ANGELA MERKEL may be the most powerful politician in Europe, but she has rarely shown much inclination for bold leadership. Both in domestic politics and, especially, during the euro crisis, the German chancellor’s style has been one of cautious incrementalism. She has eschewed sweeping visions, put off decisions whenever possible and usually reflected, rather than shaped, public opinion. The European Union has paid a heavy price for her small-bore instincts, not least because they made the euro-zone crisis deeper and more protracted than it needed to be.

Against that background, Mrs Merkel’s approach to Europe’s migrant crisis is remarkable. As throngs of Africans and Arabs turn Italian and Greek islands, and eastern European railway stations, into refugee camps (and are found dead in Austrian lorries), the chancellor has taken a brave stand. She has denounced xenophobes, signalled Germany’s readiness to take more Syrian refugees and set out a European solution to a politically explosive problem.

On August 31st Mrs Merkel issued a dramatic call to arms, warning that today’s refugee misery will have graver consequences for the future of the EU than the euro mess. “If Europe fails on the question of refugees,” she said, “it won’t be the Europe we wished for.” She is right. The EU was born after a devastating war, on a promise of solidarity with the persecuted and downtrodden. The biggest displacement of people since 1945 is a test of European values, and of the ability of member states to work together. The refugees from civil wars in Syria and Iraq clearly need help; and European countries can provide it only if they share the task.

That means a collective response. Unfortunately, whereas external border control is (for most EU members) a common problem, migration and asylum policies remain national. Refugees are supposed to seek asylum in the European country in which they first set foot, usually Italy or Greece. But these countries are overwhelmed and most refugees want to head north to Germany, Britain or Scandinavia. That is not difficult, thanks to the dismantling of passport controls at the EU’s internal borders (a system known as Schengen, encompassing 26 European countries, but not Britain).

How much room at the inn? An alternative look at Europe's refugee intake In some ways this disparity between the European and the national mirrors the tensions in the euro crisis, where the currency is joint but countries’ debts are individual. Now incomplete integration is tripping up migration policy, too. The difference is that this time Mrs Merkel is pushing hard for a proper European solution—a joint transfer system for refugees in which all Schengen members take part. Without such a system, borderless travel across the continent could become unsustainable and European integration will take a big step back.

Among Europe’s craven leaders

Few other European politicians have had the courage to make such a clear link between Europe’s values, its collective self-interest and bold action on refugees. David Cameron, Britain’s prime minister, nonchalantly cites an opt-out agreement with the EU as an excuse to restrict the number of refugees. Many eastern European politicians have resorted to xenophobia, refusing to welcome refugees for resettlement even as their citizens enjoy the benefits of borderless travel (see article). No doubt Mrs Merkel is driven, in part, by domestic concerns. Germany expects to register up to 800,000 asylum-seekers this year, far more than any other country in the EU, and voter disquiet is growing. But a desire to share the burden should not be mistaken for selfishness. In a crisis where Europe has little to be proud of, Mrs Merkel’s leadership is a shining exception.