At the same time, he and prominent House Republicans have been loudly assailing H.R. 1, cranking the fear-mongering demagogy to the max. Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy went so far as to star in an overwrought attack video. Mr. McCarthy asserts that the provision restoring voting rights to felons is not only “dangerous, it’s unconstitutional;” he goes on to say that under the optional matching-fund system, in which political donations up to $200 would be matched 6-to-1 with public funds, the Democrats would send your tax dollars to pay for campaigns; and he warns that the bill would facilitate voter fraud by providing for automatic voter registration, which would make it more difficult to strike ineligible voters from the rolls. “So future voters might be underage, dead or illegal immigrants, or maybe even registered one, two or three times!”

No, no and no. There is nothing unconstitutional or inherently dangerous about re-enfranchising former prisoners. The new matching-funds system would be financed through fines levied on companies caught violating federal law. And the Brennan Center for Justice has found that automatic voter registration, already working swimmingly in several states, increases registration rates and improves the accuracy of voting rolls.

H.R. 1 would put an end to at least some of the vile voter suppression practices that Republicans have embraced in recent years. Which goes to the heart of the party’s opposition.

Well before President Trump erupted on the scene, Republicans made the calculation that, with demographics trending against them, their best strategy was to make voting harder rather than easier, particularly for certain nonwhite segments of the electorate. Across the nation, they have pursued voter restriction tactics with vigor. Any effort to expand access to the ballot box sets off alarm bells within the party.

This leaves Republicans in the peculiar position of arguing that weeding out corruption, reducing the influence of special interests and protecting voting rights are inherently Democratic values.

The For the People Act is far from perfect. For Democrats, it is arguably a grand values statement more than a practical legislative blueprint. Not even its most fervent supporters expect it to go anywhere without considerable adjustment. But McConnell and Co. aren’t interested in debating or improving the package. They want it dead.

There should be nothing partisan about a push to make the American political system more accessible and accountable to the American people. The public is increasingly hungry for reform, thanks in part to the continuing outrages of President Trump. Mr. McConnell may turn out to be right that the issue will cause lawmakers pain in the coming elections — just not in the way he expects.