category. Following Myers and Myers, we might call ES T J the 'typical' male type and ES F J the 'typical' female type. The word 'typical' here is meant only to designate a current statistical truth, and not to imply that these differences are inherent ones, biologically speaking, or in any other sense. Notice also that the only difference in 'preferences' between the two types that typify gender differences is a difference between the individual's preferred function, the so-called 'dominant' function. This is a very significant difference though, since it tells us that the statistically typical female uses for her dominant function the function that the typical male considers inferior, and vice versa. Since thinking is the 'inferior' function for the ES F J, individuals in this class are likely to have underdeveloped 'thinking' functions (since they do not prefer to use them as often). It is important to note, however, that we can infer from the chart that there are also females in the ES T J category, and it is likely that some of them will have difficulty in understanding why it is often suggested that 'females can't think'. There are also male ES F Js, for whom the feeling function is highly developed, their preferred mode of dealing with the world. From the information on the chart we can also see that the type with the largest number of members, both male and female, is the ES T J. And we can also discern a statistical bias in the population at large toward E, S, T, and J modes of experience when these factors are taken separately: 70% of the population is extraverted, 70 % prefers sensing over intuition, 54 % are Js, and although only 50% are T types, 70% of the males in the population are 'thinking' types. So although only 15% of the population are actually ES T Js, the ES T J is a member of four 'majority' groups (E,S,T,and J). In addition, other types with large concentrations of members 'cluster' closely around the ES T J: 46% of the population are either ES T Js or share 3 letters with ES T Js, whereas only 19% of the population are IN F Ps (the polar opposite category) or share 3 letters with IN F P. For this kind of phenomenon, in which these three attributes occur in one group - that is, when that group is 1) statistically most popular, 2) represents the intersection of four majorities, and 3) has other groups 'clustering' about it in the fashion described above - we would like to give the name 'Prototypical Type', as a helpful technical term. From the information on the chart, we may conclude that in our society the ES T J group is 'prototypical', in our specialized sense of the word. One could easily imagine a situation in which the types might be more evenly distributed, or if unevenly distributed in a particular society, distributed in such a way that no single types dominantes in such a way as to be 'prototypical' in the sense that we have defined it. The present imbalance in our society, manifest in a statistical domination of the ES T J, has its roots in deeply embedded historical biases in the West. Western society, for quite some time now, has been a predominantly extraverted (object-oriented - ie, attending to the 'hard' sciences), rational-empirical in approach, with an emphasis on materialism (commonly associated with a predominance of the 'sensing' function) and pragmatic 'doing' (associated with 'J') as opposed to 'being' (associated with 'P'). About this extraverted/rational-empirical/ pragmatic/materialist bias in the west there has been much discussion over the years. During this century the fields of history, philosophy, and psychology have been permeated by discussions of this topic too numerous to cite. In the contexts of such discussions, comparisons are often made with other cultures that are more introspectively oriented, relying on intuition, feeling, and a capacity to 'be' without feeling a need to 'do'. Jungian analyst Marie Louise Von Franz speaks of the 'active -masculine stance' and 'one-sidedly extraverted attitude toward life, with their corresponding values and ideals, [which have been] dominants in our society for quite a long time...' (1980 p. 87 ). Her colleague, James Hillman, speaks of 'our extraverted and masculine oriented culture with its collective repression of feeling' (Von Franz & Hillman, 1971, p. 147). And Myers and Myers refer to the 'domination of western civilization by the extravert viewpoint.' ( 1980, p. 54). Maslow cites a cultural bias toward doing ('J') as opposed to being ('P'). And the 'rational-empirical' model of science has repeatedly been critiqued by philosophers of science and psychologists, including Polanyi (1946, 1974, 1974), Kuhn (1962), and Maslow (1966). Herman and Korenich, gestalt-oriented organizational consultants put it this way: We who have been raised in Western culture and educational traditions have learned to depend on rationality, logic, and theorizing in our dealings with people and situations. As a result of this bias, we have developed magnificent processes for handling complex data in orderly ways. However, in our exclusive devotion to the logical, rational, and theoretical, we have cut ourselves off from a great deal by blocking out much of our access to intuition, inspiration and other noncognitive resources in our lives. Even when we do recognize emotions as legitimate aspects of organizational behavior, many of us treat our feelings and those of others only as data to be factored into our theories. And often, when we have avoided the uncomfortable and unfamiliar by taking refuge in our mind-formed theories and models, we have missed seeing and dealing with what is real. The case we are making here is that much can be gained by learning how to let go of your cognitive, intellectual processes from time to time ... In a number of Eastern religions and philosophies (e.g., Zen and Tao) and in some recent Western experimentation, we may learn that more is going on within each of us than can be grasped with our thinking minds alone. Other parts of our bodies and other ways of perceiving can and do produce marvelous clues to what life is about and the variety of ways there are for being in the world. (1977, p. 220) The E,S,T and J preferences not only dominate our culture, but the organizations within our society, as we shall see in the following section. SECTION TWO: The ES T J BIAS IN ORGANIZATIONS skip to

section three Denhardt, an organizational development theorist, in his work, In the Shadow of Organization , addresses the issue of psychological-type bias within contemporary organization. He refers to the basic assumptions regarding organization in the prevailing paradigm as 'the ethic of organization', and using Jungian terms imported from the Theory of Psychological Types, describes the situation as follows: Specifically, as the ethic of organization gives preference to decisions (1) on the basis of specific 'factual' data, and (2) in line with strict logical procedures, there is an obvious emphasis on two of the four [Jungian] functions: sensing and thinking. Moreover, the functions of intuition and feeling are neglected. This means, first of all, that persons of these latter psychological predispositions who find themselves in highly rationalized bureaucratic systems are located in situations which simply do not match their preferences. These individuals will consequently be subject to special pressures. Whitmont states the problem in this way: "In our present time and culture, environmental influence is primarily exerted in the direction of extroversion and of thinking and sensation. We quite often find that a distorted typological adaptation has been pressed into these molds. The type most likely to be injured in this respect -- victims of our current Western cultural bias -- are those of introverted feeling and intuition." But the injury is not exclusive to the less preferred types. The ethic of organization obviously favors a general shift toward the extremes of sensing and thinking -- toward the 'psychological type' of the machine, a perfect sensing-thinking combination. While those who are initially inclined toward these functions may find the process of adaptation easier, they too will be limited in their growth to the extent that they are prevented from developing a more complete or 'whole' personality. The ethic or organization, therefore, provides a significant impediment to the individual's effort to achieve wholeness. (Denhardt, 1981, p. 52) Myers and Myers provide further insight into the harm that can be caused by the prevailing psychological type bias in our society and in our organizations: The less frequent types find their infrequency an obstacle to their development. In the general population, there may be three extraverts to every introvert and three sensing types to every intuitive... Unless the introverts with intuition are stoutly skeptical of the mass assumption that a difference is an inferiority, their faith in their type will diminish. They will not trust and exercise their preferences, which, accordingly, will not be developed enough to be beneficial. These people are cheated out of the successful undertakings that would give them faith in their type. (Myers and Myers, 1993, p. 182) And organizations, as well as society at large, we might add, are cheated out of skilled practitioners of the underused functions! Under adverse social conditions such as the one described by Myers and Myers above, minority types may also react by - trying to change their type (resulting in a phenomenon Pederson (1993, p. 231) calls the 'turn-type)';

trying to 'pass' as another socially valued type.

type. simply leaving organizations or finding lifestyles that require minimal organizational involvement; or,

organizations or finding lifestyles that require minimal organizational involvement; or, accepting ill-suited roles in organizations and thereby risking a greater potential for failure than an individual might encounter in a role suited to his/her capacities and orientation. But the type-bias in organizations will not only affect the individuals in an organization, but the effectiveness and creativity of the organization itself, as Kroeger and Thuesen point out: [Successful organizations, can] become too 'one-handed'. For big corporations that's usually Sensing, Thinking, and Judging, which can lead to conservatism, rigidity, and an inability to cope with changing demands of the marketplace. (Kroeger and Thuesen, 1993, p. 189) Interestingly, there is even a greater concentration of ES T Js in organizations than in the population at large, with density of concentration increasing as one travels up the corporate ladder, as can be seen from the diagram below. SECTION THREE: THE UNEQUAL DISTRIBUTION OF ES T Js IN ORGANIZATIONS skip to

section four [From Kroeger and Theusen, 1993, pp. 393-397]: ES T J % EXECUTIVES 28 % UPPER MANAGEMENT 22.8 % MIDDLE MANAGEMENT 19 % ENTRY LEVEL 16 % GENERAL POPULATION 15 Why does the concentration of ESTJs nearly double as one travels up the corporate ladder? Well, a few explanations have been offered: ESTJs are better administrators;

The ESTJ has character traits that lead to domination; and,

Psychological type begets psychological type in organizations; It is often merely assumed that the higher concentration of ES T Js in administrative roles indicates a greater capacity as administrators, and not consider arguments to the contrary. In contrast, we shall deal with the latter hypotheses, each in turn, and show that an argument can be made that ES T Js may appear to be 'better administrators' because their organizations are basically ESTJ-friendly ones. A. The ES T J Has Character Traits That Lead to Domination Myers and Myers (1993) offers the following explanation of the dominance of the ESTJ type in society at large: Western civilization has inclined men toward thinking, women toward feeling, and both sexes toward extraversion and the judging attitude. The pressure of outer circumstances itself would seem to be toward sensing. Thus, anyone who came into the world as a clean slate would be likely to be marked ESTJ [the most popular male type] or ESFJ [the most popular female type] fairly promptly by the collective slate pencil, which may explain why there are so many ESTJs and ESFJs in the general population. Against this view, type theory would argue that readiness to accept and enforce conformity is an essential part of the inner disposition of ESTJs and ESFJs. Thus, the prevalence of these types could be a cause, not a result, of some of the more materialistic social pressures of our times. (p. 182) Also, In characterizing the traits of 'extraverted thinking types' (ES T Js and EN T Js), Myers and Myers (1993) mention one trait in particular which they believe to contribute significantly to the dominance of ES T J types in organizations - a predisposition toward making judgments and establishing rules of behavior to which others are expected to conform: Extraverted thinkers [ES T J and EN T J types] construct a code of rules embodying their basic judgment about the world. They aim to live by those rules, and consider that others should as well. Any change in their ways requires a conscious change in the rules. If their perception is not good enough to show them, from time to time, how their rules should be broadened, the code will be so narrow and rigid that it becomes a tyranny not only to the thinkers but also to those around them, especially to their families. Everything that conforms to the rules will be right; everything that violates them will be wrong; and everything not covered by them will be unimportant... The basic mistake here is the infliction of one's own judgment on other people. (p. 86) And: Extraverted thinkers [ES T J and EN T J types] use their thinking to run as much of the world as may be theirs to run. They are in their element whenever the outer situation needs to be organized, criticized, or regulated. Ordinarily they enjoy deciding what ought to be done and giving the appropriate orders to ensure that it will be done. They abhor confusion, inefficiency, half measures, anything that is aimless and ineffective. Often they are crisp disciplinarians, who know how to be tough when the situation calls for it. This might be called the standard executive type. (p. 85) B. Psychological Type Begets Psychological Type Kroeger and Thuesen (1993) suggest that ...'type begets type' at work. When you can control the kinds of people with whom you want to work, chances are you'll pick people who are more like you than different. In our experience the people around you will likely share three out of four letters with you. Hence typological diversity, though a noble goal, will probably not happen. There may be a balance in gender, a variety of cultures and races, but odds are that the typological preferences will be similar. (p. 190) Insofar as type begets type, there is the possibility that the dominance of one type can escalate, a kind of 'amplification' of type dominance occurring : the more ESTJs there are, the more likely NEW ESTJs will be invited and/or accommodated. Until, perhaps, the system breaks down from lack of compensatory skills (I,N,F,P related skills). Along these lines, Kroeger and Thuesen reminds us that - ... diversity fails to enliven an organization if any particular group dominates. It fails if position, status, learning opportunities, and rewards are rigged to flow to the dominant people and groups. (p. 241) Since, there is an even greater imbalance of type in the higher echelons of management than there is in the general population, as mentioned above, we would like to explore some of the consequences of that imbalance. SECTION FOUR: THE CONSEQUENCES OF A STATISTICAL IMBALANCE IN FAVOR OF ES T Js skip to

section five There is a predominance of TJ types over FP types in management. 'At the executive level upward of 90 percent are Thinking-Judgers', according to Kroeger and Thuesen (1993). As a result of all this we can predict three things about the typological makeup of the higher echelons of the workplace: As long as management is predominantly TJ, women are statistically destined to be in the minority; there are simply fewer T women in the population.

Most of the women achieving top-level positions will look typologically like their male counterparts. More than likely they will be TJs.

The few Feeling-Perceiving types who make it to the top typically do so for one of two reasons: simply to prove to themselves that they can do it or because they have a missionary zeal to change the organization. The FPs got there not because the system accepted them so much as their ability to play the TJ game. While at the top the idealists do have some impact, but as soon as they leave, their programs are often obliterated with the sweep of a pen (p. 191). In other words, as a consequence of type dominance, women will not be permitted to be represented proportionately to their frequency in the population at large as long as there is a bias in management toward certain psychological types [in this case a 'TJ' bias is being discussed, related to ES T J dominance]. We can also expect women who typologically 'fit' to be more successful in rising within an organization. Opposite types [in this case 'NFs'] even if they do rise to executive positions, do not have the power to make permanent changes in the organizations they lead. SECTION FIVE: A 'TJ' BIAS IN MANAGEMENT AFFECTS NOT ONLY WOMEN BUT ALSO IN F Ps AND OTHERS skip to

footnotes/reference If one compares the concentration of three types (the typical male group (ES T J), the typical female group (ES F J), and IN F Ps, (the group that is most extremely opposite to ES T Js), at various cross-sectional levels of organization, one finds that: ES T J ES F J IN F P % EXECUTIVE 28 0.9 0.4 % UPPER MANAGEMENT 22.8 0.16 0.6 % MIDDLE MANAGEMENT 19.9 2.8 1.4 % ENTRY LEVEL 16.8 8 5 % GENERAL POPULATION 15 14 4 [Information from Kroeger and Thuesen, 1993, p. 393-397] From the chart we can conclude that as terribly as women may suffer the consequences of a bias toward 'TJ' types (and against FP types), there are types that suffer a greater bias, amongst which is the IN F P. In addition we might recall that the IN F P not only suffers the 'TJ' bias, it shares none of the orientations with the predominant group in management, the ES T Js. It is, indeed, diametrically opposed - I instead of E, N instead of S, F instead of T and P instead of J). In fact, using Jungian parlance, such a polar opposite of a type could be called a 'shadow type'. Accordingly, we could say that the IN F P is the shadow type for the ES T J. Now, after a moment's reflection, it is clear that each of the 16 types could be said to have a 'shadow', but it is the misfortune of the IN F P to be the shadow type of the most popular and politically powerful type, the ES T J - a type who has least qualms about enforcing conformity, punishing non-conformity, and ignoring issues of 'social justice'. It is also an 'unfortunate' state of affairs for the IN F P because it is his 'shadow type', according to Jungian theory, on which the ES T J is most likely to 'project' all his fears and hatred. He will see the IN F P as evil incarnate. Myers and Myers (1993 p. 162) cite the contrast between ES T J and IN F P as being of the most extreme nature; and in his study of men, Pederson (1993) (a Jungian psychotherapist) recognizes that being an IN F P is: ... the most difficult type for a man to be. The INFP shares neither the extraversion (75 percent) nor the thinking dominance (65 to 70 percent) of the male group. Further, he does not share the sensation preference with 70 percent of the total population. Because the INFP's dominant function represents the inferior function (introverted feeling) of a major part of the population, someone who has that type as a dominant function is a potential shadow carrier for most other men. ... a good 75 percent of the population may think of him as at least 'a little strange'. (p. 168) If scapegoating is permitted in an organization (and we shall see later that scapegoating in various types of organization is not only permitted but an essential feature of organizational process), it is the IN F P who therefore stands the best chance of playing the role of scapegoat in the ES T J predominated organization. Incidentally, psychotherapists tend to be NF types, about which Pederson (1993) says: Because of the ST-NF opposition, there is also a natural shadow relationship between psychotherapists and the male population. The relational and communicational styles of these two groups is even likely to create a natural psychological opposition between them. Many therapists and counselors intuitively know this, but may not adequately account for it in their practice. (p. 195) A similar 'shadow' relationship may exist between organizational development consultants and their clients, according to Colman (1992). In a paper on this subject, in which he proposes a 'marriage between Jungian analysis and organizational consulting', he focuses his attention in particular on the phenomenon of 'scapegoating' in organizations, concluding that the consultant is particularly vulnerable to being scapegoated: I believe that all consultants who work in depth will inevitably be contaminated by the scapegoat/scapegoater archetype. No matter how carefully they work, and at what pace, they are outsiders who say the unsayable, who speak the truth. They shame those who know; they anger those who don't. They are like the proverbial messengers who bring bad news and are punished for it. Even if their work and information improves the situation, their presence is an embarrassment. Consultants will need to contain this group anger, usually at some personal and professional cost. (p. 110) It is the unenviable task of the consultant to assist the organization in directing its attention to the group's underlying conflicts without attracting the unconscious wrath of the organization upon him or herself and suffering the role of scapegoat. Organizations which can learn the capacity to uncover and face repressed conflicts without resorting to scapegoating are more healthy than those that are not. The unhealthy organization, accordingly, would be one in which there is a tendency to project the 'problem' which the group is not willing to consciously face on to identified individuals or types: The scapegoat holds the pain and suffering for the group, the pain and suffering which the group can no longer handle within its own boundaries but must project and expel from its midst. The scapegoating process must be swift and merciless; the humanity of the victim must be denied. Anything less would elicit sympathy and support and the possibility of more-explicit examination of the conflicts between member and member, subgroup and subgroup, which in this [kind of] organization would move quickly into ancient and modern blood feud. (Colman, 1992, p.105) According to Colman (1992), the most common reason for an organization to develop a dynamic of scapegoating is 'fear of confronting real and imagined difference in the collective'. If the challenge of diversity, he says, 'becomes great enough to threaten what is seen as the cohesion, unity, and, ultimately, the survival of the group, the group will defend itself by invoking the scapegoating process'. In addition, according to Colman, scapegoating is not just an interesting phenomenon which sometimes occurs in organizations, it is characteristic of organizations before they have attained a certain degree of 'maturity': An organization develops, much like a child, by fashioning a provisional identity that excludes and represses those parts which are troublesome and dystonic. Early in most organizations' lives, there is a need for a quality of cohesion that denies the complexity and confusion inherent in origin and task. Projection and repression is used in the service of furthering this cohesion: the price is exclusion of dissident elements and a loss of wholeness. In the individual, these excluded elements are coalesced and personified in what Jung called the shadow, that part of us that is deeply unacceptable to the ego. So, too, with organizations, whose excluded parts hold the creative and change-producing elements without which stagnation is all but inevitable. Like the adult who must reclaim and acknowledge these discarded and repressed parts in order to feel whole and real, the mature organization must also struggle to include what has been left out, pushed, denied, and ignored, in order to function at the highest level. Thus, from the point of view of the collective's as well as the individual's development, the shadow - individual and collective - must be acknowledged and reclaimed for the self to operate fully and transformatively. In depth consultation, then, as in analysis, I assume that the client's path of development will include confrontation with the scapegoated parts of the organization. This approach differs from most kinds of consultation in focusing attention on these excluded parts as a critical element in the general aim of exploring unconscious collective process. From this perspective, my central task as consultant is to define these scapegoated elements as well as the scapegoating process and give meaning to both as they manifest in the functions and goals of the organization. (1992 , p. 95-96) In order to be successful, the consultation process must turn conscious attention to the repressed group problems, by involving the group in a '... willingness to take responsibility for exploring the meanings of its collective shadow - its scapegoats and scapegoating processes'. (Colman, 1992, p.111) 12 Turning this around, we might ask, 'What type of organization would encourage 'shadow types' (minority types opposite from the types who prevail in the organization) to speak their 'truth'? What type of organization would facilitate, in this way, ease of access to information about repressed underlying conflicts within the organization?' To these questions we turn our attention in Part IV. Footnotes 1. This paper was presented at the First Annual Antioch University Management Faculty Conference, in October of 1994. back to text 12. Colman, 1992, (p. 11). Similarly, the successful introduction of a new paradigm into the field of organizational development would require that attention be turned toward the 'collective shadow' of the old paradigm, e.g., to its repressed unanswered questions, undervalued and underutilized 'functions', disregarded modes of experiencing the world, and associated underdeveloped skill areas. back to text References Bateson, Gregory (1972) Steps to An Ecology of the Mind: Collected Eassays in Anthropology, Psychiatry, Evolution ana Epistemology. San Francisco: Chandler. Colman, Arthur D. (1992) Depth Consultation. In M. Stein & J. Hollwitz (Eds.), Psyche at Work: Workplace Applications of Jungian Analytical Psychology, (pp. 92-117). Wilmette, Illinois: Chiron Publications. Denhardt, Robert B. (1981) In the Shadow of Organization. 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