Bill Ingalls/NASA via Getty Images Space OPINION: The first duty of a Space Force is to protect space commerce The new space service needs to launch a peacetime offensive to protect and enable a space economy, writes a former leading Air Force space strategist.

A critical part of military planning is to study the commander’s intent, and make sure the plans measure up to the political goal. To date America has only expected its military space forces to build, launch and protect military satellites that provide 'force enhancement' to the Army, Air Force, Navy, and Marines -- such as weather, navigation, satellite communications, and missile warning. If the new U.S. Space Force assumes that its role is to just keep doing what it has always done -- only with greater budget and personnel autonomy — it will fail to meet the expectations of our military space leadership and policymakers.

Our nation is not taking the unprecedented step of setting up an independent space service just to provide better protection of our military satellites and improve space acquisition. That mission is too small to justify a separate service. Rather, the national leadership has an expansive view of America’s economic future in space. It is designing the service that will secure and enable an expanding multi-trillion-dollar economy in space and protect its commerce as the Navy protects commerce on the seas. The first duty of a space service is to protect space commerce.


Our nation views space as an independent instrument of national power. When our leadership talks of dominance, they have in mind securing a position of escalation dominance; it is about strategic posture, and showing resolve, not bellicose tactical use. Our nuclear arsenal ensures our security and peace through fear of retaliation. Their focus, “peace is our profession” is not about making war, but being ready to make war. Similarly, our Navy likewise relies on retaliation. Our Navy cannot possibly protect every U.S. flagged ship; adversaries the world over have the ability to sink any number of American ships and the Navy cannot prevent it. It is fear of what the Navy can do in response that keeps American ships and American citizens safe.

The “dominance” our national leadership asserts in space is not focused on achieving some ephemeral, tactical superiority in a crisis, but enduring primacy where America enjoys a logistical-industrial and maneuver advantage in Cis-Lunar space. Our nation seeks a position where the retaliatory costs we could impose ensure that any aggression or attempt at coercion is unwise. We seek a position of relative power where the potential costs of American wrath are sufficient to enable and guarantee freedom of trade in a rules-based order, and our nation’s ability to access the vast material and energy wealth of the inner solar system. The first campaign of the new space service is a peacetime military offensive to secure enduring positional and logistical advantage to protect and enable commerce in Cis-Lunar space.

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Our nation anticipates the need for a service that ensures safety of navigation; that protects (and rescues) American citizens and property when at risk. The new service must consider the roles and missions it will be expected to play as American spacefaring activities involve citizens in private spaceflight; as industries expand to mine the Moon and asteroids; and as these activities increase hazards due to increased traffic and debris.

Our nation desires to protect and preserve its homeland from space-transiting threats, whether natural or manmade. That national leadership takes seriously the threat of Near Earth Objects, and it expects the U.S. Space Force will take seriously the threat of asteroids and bolides. It expects the new space service will have an interest in space-based missile defense. It expects the service to maintain parity with military Chinese efforts to advance dual-use capabilities such as on-orbit power stations and power beaming. Investments in power, propulsion and safety of navigation will simultaneously advance military positional / logistical advantage and create technologies that expand the reach and safety of our industry.

Just as our nation transitioned from having a “brown water” (coastal) Navy to building a “blue water” (seagoing) Navy to become a global sea power, our nation is asking our space professionals to move beyond being a “brown water” space force concerned with Geostationary Orbit and below, and to become a “blue water” space force ranging the entirety of Cis-Lunar space and follow with the flag wherever U.S. commerce may roam.

Earlier this year, former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich visited Space Horizons and provided America’s premier military space strategists, the Schriever Scholars the following historical analog:

"The Trump-Pence commitment to dramatically more Americans in space creates a parallel to 19th century American history. In that parallel NASA encourages, facilitates and sometimes organizes the space equivalent of the wagon trains. It is NASA’s job to maximize the development of pioneers and colonizers. It is NASA’s job to help develop the new technologies and to encourage the commercial activities (including space tourism) which will make civilian space sustainable and expandable with minimum taxpayer support. The Space Force in a sense is parallel to the role of the United States cavalry in opening the West. Properly designed, the Space Force itself will be supporting US government actions that are mandated for an accepted societal purpose…As a provider of security and a rescue system (in this aspect the Space Force has a little of the Coast Guard’s functionality) the Space Force will accelerate the American evolution as a spacefaring nation. Part of the design of the Space Force has to be synergistic with and supportive of civilian activities, just as it is the U.S. Navy that, for most of the world, guarantees the freedom of the high seas.”

Trapped in a cocoon of supporting the Joint Force and hand-wringing about antisatellite weapons and acquisition problems, it may be tempting for today’s military space leaders to dismiss this analysis. Before they do, they might remember that already very senior civilians have “been departed” when they were tone deaf to understanding the strategic problem the administration is trying to solve. They can avoid a similar fate by re-reading the guidance they have been given and the statements by Congress and the administration.

They should perhaps read the analysis of the Chinese strategic threats animating military space reform. They should remember that Congress has put the full force of American law behind the claims of private industry to mine asteroids, and Rep Jim Bridenstine, now the NASA Administrator made clear the obligation of the US Government, “The U.S. government must establish a legal framework and be prepared to defend private and corporate rights and obligations all within keeping the Outer Space Treaty. And to enable freedom of action, the United States must have cis-lunar situational awareness, a cis-lunar presence, and eventually must be able to enforce the law through cis-lunar power projection.”

They should remember that the National Security Strategy prioritized economic space development and extending protection to commercial providers. They should consider that in the many speeches to the National Space Council and Space Policy Directives (on Moon, Commercial Regulation, Space Traffic Management, Space Force), economy and military are always mentioned together. Space commerce is not “somebody else’s job”—it is central to the raison d'etre of an independent space force.

They should consider that while the Secretary of Commerce speaks on a trillion-dollar space economy and turning the Moon into a gas station, the Secretary of the National Space Council speaks of “U.S. private sector must have confidence that it will be able to profit from capital investments made to develop and utilize in-situ resources, commercial infrastructure, and facilities in outer space” and that the NASA administrator speaks of Cis-Lunar power projection .

They should not underestimate the political influence and public appeal of the visions of our business magnates: the plans by Jeff Bezos to industrialize space to benefit planet Earth and Elon Musk’s plan to make our civilization multiplanetary. They should have eyes on the broader politically active space movement and the roadmaps and plans they advocate as a societal purpose.

It is time for military leaders to get on board with the national purpose and situate their talking points within the broader national conversation and strategy emerging from the National Space Council, Commerce, NASA and industry.

The stakes are significant. It is important that those who will become part of our new Space Force understand the mission our nation has in mind for them is not small. They must begin now to design the peacetime strategic offensive that will secure a second American century, and enable an environment of stability and liberty to ensure “this new ocean will be a sea of peace.”

Peter Garretson, a retired Air Force lieutenant colonel, is an independent strategy consultant who focuses on space and defense. He was previously the director of Air University’s Space Horizons Task Force.



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